The Jebala (Moroccan Arabic: جبالة, romanized: Jbāla) are a tribal confederation inhabiting an area in northwest Morocco from the town of Ketema to the west. The Jbala region (from Moroccan Arabic: جبال, romanized: jbāl, lit. 'mountains') thus occupies the western part of the Rif mountains. The Jbala has a population of 1,284,000[2] and is divided into over 40 tribes,[3] today known as "rural communes" (جماعات قروية), and adjacent to them are a small group of nine tribes called the Ghmara (غمارة), who inhabit the territory between the line of mountain peaks to the north of Chefchaouen and the Mediterranean Sea. In addition to tribal heterogeneity, this region is also geographically diverse. High mountains are interspersed with hills and flatlands, and local inhabitants settle in both the high mountains and valleys. In addition to the rainy climate, which influences the way the inhabitants build their houses as well as their special agricultural practices,[4] there are also numerous cultural characteristics that contribute to an emphasised sense of identity[5] and make the Jbala people clearly distinguishable from their neighbours from the eastern part of the Rif Mountains (Riafa or Rwafa) where the climate is more arid, and from the former shepherds from the Atlantic coast (‘Arab). There are only a few cities in the country of the Jbala, and its population remains mostly rural. During the Middle Ages, chroniclers and historians knew the Jbala under their original name, Ghomara.[6][7]
Etymology
The word Jbala comes from Arabic جبل, Jbel, which means mountain. Thus Jbala means mountain people. A man or boy is called a Jebli while a woman or a girl is called a Jebliya.
Origins
The Jebala are of mixed origin.[8] They adopted the Arabic language between the 10th and 15th centuries, influenced by Arab townspeople of northern Morocco and Al-Andalus and the fact that their land lies on the route between these places.[9]
History
Very little is known about the prehistory of the region, but the history of the Jebala people seems to be well documented since early Islamic times. The early Islamic history of the Rif, through the Emirate of Nekor established by Salih ibn Mansur of the Nefzaoua Berbers and which lasted from pre-Idrisid until Almoravid times with the fall of the Madinat al-Nakur (710–1108 CE). This part of the history seems to be well documented, but when the Berber dynasty of Almoravids started ruling, the history of the Rif was almost unknown. The usual tradition is that almost every existing social group in the Rif mountains originated from somewhere else, not too far away from the country.[10]
Culture
Language
A Jebala woman at a marketplace
The variety of Arabic spoken by the Jbala falls under the sub-dialect grouping of shamali Arabic. Together with shamali, the jebli dialect belongs to the so-called Pre-Hilali or Non-Hilali group of Maghrebi Arabic, sometimes also referred to as ‘mountaineer Arabic’. This term was introduced by Marçais[11] and Colin,[12] who argued that the first arabicization of Northern Africa took place long before the migration of the Bani Hilal tribe in the 12th-13th centuries. The pre-Hilali group consists of the Jebli dialect together with the dialects spoken in other North African cities. The Jbala, together with several groups of population inhabiting the Algerian and Tunisian part of the Tell Atlas, were the first Imazighen (Berbers) who arabicised their language,[13] probably due to their proximity to the old route that once connected Fes (as well as Tlemcen and Constantine) with Mediterranean ports, especially with those located in al-Andalus.[14] As the most archaic group of Arabic dialects in the region, the Pre-Hilali dialects are characterised by a strong influence from Berber on all levels—phonetic, morphological, and lexical.[15]
Clothing
The traditional clothing for women includes shawls called "mendils" made from cotton or wool. These rectangular shawls are often woven in stripes of white and red in the region. They are wrapped around the waist to form skirts. They are also used as shawls and for holding babies or goods on the back or front of the body.[16]
The traditional man's outer garment is the djellaba, a one-piece cotton or woolen cloak with a pointed hood. In the Jebala region, the wool is usually undyed so dark brown and off-white colours are common. White djellabas are worn for religious festivals.[17]
The Jebala favour pointed-toed leather slippers. Natural light brown, yellow and white are the most common colours. Reed hats are another traditional feature of Jebala dress for both men and women. Women's hats are often adorned with woven woollen tassels and roping in black, white and red variations.[18]
Oral tradition
Today, the oral poetic tradition of the Jbala is known among outsiders under the generic term ayta jabaliya. At the national level, it became famous across Morocco largely thanks to the efforts of a talented poet, musician and singer of Jebli origin (Bni Zerwalبني زروال), Mohamed Laroussi, (محمد لعروسي) (1933-2014), who received from his countrywide audiences the honorary titles of the fannān Jbāla’ (فنان جبالة), or ‘the artist of the Jbala’, or ‘maḥbūb Jbāla’ (محبوب جبالة), or ‘beloved by all Jbala people’. For decades his songs have been available for purchase not only in northern Morocco, where Laaroussi's name is widely known, but throughout the country, first on LPs, then tapes, and recently on CDs and in MP3 format. Laaroussi's concerts have been regularly shown on Moroccan television since the 1960s. Today both his audio and video records can be easily found on YouTube and other internet video hosting sites.
Although pretty much everything produced in the Jbala region is referred to as ayta jabaliya, there are in fact three different genres: ʿayta jebliya’ (عيطة جبلية), ʿayyuʿ (عيوع) and ughniya’ (اغنية). Interestingly, and despite their heterogeneity, the Jbala trace their ethnic and cultural origin to the times of Moorish Andalusian Spain (711-1492).[15] Any Jbala musician and singer, who is often also a ‘poet’ and even an ‘artist’ (because Jebli poetry does not exist without music and performance and a local poet almost always sings his own songs, accompanying himself with a musical instrument) will usually tell an outsider the legend of Tariq ibn Ziyad, the famous conqueror of Spain, his trip through the Straits of Gibraltar (Jabal Tariq, the Mountain of Tariq, hence "Gibraltar"), and the sad end of Islamic rule in Spain. The sense of cultural continuity between the Jbala region and Andalusia is very strong even today.[15]
Poetry
The traditional Jebli poetry has the following general characteristics: it is practically always oral and almost always unauthored: in the traditional Jebli culture it is very unusual to hear that someone claims authorship of a particular song/poem. Poetry is often improvised but sometimes can also be memorised and then performed. Remarkably, Jebli poetry is always linked to music and performance and, perhaps because of this, is never referred to as ‘poetry’ or shi’r (شعر) or zajal (زجل). Instead, it is routinely called klam (كلام), which can be roughly compared to the meaning of English ‘lyrics’. At the same time, music or lhan (لحن), is highly valued and it is always music that identifies the genre.[19]
A traditional Jebli poet links his/her verses to a particular melody, from the set of possible melodies typical of this tradition. Once the melody is chosen, he/she then tries to organise his/her poetry into beyt-s (بيت), or quatrains. It is not clear how well the poet understands the concept of Arabic beyt and links to it concept of qafiya (قافية), or rhyme. It is very possible that local poets use this terminology in a rather superficial way: after all, their poems only exist during the moment when they are being performed. In other words, a Jebli poem is difficult to visualise on paper and can be compared to a rather distant tradition of Classical Arabic poetry that was once born n the Arabian Peninsula. However, a Jebli beyt does have particular characteristics that the poet has in mind and tries to conform with: beyt is typically but not necessarily made of four hemistichs, where each one is made of 6-8 syllables, and the second hemistich is rhymed with the fourth one. If the beyt becomes a part of ayta jebliya or ughniya, the poet will also produce a lazima (لازمة), or refrain, that will cement the text together. This poetry has recently been analyzed within the framework of cognitive poetics, showing how spontaneous oral performance is aided by recourse to cognitive frames, scripts and formulaic language.[20]
Music
Music and dancing are also very important in Jbala culture. The Jebala play the "Ghayta" (a form of clarinet), and the tbul (drum), and dancing is generally performed by boys. The Rif musicians, who belong to a socially and occupational inferior class calling themselves "Imdhyazen", generally come from one tribe, the "Ait Touzin". They play the "Addjun" (tambourine) and the "zammar" (a kind of clarinet) with unmarried girls and old women dancing.[10]
Economic and cultural differences
Jebala house with thatched roof
The Jebala people have a different culture compared to the Rifians. The Jebala people use oxen yoked by their horns for ploughing, opposed to the Rifians' use of cows yoked by their neck. For the roofing of their houses, the Jebala people make roofs made of corrugated iron or thatch, when the Rifians use dried clay. The Jebala who inhabit the Atlantic coast, Tangier area and the Ketama, Morocco region have more rainfall, and therefore prefer pointed roof, in the Rif, where there is less rainfall flat roof is used. The Jebala have villages with houses clustered together, while the Rifians traditionally have dispersed homesteads, located at least 300 metres from each other.
Special technologies
The Rif is not just a mountainous area. Its proximity to the straits of Gibraltar gave this area an important role: the western part of the Rif is a transit route, leading to the Mediterranean world, in particular, to al-Andalus. This has had a certain impact on its inhabitants: early arabisation, a high density of literate people, the cultural and economic influence of neighbouring cities, etc.[14] In addition, these factors led to the emergence of technical innovations that are modest, yet surprising in the Maghreb context: sloping thatched-roofs (الدار د سقف), identical to those found in the south of Andalusia; the yoking of horned cattle, where the yoke is placed at the base of the skull, just behind the horns (برواسي) to which it is fixed, a system which is known only in some limited areas in Europe; the haystack (التمون) made without a cob bedding, instead held together by a set of cords fixed with stones; the granary raised on pillars (لهري), which exists in some other parts of the world, the closest place being in the Spanish Cantabrian Mountains; the hand flour mill with connecting rod-crank (رحي د ليد), where an alternating movement transforms into a rotary movement, according to the mechanical principle of the connecting rod-crank; the water mill with vertical shed (رحي د الما), the use of which is limited to a small area on the straits of Gibraltar, unlike the ramp mill which is in use in the rest of the country; the oil press with double lateral screws (معيصرة), mobile because of its small size; and the piston-type butter-churn (مخاط), with vertical movement instead of lateral.[21]
Where did this technical originality come from? Perhaps, this heritage has been in a suitable position to resist changes: this is a well preserved area located precisely at the heart of the Rif chain. Moreover, it is shielded by the sea and, at the same time, protected from southern influences by the barrier of the great ridge. This isolation had a double effect, added to four centuries of no contact between Morocco and the Iberian Peninsula. But perhaps we should consider this entire region of northwest Morocco to be a privileged area in terms of confluences, since it combines a great diversity of natural factors with its proximity to the sea and presence on terrestrial routes.
Biodiversity and agriculture
The Rif is one of the most populated mountain ranges in the Mediterranean basin. The western and central parts of this area are considered as a “hot spot” of Mediterranean biodiversity: we can speak of a true refuge of agrodiversity,[22] where rare crops of cereals and legumes that are considered at a national level to be minor or marginal have been preserved, such as rye, or chentil (آشنتيل), small spelt or einkorn, chqalia (شقالية), and sorghum, or dra (درة), is the main spring cereal instead of the usual corn. As well as the impressive diversity of fruit trees. There are over a hundred varieties of fig trees.[23] In addition, vine production has long been known in this region, evidence of which has been documented by many travellers.[24] Today, grape syrup, known as samit (صامت), is still produced locally; often it is lightly fermented and then contains alcohol, which causes controversy about the legitimacy of its use (in the context of Islamic beliefs). The olive tree is essential and occupies 77% of the land used for tree planting. This area is also known for production of original honeys, particularly the carob and arbutus types. Wild plants are widely utilised because of their nutritional value. On the other hand, the flax and mulberry trees have disappeared and, with them, have disappeared a significant number of local crafts.
At the level of agronomic practices, the local population has been successfully bringing innovation into local products. These products are of special value, given the current interest and strong demand for organic produce, as well as produce with important dietary properties, based on ancient traditions and local varieties. However, the transmission of this know-how to the new generation is proving difficult.[25]
Religious traditions and pilgrimages
Shrine of Moulay Abdessalam, Bni Arouss, 2018
The Jbala people are Muslims, but their religious practices are characterized by many specific local traditions. In particular, they practice what is known in the Muslim tradition as the minor or local pilgrimage, or ‘ziyara’ (زيارة). Such pilgrimages are usually made to shrines of local saints all over the Muslim world. The Jbala region, however, has the reputation of being the land of saints, due to high density of sacred places scattered all over the area.[26] Each of the Jebli tribes has at least one Sufi lodge, or ‘zawiya’ (زاوية), adjacent to its shrine, or ‘darih’ (ضريح). Almost all zawiya-s have their season or ‘mawsem’ (موسم), or grand gatherings of faithful Muslims that happen on fixed dates during a particular time frame. For instance, the tribe of Bni Zerwal alone, which inhabits the southeast area of the Jbala, is said to have seven such locations.[27] Some saints, such as Moulay Bou Shta el-Khammar (مولاي بوشتا الخمار) and Sidi Allal el-Hajj (سيدي علال الحاج), seem to be more reputable than others.
However, there is one particular saint who is highly honoured not only by members of Jebli society but also across the Moroccan kingdom. This is Moulay Abdessalam Ben Mshish (مولاي عبد السلام بن مشيشš), a native of the Jbala region. Moulay Abdessalam is the quṭb al-Maġrib al-aqṣa (قطب المغرب الاقصى)—‘the spiritual pole of the far Maghreb’. It is important to mention that the term qutb has a special meaning in the Islamic tradition, referring to a spiritual symbol of particular time. It is also of importance that throughout their history Sufi orders in the Kingdom of Morocco developed and evolved around only two quṭbs—Moulay Abdessalam ben Mshish, a native of the Jbala who is viewed as the ‘western pole’, and Moulay Abdelqader Jilali, a native of Iraq who is regarded as the ‘eastern pole'.[24] In Morocco this term has acquired an extra nuance: quṭbs are considered to be those who play the role of spiritual leaders for other saints.
This idea is closely linked to the brotherhood of Shadhiliya, one of the most powerful Sufi orders not only in Morocco but throughout North Africa. The tradition of going on pilgrimage to the shrine of Moulay Abdessalam ben Mshish has played an exceptionally important role in Jebli society over many centuries. Traditionally, the beginning of the pilgrimage season to Moulay Abdessalam is calculated based on the Islamic calendar and takes place around the 15th of Shaaban.[28] At this time not only do Jebli pilgrims come from all corners of the land of the Jbala but also pilgrims from other parts of Morocco. They flock to Mount Alam (جبلالعلم).The gathering of pilgrims, also known as lamma (لامة), is accompanied by the chanting of religious hymns and prayers, and then smoothly transforms into picnics and get-togethers of family and friends during which it is common to exchange short sung poems, or ayyu-s (عيوع).[29]
^Hart, D. M. (1999), « Luchas hereditarias rifeñas o vendettas rifeñas y segmentación o anti-segmentación ? Datos adicionales sobre los Ait Uriagel y contestación parcial a Henry Munson », Hart y Rachid Raha (dir.), La sociedad bereber del Rif marroquí. Sobre la teoría de la segmentaridad en el Magreb, Grenade, Universidad de Granada, Diputación Provincial de Granada, Série Historia y Antropología del Magreb contemporáneo.
^Ater M. et al. (2018), « Agrosystèmes traditionnels et savoirs agronomiques des paysans du pays Jbala (Rif occidental) », Les Jbala. Peuplement, langue et ruralité, Actes des rencontres de Chefchaouen, Taounate et Larache, 2011, 2012, 2014, coordination M. Mezzine, J. Vignet-Zunz, F. Brigui, soutien de l’Ass. Targa-AIDE, Rabat.
Also see: Hmimsa Y. et al., (2012), “Vernacular taxonomy, classification and varietal diversity of fig (Ficuscarica L.) among Jbala cultivators in Northern Morocco”, Human Ecology. DOI:10.1007/s10745-012-9471-x.
^Vignet-Zunz, J. (2014), Les Jbala du Rif. Des lettrés en montagne, Casablanca: Éditions la Croisée des Chemins.: 23-40.
^Mezzine M. (2018), « Le peuplement du Maroc au-delà des cartes : le cas des populations du pays Jbala/Ghmara », Les Jbala. Peuplement, langue et ruralité, Actes des rencontres de Chefchaouen, Taounate et Larache, 2011, 2012, 2014, coordination M. Mezzine, J. Vignet-Zunz, F. Brigui, soutien de l’Ass. Targa-AIDE, Rabat.
^Martinez Enamorado V. (2018), « Les significations historiques du vocable « Rif » », Les Jbala. Peuplement, langue et ruralité, Actes des rencontres de Chefchaouen, Taounate et Larache, 2011, 2012, 2014, coordination M. Mezzine, J. Vignet-Zunz, F. Brigui, soutien de l’Ass. Targa-AIDE, Rabat.
^(in French) A. Zouggari & J. Vignet-Zunz,Jbala: Histoire et société, dans Sciences Humaines, (1991). (ISBN2-222-04574-6)
^(in French) S. Levy, EDNA n°1 (1996), Reperes pour une histoire linguistique du Maroc, pp.127-137
^ abTribe and Society in Rural Morocco Door David M. Hart
^Marçais, W. (1956). Comment l’Afrique du Nord a été arabisée. Annales de l'Institut d'Etudes Orientales XIV, 6-17.
^Colin, G. (1945). Le milieu indigène au Maroc: les parlers arabes, initiation au Maroc. Publications de l’Institut des Hautes Études Marocaines, 219-244. Rabat: Ecole de livre.
^Brigui F., 2019. « De la continuité linguistique du préhilalien de type jebli au-delà du territoire des Jbala », VII Congreso Internacional de Árabe Marroquí: dinámicas de cambios y nuevos horizontes, Universidad Complutense, Madrid, 25-26.04.2019 ; Al-Andalus-Magreb, Vol. 26, Num. 1, Universidad de Cádiz.
^ abVignet-Zunz, J. (2017), « Jbala : Identités et frontières » La région du Nord-Ouest marocain : parlers et pratiques sociales et culturelles / Ángeles Vicente, Dominique Caubet, Amina Naciri-Azzouz (éds), Prensas de la Universidad de Zaragoza, Colección Estudios de Dialectología Árabe, n.º 12, 18-28.
^ abcGintsburg, S. (2014). Formulaicity in Jbala poetry. Tilburg: Tilburg University Press.
^Wyrtzen, Jonathan (19 February 2016). Making Morocco : Colonial Intervention and the Politics of Identity. ISBN978-1-5017-0424-6. OCLC1100894570.
^Gintsburg, S. (2006). Some Observations on the poetical language of love songs in the dialect of the Jbala (northern Morocco). Al-Andalus-Magreb, 13, 139-161.
^Vignet-Zunz, J. (2012), « Outils insolites, outils défaillants et savantes montagne », Des outils, des machines et des hommes, Études offertes à Georges COMET, éditées par Aline Durand, Cahiers d’Histoire des Techniques, n° 8, Publications de l’Université de Provence, Aix-en-Provence.
^Hmimsa Y. & Ater M. (2008), “Agrodiversity in the traditional agrosystems of the Rif mountains (north of Morocco)”, Biodiversity, 9 (1-2): 78-81.
^Hmimsa Y. et al., (2012), “Vernacular taxonomy, classification and varietal diversity of fig (Ficuscarica L.) among Jbala cultivators in Northern Morocco”, Human Ecology. DOI:10.1007/s10745-012-9471-x.
^ abMichaux-Bellaire E. (1911) « Quelques tribus de montagne de la région du Habt ». In Archives Marocaines, vol. 17. Paris : E. Leroux.
^Ater M. et al. (2018), « Agrosystèmes traditionnels et savoirs agronomiques des paysans du pays Jbala (Rif occidental) », Les Jbala. Peuplement, langue et ruralité, Actes des rencontres de Chefchaouen, Taounate et Larache, 2011, 2012, 2014, coordination M. Mezzine, J. Vignet-Zunz, F. Brigui, soutien de l’Ass. Targa-AIDE, Rabat.
^Mezzine M. et Vignet-Zunz J. (2014), « Retour sur les sociétés de montagne au Maghreb : fuqahā’et soufis du Bilād Ġumāra (XIe-XVIIe siècles) à l’épreuve des réformes de la pratique religieuse », REMMM, 135, Sociétés de montagne et réforme religieuse en terre d'Islam, Publications de l’Université de Provence, 77-98.
^لازمي، احمد (2018). .قراءة في كتاب: قبيلة بني زروال لمؤلفه محمد البشير الفاسي الفهري, Les Jbala. Peuplement, langue et ruralité, Actes des rencontres de Chefchaouen, Taounate et Larache, 2011, 2012, 2014, coordination M. Mezzine, J. Vignet-Zunz, F. Brigui, soutien de l’Ass. Targa-AIDE, Rabat.
^الرباط : دار ابي رقراق للطباعة و النشر. عبيدو محمد . الشيخ المولاي عبد السلام بن مشيش قطب المغرب الاقصى
