Mallam Aminu Kano GCON


President-General of People's Redemption Party
In office 1978–1983
Preceded by	position established
Succeeded by	Khalifa Hassan Yusuf
Federal Commissioner for Health
In office 13 January 1972 – 1974
Preceded by	Josiah Okezie
Succeeded by	Emmanuel O. Abisoye
Federal Commissioner for Communications
In office 12 June 1967 – 13 January 1971
Preceded by	Raymond Njoku
Succeeded by	Joseph Tarka
Deputy Government Chief Whip
In office December 1959 – 30 December 1964
Member of Parliament in the House of Representatives
In office December 1959 – 30 December 1964
Preceded by	Maitama Sule
Succeeded by	Mahmud Dantata
Constituency	Kano East
President-General of Northern Elements Progressive Union
In office 1953–1966
Preceded by	Abba Maikwaru
Succeeded by	position abolished

Personal details
Born	Mohammed Aminu Yusufu 9 August 1920 Sudawa, Kano (now in Gwale, Kano State)
Died	17 April 1983(1983-04-17) (aged 62) Kano
Resting place	Mambayya House 12°0′54.342″N 8°30′20.4912″E / 12.01509500°N 8.505692000°E / 12.01509500; 8.505692000
Political party	People's Redemption Party
Other political affiliations	Northern Elements Progressive Union Northern People's Congress Northern Progressive Front
Spouses	Umma (m. 1939⁠–⁠1940) Hasia (m. 1940, divorced) Shatu (before 1983) Zahra (m. 1967; div. 1970) Asma'u (m. 1970)
Relations	Gyanawa (clan)
Alma mater	Kaduna College University of London
Occupation	Teacher, politician, poet, writer, trade unionist

Mallam Aminu Kano GCON^[1] (9 August 1920 — 17 April 1983)^[2] was a Nigerian radical opposition political leader, teacher, poet, playwright, and trade unionist from the northern city of Kano. He played an active role during the transition from British colonial rule to independence, the First Republic, Military rule, and the Second Republic. Representing the Kano East constituency, he served as the Deputy Government Chief Whip in the Federal House of Representatives. During Yakubu Gowon's administration, he served as the Federal Commissioner for Communications and the Federal Commissioner for Health. The Mallam Aminu Kano International Airport, the Aminu Kano Teaching Hospital, Aminu Kano College of Education, Aminu Kano Commerce College and the Aminu Kano College of Islamic Studies all in Kano, are named after him. He is regarded as one of modern Nigeria's founding fathers and is widely respected throughout the country.^[3] He was a relative to the father of former Head of State Murtala Mohammed, former Minister of Defense Inuwa Wada, Isa Wali and former Minister of Foreign Affairs Aminu Bashir Wali.

Early life and education

Aminu was born in the Sudawa ward of the city of Kano on 9 August 1920 to Rakaiya and Mallam Yusufu of the Gyanawa, a Fulani clan known for their Islamic scholarship, particularly in Islamic law.^[2]^[4]^: 274 Of his mother's six births, he was the only one to reach the age of 15. Both of his parents were well learned in Islam, and his father later served as the Acting Chief Alkali of Kano. His grandmother was given the Fulani title of Modibbo, typically reserved for respected Islamic scholars.^[5]^: 330 According to local tradition, Usman dan Fodio, the founder of the Sokoto Caliphate, himself appointed a relative of Aminu to the position of Kano's chief Alkali. Since then, the Gyanawa have been sought after to occupy legal positions such as alkalis, walis and muftis.^[6]^: 27^[7]^[5]^: 329^[8]^: 100^[4]^: 274

Aminu's maternal lineage also had several learned men and women dating back centuries. They were Fulbe who emigrated from Kukawa in the Bornu empire to Kano.^[4]^: 274^[9]^: 1:15 Among them was a mallam who served as a personal adviser to the then Emir of Kano, Sulimanu. This mallam supported himself by breeding and selling pigeons, earning the nickname Mallam Mai Tattabari ('the mallam who raises pigeons'). This nickname became an official title in the Kano palace and has been passed down to his successors, serving as the emirs' personal Imams and advisers on Islamic law.^[6]^: 27

As an infant, Aminu began his education with his first teachers being his mother and grandmother, who both taught him the Arabic language and how to read the Quran.^[8]^: 100^[10] After his mother died in 1926,^[11] he relocated to his uncle's home to live under the care of his maternal grandmother, who lived there. Consequently, Halilu, his uncle who was later appointed 'Mallam Mai Tattabari', became responsible for his Koranic education.^[6]^: 41–43^[12]^: 243 Aminu was further enrolled into Shehuci Primary School, a western school, where he was taught how to read and write in English.^[4]^: 276^[12]^: 243 He adopted the name of his birthplace, Kano, as his surname, a common practice among western educated Northern Nigerians at the time.^[13]^: 604

In 1933, Aminu began attending Kano Middle School (later renamed Rumfa College, Kano), a boarding school. There, in 1935, he led one of the first student strikes in Nigeria against a shortage of soap, poor food, "too many restrictions, and too severe a code of behavior".^[6]^: 48–49 He then proceeded to Kaduna College (later renamed Barewa College) where he obtained a diploma in education in 1942.^[4]^: 276^[12]^: 243^[14]

Teaching career

After graduating from Kaduna College in 1940, Aminu opted for a career in law rather than following the path of his classmates who mostly chose teaching. This choice was uncommon as Sharia courts, more popular than the parallel magistrate courts in Kano among Muslims, did not allow lawyers. Additionally, his interest in studying medicine in England was hindered by the requirement to attend King's College and Yaba Higher College, both in Lagos in Southern Nigeria, for some years. However, due to ongoing student unrests, the principal of King's College was reluctant to admit Aminu, who was known for leading student protests. Aminu also attempted to join the army and the police force but was rejected from both as he was five feet four, an inch shorter than the minimum height requirement. At Kaduna College, many continued to advise him to pursue a teaching career but it was his science teacher, Dr. R. E. Miller, who convinced him to take up teaching as a profession.^[6]^: 60^[14]^[15]^[8]^: 100 Miller's argument was

Look, I'd advise you to join the teaching class. With the war going on, and the Germans advancing on all fronts, it isn't inconceivable that Hitler may temporarily take over Nigeria. In such a case, you would need a professional hiding place, and what better place than teaching? Besides, I would take you as the sole teacher-in-training for science—one of your great loves, right?^[6]^: 61^[8]^: 100

During his teacher training, Aminu was assigned to various towns for teaching assignments. In his second year, he spent five months each in Bauchi and Zaria and an additional two months "visiting schools in the south". It was in his final year of training in 1942 that his burgeoning radical political views became apparent. He began writing for the few newspapers and magazines available at the time, like Gaskiya Ta Fi Kwabo and the West African Pilot, and developed a keen interest in politics. It was also during this year that he penned his pamphlet 'Kano Under the Hammer of Native Autocracy,' a critique of the Native Authority.^[4]^: 277^[6]^: 69–70

Towards the end of his time at Kaduna College, he met Sa'adu Zungur, who was to "influence Aminu's thinking profoundly".^[6]^: 72^[5]^: 329 Zungur, older than Aminu and an earlier proponent of radical politics, served as the head of the School of Pharmacy in Zaria. Aminu often had long discussions with Zungur, frequently visiting his home after classes. Their acquaintance dated back to 1935 when Zungur visited Kano, leaving a lasting impression on Aminu with his radical and progressive views. Aminu maintained sporadic correspondence with Zungur until their reunion in Zaria.^[6]^: 72

Bauchi

Upon completing his teacher training, Aminu relocated to Bauchi, assuming the role of a junior teacher at Bauchi Middle School.^[14] His colleagues at the school included Abubakar Tafawa Balewa and Yahaya Gusau. Aminu's amicable relationship with Balewa, who later became Nigeria's only ever Prime Minister, began during their time teaching in Bauchi. It was during this period that Balewa gave him the nickname 'Molotov' after Vyacheslav Molotov, the Soviet statesman. Zungur also moved to Bauchi during this time, having returned to his hometown due to a lung disorder he got in Zaria.^[6]^: 84–85

Aminu was well-respected among the students at the school. They often gathered at his home after school hours for discussions and other extra-curricular activities. He occasionally organised plays and shows for the students, sometimes using Abubakar Imam's works. To supplement his lessons, he composed songs and poems for his students. He was also active in various student societies including drama, debating, and science.^[6]^: 85–86

His close association with the students and his radical ideas made him unpopular with the school's administration and other teachers. On one occasion, the entire student body staged a strike over issues such as lack of uniforms and blankets, withheld pocket money, and poor food quality. The one student left, the head boy who was Balewa's younger brother, acted as their spokesman. The senior students, among them was Sule Katagum, lead the other students towards Maiduguri. The Emir of Bauchi and several teachers caught up with them, attempting to negotiate, but the students insisted on speaking only with Aminu. Later, Aminu arrived with Yahya Gusau, and "reassured them that their complaints would get proper airing" and convinced them to return to their dormitories. Following an investigation into the complaints, they were validated, resulting in the replacement of the headmaster with Balewa, "who righted the pre-existing wrongs".^[6]^: 86

Bauchi General Improvement Union

In 1943, Aminu, alongside Zungur, Balewa and Gusau, formed the Bauchi General Improvement Union (BGIU), where they held discussions critiquing British colonial policies and the Native Authority.^[8]^: 100^[12]^[16] This organisation was likely influenced by a similar organisation Zungur had founded while in Zaria, the Northern Provinces General Improvement Union (NPGIU).^[17] Aminu and Zungur wrote letters and articles attacking the British 'directed labour' policy, which they saw as a disguised form of conscription. With Britain requiring significant quantities of food, tin, and soldiers for World War II, colonial officials exerted pressure on Native Authorities to 'direct' specified quotas of food and manpower. Britain extensively used unregulated forced conscription in Northern Nigeria to support its war effort after its military misfortunes in the Far East in 1942.^[18] One of Aminu's unsigned articles was read by the senior District Officer, A J Knott, in the West African Pilot, who traced it back to the BGIU. This discovery led to the dissolution of the union and its replacement with the Bauchi Discussion Circle (BDC) or Majalisar Tadi ta Bauchi, sponsored by colonial authorities. The BDC was designed as a sanctioned platform for open debate encompassing 'any and all ideas'.^[6]^: 89^[8]^: 89^[17]^[19]^: 423

Bauchi Discussion Circle

BDC held weekly discussions, attracting various attendees like department heads, administrators, merchants and teachers. The number of participants surpassed that of the previous Bauchi General Improvement Union (BGIU), attracting moderates who felt more at ease given the government's sanction. Aminu, as secretary, was in charge of sending out invitations and choosing the topics to be discussed. These topics discussed included economic development, democracy, medicine, war and religion. When the topic was freedom of the press, Aminu and Zungur highlighted the contradiction in British policy, arguing that on the one hand they suppressed and privately condemned the only voices independent of the emirs and on the other hand, they publicly encouraged independent thought and initiative.^[6]^: 89

In a discussion on indirect rule, he argued that "it had outlived the purpose for which it was originally intended" and that it was "the most exploiting system of colonial administration the world had ever known".^[6]^: 90^[8]^: 100 He further pointed out that at the time of the British takeover, the Sokoto Caliphate and its emirates had morphed into a system unintended by Shehu Usman dan Fodio, its founder. Aminu argued that the succession of caliphs was meant to be based on merit rather than birth and that the autocratic system of governance was against the teachings of the Islamic Prophet Muhammad and the Shehu. Balewa, being more of a moderate than Aminu, lightly defended the indirect rule system, arguing that the maintenance of law and order was essential in securing the foundation on which desired reforms could be carried out. Zungur, bedridden during the session, in response to Balewa, wrote his own arguments in a letter which was delivered to the discussion circle by Aminu during the following session. In this letter, he bolstered Aminu's arguments while adding a few of his own.^[6]^: 90 He urged Balewa to reconsider his "ill-conceived" defence of indirect rule and further argued:

The selection of its [the Native Authority's] gutter elite is being made neither on the basis of intelligence nor capacity, but simply by denial of the decent citizen's outlook. Members of the ruling minority have the readiness of desperadoes to gamble, with nothing to lose but everything to gain.^[6]^: 90

During another meeting, Aminu posed a question to Officer Knott: 'What determines an emir's salary?' Knott responded that it depended on the extent of his duties and the weight of his responsibilities. Aminu then pointed out that despite having fewer constituents and responsibilities compared to the Emir of Bauchi, the Lamido of Adamawa received a higher salary. Following this exchange, the meeting abruptly ended. Soon after, Knott announced the termination of the BDC, citing that the discussions were 'getting off the rails'.^[6]^: 91^[19]^: 423

Bauchi Community Center

To replace the BDC, Aminu and Zungur established another political organisation, the Bauchi Community Center. Starting with about 20 members, their first meeting took place at the Native Authority Library, near the emir's palace. During this meeting, accompanied by a policeman, Balewa approached them at the emir's request, asking them to disband as "all unions (organizations) are forbidden". Zungur then told him to tell the emir that they were not going to disband. After Balewa left, they decided to deliver a letter to the senior political officer telling him what had happened, claiming the emir was trespassing on their rights.^[6]^{: 91–92}

Three days later, the organization's members were invited to meet with the emir. The emir denied ordering their disbandment, and claimed that he had only forbade them from using "the Native Authority Library typewriters and facilities". Despite Balewa complaining that he delivered the message given to him accurately and Zungur ready to exploit this contradiction, the matter wasn't pursued further, and the organization accepted the emir's decision. Shortly after, an elderly man named Mallam Waziri offered them the use of his roofless hall for meetings, provided they roofed it themselves. They pooled their money together and roofed it.^[6]^: 93 Not long after, the British government offered Aminu one of seven scholarships to study in England starting from September 1946, which he accepted.^[4]^: 276^[6]^: 97 ^[10]^[20]^: 154

London

At the Institute of Education in London, Aminu delved into the works of figures like Harold Laski, George Bernard Shaw, and Karl Mannheim, whose teachings is "the source of many of Aminu's ideas on the ideal human society". He established relations with several left-wing figures and organisations in London, including the Socialist Labour Party, the Student Socialist Society, and the Young Socialists, and met and befriended some left-leaning Members of Parliament and "top leaders" of communist organisations.^[6]^: 99^[21]^[22]^: 538 He was also influenced by leading Labour politicians of the time, such as Aneurin Bevan and Fenner Brockway.^[10]^[23]^: 241

After being exposed to these ideas and influences, Aminu attempted to blend the political philosophies of early French and American revolutionaries with Shavian Fabian socialism and the teachings of Usman dan Fodio, all while still under the influence of Sa'adu Zungur's radical ideas. He also witnessed the eve of India and Pakistan's independence struggles through the students from both nations. Aminu, alongside students from various British colonies, welcomed Ali Jinnah and Jawaharlal Nehru, leading figures in the independence movements of Pakistan and India respectively, during their London visit in 1947. These experiences likely contributed to his interest in the Gandhian form of resistance.^[6]^: 100^[23]^: 241

During his course, Aminu taught in local primary schools and spent weeks in the Welsh countryside as a guest of the Young Farmers' Club. To fund his planned tour of the British countryside, he took on a part-time Hausa language translator role with the British Broadcasting Company (BBC). Unexpectedly, he was invited as a delegate to the World Boy Scout Jamboree in Rosny, allowing him to tour Europe at a discounted rate. Just before his journey to France, the entire boy scout contingent visited Buckingham Palace. Aminu was shocked the see the king and queen chatting and mingling freely with the boys which was a stark contrast with the way the British officialdom behaved back in Nigeria. This contradiction left him optimistic, interpreting it as a sign of the colonial empire's impending collapse.^[6]^{: 102–103}^[10]

Northern Teachers' Association

In March 1948,^[24] while still studying London, Aminu formed the Northern Teachers' Welfare Association (later Northern Teachers' Association), the first region-wide organisation and labour union in Northern Nigeria,^[4]^: 276^[25]^[26]^: 41 alongside other teachers from the region, like Salihu Fulani, Z. Y. Dimka, Yahaya Gusau, Shettima Shehu Ajiram, Shehu Shagari, and Abubakar Tafawa Balewa.^[20]^: 169^[27]^: 66 The union focused on issues like rights and welfare of teachers, an improved syllabus, differences in salary between the North and the South and the eligibility of teachers in Christian Mission Schools for membership.^[6]^{: 101–102}^[8]^: 91^[28]^: 258

The union grew rapidly, having about 200 members in its first month^[29] and 25 branches within its first year and was later influential on the region's nationalist organisations that came after it.^[26]^: 41^[30]^: 356 The union continued being the most dominant teacher's union in Northern Nigeria until is merger with the Nigerian Union of Teachers, the dominant teacher's union in southern Nigeria, in 1972.^[31]^: 260

Return to Bauchi

With the end of his course in 1948, Aminu returned to Bauchi to resume his teaching career at the Bauchi Middle School. A few months later he was transferred to the Bauchi Teachers' Training College.^[6]^: 110

During this time, Sir John MacPherson, the newly appointed Governor of Nigeria, was gearing up for a tour across the region. He was to tour the major cities of the North, but excluded Bauchi. Aminu and Zungur suspected that this omission was a deliberate move by the Governor and his advisors to avoid confronting the city's outspoken radicals and their list of demands and grievances. The two approached the Emir of Bauchi and informed him of the government's plan to avoid his domain, claiming it was because of Bauchi's poor school system, roads, and economy. They managed to convince him to permit them to organise a mass rally to protest the Governor's omission. This mass rally, which was the first ever held in Northern Nigeria, amassed about a thousand people.^[6]^{: 110–111}

Aminu, at the time still a junior teacher, was invited to Kaduna to meet with A J Knott (the district officer who had organised the BDC in 1943), now the Chief Secretary to the Government, and Sir MacPherson. During this meeting, the governor, addressing Aminu, had reportedly said:

You have indicated that you think we intentionally keep the North backward, and the North and South divided—that you want us to go so that your country may have independence. You're a man from an important Kano family, young and full of spirit, but you must realize that we don't intentionally prevent changes and keep the country from progressing.^[6]^: 115

Knott proceeded to inform Aminu that they had been paying attention to his critiques of the government, stating, "We really like men like you, who are ahead of your countrymen". They offered him a position which would allow him to monitor and participate in the "financial section of the government" or even as the next editor of Gaskiya Ta Fi Kwabo. After returning to Bauchi, Aminu, after considering these offers and discussing them with Zungur and others, concluded that these offers were an attempt by the government to disrupt their activist activities. Consequently, Aminu rejected the offers, informing Knott and MacPherson that he preferred to remain a teacher.^[8]^: 101 He also later turned down a job as a lecturer in Hausa at the Oxford University.^[6]^{: 115–119}

However, some months later, in their ongoing efforts to disperse the Bauchi radicals, the British government transferred Aminu to Maru in Sokoto, appointing him as the headmaster of a newly constructed teachers' training college.^[6]^: 116^[32]^: 72

Sokoto

Sokoto had served as the capital of the 19th-century Sokoto Caliphate, established through the jihad of Usman dan Fodio. The caliphate covered a large majority of Northern Nigeria and most of the emirs owed allegiance to the Sultan of Sokoto.^[33] After the colonisation of the state by the British during the early 20th-century, Sokoto became a province and the Sultan's status was reduced; the other emirs answered directly to the British government, no longer to the Sultan. However, it retained its significance as the center of traditional and religious authority in the region. Hence, it was considered the most conservative section of a very conservative North.^[6]^: 118 Maru (now located in Maru, Zamfara state), a village in the province, had a population of 8,256 in 1964.^[34] It was clear that Aminu's transfer to Maru was not only meant to distance him from Zungur but also to isolate him and impede his activities. Upon his arrival, he attempted to set up a discussion circle but there were too few educated people around him and the nearest large town to Maru was 35 miles away, "over terrible, barely passable roads". The Sultan, Siddiq Abubakar III, was also monitoring him, as Aminu later discovered. He learned that an elderly man he regularly gave alms to was a spy for the Sultan several weeks into his stay in Maru.^[6]^{: 118–120}

Throughout his time in Maru, Aminu found himself in confrontations that regularly put him at odds with the Sultan. It started when Aminu dismissed the Sultan's Yan Labari, or spies, after his arrival. Later, he sent a letter of complaint to the British authorities, alleging that funds intended for the farmers, whose land was used for the school, had not reached them.^[8]^: 101 Another dispute arose when Aminu and Abubakar Gumi, a colleague of Aminu and later influential Islamic Scholar, almost caused a Qadiriyya-Tijaniyya feud in the province when they prevented their students from attending a Friday service due to an issue with the Imam's ablution. Despite their concerns and complaints, the Sultan, responsible for appointing and removing imams, declined to dismiss the Imam.^[6]^{: 120–127}^[35]

At that time, Aminu shared a cordial relationship with Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto, who held a rivalry with the Sultan. When the Sultan's court convicted Bello of jangali tax ('cattle tax') misappropriations in 1943, Aminu contributed a significant portion of his Bauchi teaching salary to Bello's defense fund. With Aminu now in Maru, Bello saw him as a potential ally against the Sultan. Bello frequently visited Aminu in Maru, and during a visit by Aminu to Sokoto for a provincial constitutional conference, he stayed at Bello's residence. During this period, the Sultan extended a private invitation to Aminu, likely seeking reconciliation. He requested a discreet 2 a.m. meeting, but upon learning that Aminu had told Bello about this invitation, the Sultan grew furious and canceled the meeting.^[6]^{: 124–125}

Northern People's Congress

Due to the successes of Aminu's teacher's union, other notable learned men around the region approached him regarding the establishing of a similar organisation. During late 1948, various organisations in Zaria, Kaduna and Bauchi merged to form the Jam'iyyar Mutanen Arewa or Northern People's Congress (NPC). In June 1949, the organisation's inaugural meeting was held at the Green's Hotel in Kaduna with about 500 in attendance. The founding members included Dr. R. A. B. Dikko, Yahaya Gusau, Abubakar Imam (editor of Gaskiya Ta Fi Kwabo), Yusuf Maitama Sule, Aliyu Mai Bornu, Aminu Kano, Isa Wali (Aminu's cousin) and Sa'adu Zungur, who was the general secretary of the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) at the time.^[6]^: 111^[30]^: 358^[36]^: 75

In its first general meeting in December 1949, the leaders of the congress, Dikko and Gusau, declared that the congress did not intend to subvert the colonial and aristocratic government and that the:

Jam'iyyar does not intend to usurp the authority of our Natural rulers; on the contrary, it is our ardent desire to enhance such authority whenever and wherever possible. We want to help our Natural rulers in the proper discharge of their duties...We want to help them in enlightening the Talakawa [common people].^[30]^: 358^[36]^: 75

A district officer, representing the Resident of Kano, cautioned the attendees that they could only bring about their desired reforms if they moved "slowly with caution" and that "one must learn to walk before one can run". Aminu responded by asking him to report to his superiors that:

If we go on foot, we will not walk, we will run. And if we fall, we will pick ourselves up and run again. But mark you, we will not go on foot. You might tell us to go by camel, or horse, but we will even skip the motor car and go by plane. And the British had best not deny us the choice of our means of transportation, no matter how fast.^[6]^{: 121–122}^[8]^: 93

Several Northern rulers, such as the Sultan, Emir of Kano and the Emir of Zaria, approved of this 'harmless' and 'deferential' attitude of the congress. However, younger members like Maitama, Aminu, and Zungur believed the congress was too uncritical of both the emirs and British authorities, emphasising the need for political reform in the North. Finally in August 1950, some radical NPC members in Kano formed the Northern Elements Progressive Union (Jamiyar Neman Sawaba), the first declared political party in Northern Nigeria.^[8]^: 94 NEPU was influenced by Zungur's openly radical Northern Elements Progressive Association.^[30]^: 359 They had the support of Aminu, who was unable to join the party at the time as he was still employed by the government and could not openly join a political party.^[6]^: 123^[8]^: 94

Resignation

Aminu handed in his resignation letter on 16 October 1950 and departed from Maru for good on November 4 of the same year. Sheikh Usman Bida, who was a classmate of Aminu at Kaduna College, and Sule Katagum, Wazirin Katagum, both believed that he was forced to resign. Aminu himself had contemplated this move as early as April of that year. When the Deputy Director of Education for the North warned him that he would not be reappointed if he persisted in his political activities, Aminu noted in his diary, "All right, that's his problem. Mine is to resign by next year."^[6]^: 129

An article by Aminu explaining his reasons for resignation was published in the Daily Comet newspaper on 11 November 1950:

I resigned because I refuse to believe that this country is by necessity a prisoner of the Anglo-Fulani aristocracy—I resigned because I fanatically share the view that the Native Authorities ... are woefully hopeless in solving our urgent educational, social, economic, political or even religious problems—My stay in England...has hardened my soul in elevating truth, freedom and above all human rights for which the world fought off fascism—I had twice been threatened with the merciless fangs... while all around are piled corruption, misrule, political bluff, slavery under another garb, naked nepotism, tyranny, poverty...unnecessary retention of hereditary parasites, naked and shameless economic exploitation...I cannot tolerate these things because of their awful smell...I am prepared to be called by any name. Call me a dreamer or call me a revolutionary; call me a crusader or anything this imperialist government wills. I have seen a light on the far horizon and I intend to march into its full circle either alone or with anyone who cares to go with me. To these same suppressors of our people, I say this: Look Out! Africa is a sleeping giant no more! She is just about to shake off the stupor...?"^[6]^{: 129–130}^[23]^: 243^[22]^: 541

Political career

Pre-Independence (1950—1959)

Nepotism, poverty in its nakedness, disease, slavery under another garb, injustice and shameless greed are as common as they had been before the abrupt advent of the 19th-century imperialism. The promotion or appointment of illiterate men, young or grey bearded, to high offices of state usually for the mere accident of birth or for the "hypocritical nearness" is not only enough to rob the people of their intelligence and initiative but also a proof to show that this organised autocracy is a replica of the native un-Islamic rule which the British imperialism premeditated not to abolish.

—In Aminu's 1953 review of Dr. Walter Miller's "Have We failed in Nigeria?"^[37]

After his resignation, Aminu returned to Kano and formally joined Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) party.^[8]^: 101 The stated goals of the party included the "emancipation of the talakawa" (commoners) through "reform of the present autocratic political institutions". During the second annual convention of the Northern Peoples' Congress (NPC) in December 1950, a resolution by NEPU, drafted by Aminu, called for the NPC to be declared as an "an explicitly nationalist political party".^[8]^: 95 It became evident that a political party was needed for the North, to keep up with the continued democratisation of the country.^[5]^{: 359–360} However, powerful emirs and "certain administrative officers" viewed the NPC as a group with dangerously radical ideas. Concerns from moderate and conservative members arose, with fears that the NPC, if viewed as radical, would struggle to be the dominant party in the North. Several NPC members threatened to withdraw from the organisation if members of NEPU were not expelled.^[8]^: 95–96 According to Shehu Shagari, who informed Aminu and Zungur on their way to the convention, as a member of the Sokoto Youth Social Circle wing of the NPC, he was given instructions to oppose any bid by the both of them at the convention. He further claimed that Aminu, upon hearing of this, encouraged him to "exercise the mandate I had been given" and assured him of their continued friendship and respect.^[27]^: 68–69^[38]^: 25 Consequently, NEPU withdrew from the NPC, forming an independent political party.^[6]^{: 140–141}^[38]^: 25–33

Aminu participated in the primary voting phase of the first parliamentary election in September 1951 for the Northern House of Assembly. His party, NEPU, secured victory with 12 out of the 26 seats allocated for Kano city, outperforming the other three parties, including Native Administration officials who collectively held six seats.^[8]^: 30^[32]^: 74 The subsequent stage involved the final colleges, which elected candidates to the House of Assembly through a secret ballot. These colleges, comprising relatively small groups, each cast several hundreds votes or less.^[8]^: 29 Despite NEPU's success in the earlier stages, Aminu was less fortunate in the final voting process, receiving 16 votes out of 68, and no NEPU member secured a position in the 1952 House of Assembly, which served as an electoral college for the House of Representatives. Four NEPU members, initially successful in the intermediate stage, found themselves competing against previously defeated candidates from the Native Authority during the final stage.^[8]^: 30^[32]^: 74 Because of the outcome of the elections, it was perceived that British officials and the Native Authority had devised an electoral system that favoured the Native Authority,^[8]^: 30^[10]^[39]^: 78–79 and "a high proportion of elected members became defenders of its interests".^[39]^: 78–79 Sir Bryan Sharwood-Smith, former Governor of Northern Nigeria, 'wished' that Aminu had won the election as it "might have taken some of the bitterness out of Aminu's system" and that "[Northern Nigeria] needed all the able men it could muster, and of Aminu's ability there could be no question".^[40]^: 225

A mass rally of "15,000 souls [taxpayers]" by NEPU was organised in Kano to protest this outcome. The party organised mock elections to show that direct elections could be conducted in an orderly fashion. NEPU managed to raise enough funds to send Aminu to England "to plead their case before the British Parliament and the general public". With the help of Thomas Hodgkin and John Collins, Aminu was able to meet members of the House of Lords, Fabian MPs, and the British Secretary of State. The Native Authority retaliated by harassing and jailing NEPU members around Kano, notably physically assaulting Gambo Sawaba, the prominent women's rights activist and leader of NEPU's women's wing. The NPC, the leading political party in the North, also had 'a group of hooligans' who were colloquially known as Yan Mahaukata ('mad people').^[6]^{: 155–156} In addition to establishing the Positive Action Wing (PAW)^[5]^: 392^[41] to counter these aggressions, some members of the British Parliament, such as Fenner Brockway, put pressure on the colonial government to cease the repressive actions.^[42]

Due to his high status within the party Aminu was well protected against the physical violence the other NEPU members suffered.^[43]^: 137 However, Aminu faced numerous arrests by the Native Authority. Notably, during the federal election campaign of 1954, he was convicted twice. First, for flying NEPU's flag on his car in Kano city—an act traditionally reserved for the Emir of Kano and the British Resident. Second, for publishing articles with alleged 'seditious intent,' resulting in a three-day imprisonment for the former and a £50 fine for the latter.^[8]^: 364^[44]^: 91 In another incident, he was accused of heresy by a group of mallamai, led by Nasiru Kabara. The accusation centered around the belief that the wearing of Sawaba buttons by NEPU members was un-Islamic, and NEPU was alleged to be collaborating with Christians against the religious leaders of the North. Accompanied by his advisers Danladi and Lawan Dambazau, Aminu appeared before the Emir's council of Kano to address these charges. Given the gravity of the accusations, he and the aforementioned advisers "performed the ablutions of a man facing impending death (last rites)". At the meeting, Aminu pointed out that the emir's council was not a debating society and that discussions should be held separately and later reported to the emir. This was agreed and a second meeting was scheduled. At this second meeting, Aminu argued that NEPU's alliance with National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) was not against Islamic teachings as even the Prophet Muhammad once made a defense alliance with Jews around Medina. He also pointed out that the Emir of Kano himself had recently consulted Christian Igbo engineers to work on the Great Mosque of Kano in the 1950s. On the matter of the Sawaba buttons, Aminu questioned if it was also considered un-Islamic when some emirs wore the medal of the British Order of St. George. A compromise was eventually reached and NEPU members were only allowed to wear party badges at mass rallies.^[6]^{: 149–151}

Aminu was elected the President-General of NEPU at the third annual convention of the party in 1953, succeeding Abba Maikwaru. A year later, the party formed an alliance with Nnamdi Azikiwe's National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC).^[8]^: 322^[39]^{: 146–147} He contested in the 1954 Federal elections for Kano East but lost to Maitama Sule.^[14] During the 1956 regional elections, Aminu contested for the Kano East constituency. He lost the election to Ahmadu Dantata, one of the wealthiest Nigerians and heir to the Dantata business empire.^[5]^: 333 The election, conducted on the basis of male taxpayer suffrage, concluded with Dantata securing 2,119 votes against Aminu's 1,776.^[8]^{: 328–329}^[45]

The 1959 Nigerian general election marked a significant milestone as the first election featuring direct voting in every constituency. Aminu, running under the NEPU-NCNC alliance, again contested for the Kano East constituency and received 60.4% of the votes, securing a seat in the Federal House of Representatives.^[8]^: 374^[32]^: 370 At the House, he was appointed the position of the Deputy Government Chief Whip, and Chairman of the Alliance Committee on foreign affairs and is reported to have declined a ministerial appointment as he deemed it 'unseemly' to accept a position "with prestige and no power" with about 2,000 of his party followers in prison.^[6]^: 187^[8]^: 374^[46]^: 630

First Republic (1960—1966)

1964 general election

After UMBC ended its alliance with the Action Group, NEPU and UMBC formed the Northern Progressive Front (NPF), aiming to "breakup of the monolithic Northern Region, to give adequate voice to the larger minority groups". The KPP and other smaller groups joined the NPF, with hopes of establishing a separate, independent Kano state. As the country approached elections, all three regions experienced heightened unrest and allegations of corruption. In Kano, Aminu, as NEPU's leader, met with Ibrahim Gashash, NPC party leader, to mitigate potential violence by agreeing on electoral conduct. Gashash agreed to persuade his party leaders to avoid bloody clashes "but all to no avail". On December 28, just two days before the election, President Azikiwe urged Prime Minister Balewa to postpone the election for six months due to escalating unrest and requested UN monitoring. Balewa rejected the request, claiming that it was beyond his authority. The chairman of the Federal Electoral Commission, without consulting other members, also dismissed it. Which led to three out of six commission members resigning. The perceived injustices and alleged corruption lead to several candidates and parties to boycott the election, resulting in 'lopsided' results. Aminu lost his Kano East constituency to the NPC candidate, Mahmud Dantata, son of Alhassan Dantata and former NEPU member, with Dantata receiving 1,700 votes against Aminu's 690 out of 40,000 eligible voters.^[4]^: 312^[6]^{: 207–211}

Following the election, Aminu and the central working committee of NEPU organised a convention to restrategise. A "White Paper on Political Problems Facing Nigeria" was written to be presented, which evaluated NEPU's role and proposed organisational adjustments. This convention marked the largest in the party's history, with delegates from hundreds of branches across the North in attendance. Among the topics discussed included the possibility of the unification of all opposition political parties in the North, the formation of an "all-encompassing national party", the creation of new states, establishing a scholarship aid. The convention also led to the inception of the Kano State Movement (KSM), comprising NEPU, KPP, and some dissident NPC members. On April 14, 1965, a mass gathering was held to inaugurate the KSM, drawing one of the largest crowds in Northern Nigerian political history. Ahmadu Trader, Aminu's long-time friend, was appointed its first president and Aminu its political adviser.^[6]^{: 213–215} The KSM's primary goal was the formation of a separate Kano state.^[4]^: 271

In 1965, Prime Minister Balewa appointed Aminu as a UN delegate. Aminu represented Nigeria at the 1965 United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. Upon his return from UN duties, on 6 January 1966, Aminu traveled from Lagos to Kano to attend a NEPU conference, where discussions on ways to restrategise continued. Upon his arrival in Kano, Aminu was informed through Abubakar Gumi, the Grand Khadi (Chief Justice) of the Northern Region and Aminu's former colleague in Maru, about a secret meeting arranged by Ahmadu Bello, who was then in Mecca. The meeting was to be between the three of them and was scheduled for 16 January 1966. However, just before the meeting could take place, Bello was assassinated on 15 January. While Bello's intentions for the meeting remain unclear due to his untimely demise, Gumi's opinion was that he might have been reconsidering the level of repression in the North and sought to negotiate an electoral agreement for the upcoming Northern Regional Assembly elections.^[6]^: 219

Military rule (1966—1979)

Between 14 and 15 January 1966, rebel soldiers of the Nigerian Army led by Kaduna Nzeogwu and four others assassinated several influential Nigerians including Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, Prime Minister of Nigeria, Sir Ahmadu Bello, Sardauna of Sokoto and Premier of Northern Nigeria, and Chief Ladoke Akintola, Premier of Western Nigeria. This coup attempt instigated an anti-coup movement within the army, led by the General Officer Commanding, Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi, which managed to thwart the coup. Following the failed coup, on 16 January, Aguiyi-Ironsi assumed the position of Head of State, leading Nigeria's first Military Government.^[54]^: 63

Ironsi's regime

Gowon's regime (1966—1975)

Civil war (1967—1970)

Main article: Nigerian Civil War

Three days following the division of the regions, Ojukwu declared the independence of the Eastern Region, which was to be known as the Republic of Biafra.^[22]^: 390 After the government's failed attempts at a "police action", the Military-Government responded with land and sea blockades. Afterwards, the Biafran army invaded and seized control of the Mid-Western State (Bendel), leading to a declaration of war by Gowon.^[54]^: 162

Throughout the war, Aminu remained active as a member of the FEC. He led the procurement committee tasked with acquiring arms, which involved extensive travel around the world, including Europe, the United States, the Soviet Union, and North Africa, to negotiate arms deals.^[58]^[59]^[60]^[11] In May 1968, Aminu participated in peace talks between Nigeria and Biafra held in Kampala, Uganda, one year into the civil war. Chinua Achebe, the influential Nigerian writer, also attended the talks as part of the Biafran delegation. This meeting was the first time Achebe met Aminu, and he recalled:

I remember very well seeing Aminu Kano of the Nigerian delegation sitting in front and looking so distressed. This is one of the strongest impressions the man made on me, compared to people like Chief Enahoro who was the leader of the delegation swaggering as conquerors, and even Asika. Aminu Kano seemed to be so different; in fact, he seemed to be looking out of the window. While his colleagues were speaking arrogantly and bent on our surrender, Aminu Kano was calm and in pain.^[61]^: 138 This was a man who was not pleased with either side or how the matter was being handled. That meeting made an indelible mark on me about Aminu Kano, about his character and his intellect.^[62]

Aminu approached the war not as a conflict against the Igbo people or the former Eastern Region, but as a war against secession. During a speech to students at Kano's Abdullahi Bayero College in February 1970, he urged Nigerians, and the government, to properly prepare for the return of Biafrans. Aminu stressed:

There is the problem of reintegration of the Ibos. They left a large part of this country, and a lot of what they left has been taken over by the indigenes of the place. What are they to do? This is important since we are fighting them to stay in Nigeria. We are saying, "You can't go away. You must remain Nigerian." When they come back, can you deny them the right to own plots or land? You can't do that. How can the common Ibo take that? They said, "We want to go away." We said, "No, you must remain in Nigeria." They will say, "Now we are back." What do we do? These are problems that must be faced. It is not a simple problem. It is not enough to say the houses in Sabon Gari, the houses in Tudun Wada, the houses in Kaduna are being taken care of. Will they come back? With their industry? With a bigger desire to stay in Nigeria? A lot of our sons and daughters went and died in the name of unity to contain the Ibos in Nigeria. Can you afford to ostracize them now? You can't. What are you going to do? What is your program? You must begin to plan from now. It is not enough ot say, "Oh yes, they are coming back."^[4]^: 356

Reforms in Kano State

In the newly created Kano State, there were two figures of national authority during the Gowon Administration. They were Audu Bako, the Military-Governor of Kano State, and Aminu, as civilian commissioner and a member of the FEC.^[4]^: 339

Extensive reforms were carried out in the State, particularly on the Emirate level. The former alkali courts were replaced with area courts, and the emir's court was disbanded. The federal and emirate police forces were merged and put under the control of the commissioner of police, apointed by the federal government. The districts of the Emirate were grouped into 8 administrative areas, each with an appointed district officer who is responsible to the secretary of the military governor. The Native Authority was replaced with the Local Government Authority (LGA), which mainly consists of the Emirate Council and the General Purposes Committee. The Emirate Council consists of 40 members with the emir as chairman. About two-thirds of the council members are representatives of districts and were chosen by election. The entire council was initially appointed by the military governor.^[4]^{: 341–351}

Despite the reduction of the emir's powers in Kano, particularly in the judicial field, he still held considerable influence at the LGA level. He retained the authority to appoint all district heads and could exert influence on executive and legislative matters across all levels. Bako outlined his three elements of policy regarding the reforms: to preserve the best elements of traditional emirate government in Kano, to bring those in authority closer to the people through representation; and to deal harshly with those who obstruct constituted authority. Although Aminu did not publicly address these reforms, he was widely identified as one of the leading reformers. Many of his earlier views on the decentralisation of emirate authority could be seen in the new structures of Kano State, and his ideas on removing land and judicial powers from the emir were well known.^[4]^{: 341–351}^[11]

Muhammad's regime (1975—1976) and Obasanjo's regime (1976—1979)

General Murtala Muhammad

General Olusegun Obasanjo with US President Jimmy Carter in 1977

Main articles: Murtala Muhammed and Olusegun Obasanjo

After the conclusion of the civil war, he assumed the position of Federal Commissioner of Health in 1971. In 1975, a coup d'état against Gowon was launched while Gowon was representing Nigeria at the 12th summit of the Organisation of African Unity in Kampala. Murtala Muhammad was announced as Head of State by the coupists on 30 July 1975.^[54]^{: 175–183} Muhammad was assassinated in a failed coup a year later, and he was succeeded by his deputy, Olusegun Obasanjo.^[54]^: 193

Before his death, Muhammad established a Constitution Drafting Committee (CDC) tasked with formulating a new constitution in preparation for the transition to civilian rule. In August 1976, Obasanjo announced the formation of a Constituent Assembly which was to deliberate upon the draft constitution the CDC had prepared. Elections for the Constituent Assembly were conducted, and candidates were chosen by the newly constituted Federal Electoral Commission (FEDECO). Aminu was nominated and successfully elected.^[11] The Assembly held sessions between October 1977 and June 1978. The Assembly's draft constitution was submitted to the Supreme Military Council in August. Following the SMC's approval of 17 amendments to the draft, the new constitution was announced in September 1978.^[63] The "ban on politics" was also lifted on the same day and Nigerians were encouraged to form political parties in preparation of an election the following year.^[64]^: 16

Second republic (1979—1983)

After General Muhammad announced the plan to return to civilian rule by 1979, Aminu reaching out to his contacts to form a political association. He also maintained relationships with student organisations nationwide.^[64]^: 50 Aminu later joined a political association called the National Movement which was made up of influential figures, primarily from the North. The association was a direct successor to the Kaduna discussion group formed just after the 1966 counter-coup that ended the First Republic. The group held secret meetings throughout this period and eventually invited influential political figures in the South in an effort to "form a truly national party". After the ban on politics was lifted in September 1978, its successor, the National Party of Nigeria (NPN), was launched.^[27]^{: 206–207}^[64]^: 57–58

Formation of PRP

A day before the launch of NPN however, Aminu left the association to form and was holding a meeting in Yaba, Lagos. The NPN quickly sent Joseph Tarka and Inuwa Wada (who was his cousin) to persuade him to return. Aminu agreed to send five aides to the launch while he continued his meeting and was never to return to the NPN.^[27]^: 207

The precise reasons behind Aminu's departure from the NPN remain unknown, however, there are various differing theories. According to Shehu Shagari, an early member of the NPN and later the party's sole presidential candidate, a pre-inaugural meeting concluded that certain coordinating committee members should assume specific interim posts. Aminu was nominated for the position of publicity secretary by Chief Adisa Akinloye. However, he promptly proposed Tanko Yakasai instead, a former NEPU member whom he felt was a better person for the postion as he had the relevant experience. It has been suggested by the NPN that Akinloye's suggestion lead to Aminu's resignation as it was considered "insulting to his national status". Shagari described this interpretation as "a plausible but erroneously derived deduction".^[27]^: 207 The PRP later claimed that this interpretation was false as the position could have provided Aminu with "a good platform for image building".^[64]^: 58–59

A different perspective on the incident emerged from Aminu's political associates, particularly from Kano, such as Lawan Dambazau, Lili Gabari, Dauda Dangalan, and Sabo Bakin Zuwo. According to them, upon learning of Aminu's refusal to return to the NPN, Aminu Dantata hurried to Kano and convened a meeting at his residence with various influential figures, including businessmen, politicians, public servants, and professionals from Kano. The purpose of this gathering was to explore ways to persuade Aminu to reconcile with the NPN. Several attendees took turns addressing the issue and appealing to him to reunite with the party. Dr. Ibrahim Datti Ahmed, former President-General of the Supreme Council for Sharia in Nigeria, was eventually given the opportunity to speak, and according to Dambazau, "castigated Mallam Aminu as an enemy of the north; an enemy of traditional institutions; an enemy of Islam; and as such, they could not cohabit with him in the NPN". Dambazau noted that nobody defended Aminu nor attempted to restrain Datti during his speech. Following Datti's remarks, Aminu defended himself, and the meeting descended into chaos, leading to its postponement until the next day.^[38]^: 59–60

Aminu fell sick before the next meeting, and was bedridden for days. During his illness, Aminu's supporters from different parts of the country, including Balarabe Musa (from Kaduna), A.D. Yahya, Ananobi (from Port Harcourt), B.K. Benson (from Lagos), and Dandatti Abdulkadir, Dahiru Liman, and Dambazau (all from Kano), convened in Kano to discuss with him on the next steps to follow.^[38]^: 60–62

Aminu's supporters organised a large gathering, later named Taron Rami, meaning "meeting of the ditch." Attendees of this gathering concluded that Aminu had been insulted and disrespected by the NPN and its members, leading to the decision that he should establish his own political party. Speakers at the event included Dambazau, Usman Nagado, and Abubakar Rimi. Despite being ill and bedridden, Aminu dispatched delegates across the nation to engage with his supporters and allies to deliberate on the next course of action. Following positive responses, he formed a committee to lay the groundwork for the party. The People's Redemption Party (PRP) was inaugurated in Kaduna on 21 October 1978, attracting radical trade unionists, artisans, the peasantry, progressive lecturers, journalists, authors, and former NEPU members among its ranks. Notable early members of the party included influential figures nationwide, such as Sam Ikoku, Abubakar Rimi, Chinua Achebe, Wole Soyinka, Yusufu Bala Usman, Umaru Musa Yar'Adua, Sule Lamido, Ghali Umar Na'Abba, Sabo Bakin Zuwo, Michael Imoudu, and Edward Ikem Okeke. The launch in October reportedly drew an "unbelievable number of people from all walks of life."^[38]^: 62–65^[64]^: 56–58

1979 Nigerian election

Main article: 1979 Nigerian presidential election

Elections were held between 7 July and 11 August in 1979. Only five parties were allowed to contest in these elections, apart from the NPN and PRP, the other three were Awolowo led Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), Azikiwe led Nigerian People's Party (NPP), and the Great Nigeria People's Party (GNPP), led by Waziri Ibrahim, a former NPC politician. The election was the first held in 15 years and the first in Northern Nigeria that allowed women to participate.

Aminu was chosen as PRP's presidential candidate, however, he was refused clearance by FEDECO to contest due to tax irregularities, and was required to submit "more convincing evidence". Aminu denied liability for any tax other than the flat rate of tax imposed on all Nigerians irrespective of income. He was eventually cleared after a court declaration was released supporting Aminu's claim of not missing any tax payment.^[65]^[66]

It became increasingly apparent that the NPN was "on its way to power" as the elections progressed. After the party experienced widespread success during the National Assembly election, the participating parties began proposing and forming alliances. On July 28, three out of the five parties — namely UPN, NPP, and GNPP — met in Lagos to form an alliance against the NPN. The PRP was invited to join this alliance but did not respond.^[67] A similar arrangement was proposed to the PRP by the NPN through Shehu Shagari, NPN's presidential candidate. In his autobiography, he claimed to have made this proposal while Aminu was still trying to get FEDECO to clear him. He tried to convince Aminu to withdraw from the presidential race "since we both knew his chances to be bleak". In return, the PRP could focus more on other elections and "participate in an NPN federal government". According to Shagari, Aminu agreed but on two conditions: he would consult his party members and seek approval, and also challenge FEDECO's decision in court in order to "defend his good name". Aminu was cleared on 1 August 1979, hours before the deadline for presidential nominations. He flew from Kano to Lagos on the same day to file his nomination papers with FEDECO. This led Shagari to conclude that the PRP did not endorse their agreement.^[27]^: 225^[68]^[69]^: 90

The presidential election held on 11 August saw Aminu winning only in his home state of Kano, where he garnered 76% of the votes. Nationwide, he received 1,732,113 votes, amounting to 10% of the total votes cast.^[64]^: 187 The PRP framed the election as a class struggle in Kano and conducted an extensive propaganda campaign to promote this narrative, contributing to the party's significant success in the state.^[64]^: 110^[69]^[70]^: 83 Additionally, the PRP secured victories in two gubernatorial elections: Abubakar Rimi in Kano (with 79% of the votes) and Balarabe Musa in Kaduna (with 45% of the votes). According to Shagari, Aminu was a skillful campaigner and "genuinely cared about people and empathized with them pretty well" but failed to be more successful nationwide because "his PRP lacked the large organizational base and resources necessary for an effective nationwide campaign".^[27]^: 223

On 16 August, FEDECO announced the results of the presidential election. Shagari was declared the winner with 5,688,857 votes nationwide.^[64]^: 139

Reactions

FEDECO's announcement was controversial, with Azikiwe, representing the four unsuccessful parties, rejecting "in its entirety and without any reservation the declaration of Alhaji Shehu Shagari as president-elect".^[64]^: 145^[71] Awolowo appealed to the Supreme Court, which dismissed the appeal.^[64]^: 148

After the declaration of Shagari as president-elect, the alliance between the opposing parties, which now included PRP, stregnthened, leading the ruling NPN to search for its own alliance. They approached the other four parties to initiate talks, which the PRP was the first to accept, according to Shagari. However, it was Azikiwe's NPP that ended up reaching an 'accord' with the ruling party. The terms of the accord were finalized by representatives of the two parties on August 22, two days after Azikiwe's address rejecting Shagari's declaration. Meetings regarding the terms of the accord began on August 20, the same day as the speech. According to historian Oyeleye Oyediran, one of the agreements made during the meetings concerned Aminu, outlining that "special arrangements were to be made for Alhaji Aminu Kano, leader of the PRP, were his party to join the alliance."^[64]^{: 156–158}

Over a year into Shagari's administration, the NPN-NPP accord broke down despite the allocation of key leadership positions to NPP members by the ruling party. The accord formally ended on 6 July 1981, after a joint agreement from the two parties.^[72]

The PRP split

Some months into the Second Republic, nine governors from UPN, GNPP, and PRP held monthly meetings where they held discussions and aired their grievances against Shagari's government. These governors were seen as the main political opposition to the ruling party. This caused tension within the PRP as the party's most influential leaders—its President Aminu and its National Secretary, S.G. Ikoku—emphasized cooperation with the NPN, while some more radical members, including the two governors, Abubakar Rimi and Balarabe Musa, who were both members of the nine Governors, denounced the NPN and opposed any form of cooperation.^[72]

Two factions formed within the party. The 'radical' faction were more or less "deeply committed to radical change and socialist principles." They had the desire for an "open confrontation of class forces". It contained some of the founding members of the party, most of its House of Representatives members, its prominent intellectuals, and the two governors. While the other faction represented the more moderate and ideologically varied members of the party. They encouraged the more moderate 'democratic humanism' of Aminu Kano, and held the belief that confrontation with the Shagari government "should yield, at least for the time being, to the imperatives of national unity and inter-party co-operation." This group included prominent leftists—like Ikoku—businessmen, professionals, and other party members loyal to Aminu.^[72]^[73]^: 143 The radical faction was called Santsi ('slippery' in Hausa) after Aminu said they were on a slippery slope. Rimi then replied that 'some party leaders' were 'stuck in the mud', hence the pro-Aminu faction were known as Taɓo ('mud' in Hausa).^[74]

During the spring of 1980, while Aminu was abroad for medical treatment, the PRP leadership formally prohibited the two governors from attending the nine governors' meetings. Upon his return, unable to mediate between the two factions, he aligned himself with the Taɓo faction, thereby endorsing the actions of the party establishment. As the two governors persisted in attending the meetings despite the directive, they were expelled from the party. In response, the Santsi faction, claiming to be the authentic PRP, convened a party convention in December 1980, where they expelled Aminu and Ikoku, replacing them with Chief Michael Imodu and Abubakar Rimi, respectively. However, FEDECO swiftly recognized Aminu as the legitimate leader of the PRP.^[72]

Legacy

Nigeria cannot be the same again because Aminu Kano lived here.

Chinua Achebe, An Image of Africa / The Trouble with Nigeria^[75]

Hausa cinema and plays

Reformist ideas

Aminu Kano joined the Northern Elements Progressive Union as a political platform to challenge what he felt was the autocratic and feudalistic actions of the Native Northern Government. He geared his attack on the ruling elite including the emirs, who were mostly Fulanis. The potency of his platform was strengthened partly because of his background. His father was an acting Alkali in Kano who came from a lineage of Islamic clerics, Aminu Kano also brought up Islamic ideas on equity in his campaign trails during the first republic. Many talakawas (commoners) in Kano lined up behind his message and his political stature grew from the support of the Kano commoners and migratory petty traders in the north.^[81] Many of the tradesmen later manned the offices of NEPU. He also sought to use politics to create an egalitarian Northern Nigerian society.

Another major idea of his in the prelude to the first republic was the breakup of ethnically based parties. The idea was well received by his emerging support base of petty traders and craftsmen in towns along the rail track. The men and women were mostly migratory individuals searching for trade opportunities and had little ethnic similarities with their host communities. He also proposed a fiscal system that favors heavy taxation of the rich in the region and was notably one of the few leading Nigerian politicians that supported equal rights for women.

Mallam Aminu Kano is highly respected politician in Northern Nigeria. He symbolized democratization, women's empowerment and freedom of speech. An airport, a college and also a major street are also named after him in Kano. His house where he lived and died and buried has been converted to Centre for Democratic Research and Training under the Bayero University Kano.

Women's empowerment

Aminu's deep concern for his mother and the societal constraints she faced led him to make women's empowerment a lifelong dedication.^[82]^: 53 He refrained from having multiple wives, asserting that the Qur'an permitted a Muslim to marry up to four wives only if equal treatment was ensured, which he thought was impossible to achieve. He interpreted this as the Qur'an not advocating polygamy. A strong believer in education as a means of women's emancipation, he sponsored a school for women which convened at his home from 1952 until his death in 1983, offering courses in handicrafts, sewing, Hausa, and basic English literacy. During his two year course at the Institute of Education, he wrote all his term papers on "The Problem of Girls' Education in Kano".^[4]^{: 290–291}^[6]^: 102^[83]

Throughout his political career, Aminu consistently challenged the exclusion of women from public life and formal political processes. He evoked Islamic concepts of "freedom," "jihad," and "justice" to advocate for women's empowerment, positioning it as a fundamental concern within his political party. Alongside his cousin Isa Wali, he championed this cause in the 1950s and 1960s, a stance that was relatively rare during that period. During the 1970s and 1980s, with the return to democracy in Nigeria, the People's Redemption Party (PRP), under his leadership, emerged as the only political party in Nigeria addressing this issue, and Aminu became closely associated with advocating for women's rights more than any other politician in the country. He argued that the Qur'an gave Muslims the right to "have a direct say in the affairs of the state or a representative chosen by him or her".^[84]^: 153^[83]^[85]

Had he participated in the 1983 Presidential election, his running mate would have been Mrs. Bola Ogunbo, which would have been the first time a Nigerian woman was nominated for high national office. He advocated for the greater involvement of women in public affairs, implementing large-scale education programs for women through his party PRP and appointed several women to public positions. In both the parties he led, the Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) from 1953 to 1966 and the PRP from 1978 to 1983, women were encouraged to engage politically. However, while these parties established women's wings and addressed issues concerning education and voting rights, they often stifled female members' attempts to independently confront wider issues. The women's wings, though present, did not lead reformative or revolutionary changes for women.^[84]^: 157

Islamiyya schools

During the 1950s, drawing inspiration from Islamic schools in Sudan,^[86] the writings of Abdullahi dan Fodio, and some similar reformist movements in Nigeria, Aminu initiated the establishment of the first Islamiyya schools, aiming to reform and modernise Islamic education in Kano. To garner support, Aminu proposed the programme to influential mallamai in Kano, including Sheikh Na’ibi Suleiman Wali and Inuwa Wada. The first of these schools was established in the Sudawa ward of the city, which quickly rose in popularity with an initial enrollment of 30 students that soon grew to 60. Parents, especially those with young girls, favoured these schools as they focused on Islamic education while also incorporating aspects of Western education which was a viable alternative to not attending school at all.^[6]^{: 142–144}^[87]^[88]^[89]^[90]

An education officer inspected the schools and was impressed with the program, leading to its integration into the formal school system. Within a year, ten more Islamiyya schools were opened in major cities across Northern Nigeria, including Kano, Kaduna, and Jos. By 1958, there were approximately 60 such schools. Given that most support for these schools came from NEPU members, they became politicised and were occasionally targeted, even violently. Nevertheless, the popularity of these schools endured, particularly among female students.^[89]^[91]

Following Nigeria's independence in 1960, the Northern Government increased its support for Islamiyya schools. By the 1970s, primary school students "in addition to their primary studies attend an Islamiyya school fo several hours a day".^[89]^[92]^: 92 Today, the majority of children in Northern Nigeria attend Islamiyya schools alongside traditional primary education.^[90] These schools have received support from the Nigerian government and international organizations, such as USAID, as part of efforts to promote goals like girls' education.^[93]

Personal life

Chinua Achebe, the influential Nigerian novelist and PRP colleague of Aminu, described him as "a saint and revolutionary". He further added that:

...if Aminu Kano should discover that he had joined the ranks of the oppressor he would promptly and openly renounce his position and wage war on himself!^[94]^: 86

British journalist and historian Basil Davidson, who Aminu described as his friend, characterized Aminu as "the Teacher, the Rebel, the Crusader-Politician, and the Statesman-Parliamentarian". Adding to Davidson's description, Aminu described himself during a speech at the Bayero University's Convocation Ceremony in 1982 as "a democratic humanist committed to elevating humanity and upholding the dignity of women".^[82]^: 52 Elspeth Huxley, British writer who met Aminu in the early 1950s, in her 1954 book "Four Guineas: A Journey Through West Africa", described Aminu as "a Cassius of a man, slight and fiery, fluent in English, his heart a scorpion and his tongue a whip". She further described him as "a demagogue—ready-tongued, fanatical".^[95]^{: 254–255}

Aminu was well known for his frugal lifestyle. Despite his ministerial position under Gowon, he primarily sustained himself through his "small farm holding" and occasional gifts from his friends.^[27]^: 73

Aminu's knowledge of Islam earned him the title of Mallam (a title reserved for learned men in Northern Nigeria). He was an expert in Islamic jurisprudence and tafsir, delivering widely popular lectures on these subjects, especially in Kano.^[82]^: 51 His Qur'anic interpretations mainly focused on the Islamic principles of justice, the significance of education within Islam, and advocated for tolerance among the 'people of the book'—comprising Muslims, Christians, and Jews.^[4]^{: 299–305}

Political quotes

1. That the shocking state of social order as at present existing in Northern Nigeria is due to nothing but the Family Compact rule of the so-called Native Administrations in their present autocratic form.
2. That owing to this unscrupulous and vicious system of Administration by the Family Compact rulers, there is today in our Society an antagonism of interests manifesting itself as a class struggle, between the members of the vicious circle of the Native Administration on the one hand and the ordinary "talakawa" on the other.
3. That this antagonism can be abolished only by the emancipation of the "talakawa" from the domination of these conduits, by the reform of the present autocratic political Institutions into Democratic Institutions and placing their democratic control in the hands of the "Talakawa" for whom alone they exist.
4. All parties are but the expression of class interests, and as the interest of the talakawa (commoners) is diametrically opposed to the interest of all sections of the master class, a party seeking the emancipation of the talakawa must naturally be hostile to the party of the oppressors.

References

External links

Authority control databases