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((Short description|Reclassifying a language variety as a distinct language))
((Use dmy dates|date=July 2018))
((more citations needed|date=August 2021))

'''Language secessionism''' (also known as '''linguistic secessionism''' or '''linguistic separatism''') is an attitude supporting the separation of a [[language variety]] from the [[language]] to which it has hitherto been considered to belong, in order for this variety to be considered a distinct language. This attitude was first analyzed in Catalan [[sociolinguistics]]<ref>For example:

*STRUBELL Miquel (1991) "Catalan in Valencia: the story of an attempted secession", Swiss Academy of Social Science Colloquium on Standardization: Parpan / Chur (Grisons) 15–20 April 1991
*PRADILLA Miquel Àngel (1999) "El secessionisme lingüístic valencià", in: PRADILLA Miquel Àngel (1999) (ed.) ''La llengua catalana al tombant del mil·leni'', Barcelona: Empúries, p. 153-202.
*Article "secessionisme lingüístic", in: RUIZ I SAN PASCUAL Francesc, & SANZ I RIBELLES Rosa, & SOLÉ I CAMARDONS Jordi (2001) ''Diccionari de sociolingüística'', coll. Diccionaris temàtics, Barcelona: Enciclopèdia Catalana.</ref> but it is attested in other parts of the world.

== In Arabic ==

=== Sociolinguistic background ===
The [[Arab World]] is characterized by [[diglossia]]. The low-prestige varieties - local dialects dominate the sphere of daily communication, whereas [[Standard Arabic]] carries high prestige and is used in formal writing and speaking.<ref>((Cite journal |last=Ferguson |first=Charles |title=Diglossia |journal=Word |year=1959 |volume=15 |issue=2 |pages=325–340|doi=10.1080/00437956.1959.11659702 |s2cid=239352211 |doi-access=free ))</ref> 

This situation has important political and social implications. [[Modern Standard Arabic|Standard Arabic]], is the official language of all [[Arab world|Arab countries]]. It enjoys the status of a global language. Standard Arabic is also the [[Sacred language|lingua sacra]] of [[Islam]], which further increases its importance. However, a claim could be made that it is no one's first language, since Arab children acquire their local dialect in the natural process of generational language transmission, and learn Standard Arabic later, when they begin formal education.<ref>Versteegh, Kees, et al. Encyclopedia of Arabic Language and Linguistics / Vol. II, Eg-Lan.Brill, 2007, pp. 8-18.</ref> Proficiency in Standard Arabic gives one an insight into a vast literary tradition spanning over 1,500 years. However, proponents of recognizing local Arabic dialects as official languages claim that the discrepancy between spoken [[vernacular]]s and Standard Arabic is just too wide, rendering proficiency in Standard Arabic unattainable for most.

=== In Egyptian Arabic ===
Egyptian linguistic separatism is the most well-developed linguistic separatism in the Arab World. The most popular platform diffusing the idea of the Modern Egyptian Language (rather than the [[Egyptian Arabic|Egyptian dialect]]) is the [[Egyptian Arabic Wikipedia]] also known as Wikipedia Masry or Maṣrī. It was the first Wikipedia written in one of the many Arabic dialects. Importantly, the idea of Egyptian linguistic separatism goes further back, to thinkers such as [[Salama Moussa|Salama Musa]], [[Bayoumi Andil|Bayyūmī Qandīl]], Muḥsin Luṭfī as-Sayyid, and the [[Liberal Egyptian Party]].<ref name=":0">((Cite book |last=Nabulssi-Masełbas |first=Zuzanna |url=http://arabistyka.uw.edu.pl/wp-content/uploads/sites/355/2024/02/Zuzanna-Nabulssi-Maselbas-Egyptian-linguistic-separatism.-A-study-in-Wikipedia-Masri.pdf |title=Egyptian Linguistic Separatism. A Study in Wikipedia Masri |date=2023 |publisher=Warsaw University |year=2023 |isbn=978-83-963626-2-9 |pages=65-74))</ref>

Egyptian linguistic separatism does not simply claim that Egyptian Arabic should become the official language of Egypt, which in and of itself is a matter decided by politicians, not linguists. However, proponents of Egyptian linguistic separatism, such as [[Bayoumi Andil|Bayyūmī Qandīl]], substantiate their political demands with pseudoscientific claims.<ref name=":0" />

Linguistic separatism remains a fringe movement within Egyptian society. The idea remains particularly attractive to [[Copts|Coptic Christians]] and liberals, who see [[Egyptian nationalism]] as an alternative to [[Pan-Arabism]] and [[Pan-Islamism]].<ref name=":0" />

== In Catalan and Occitan ==

=== Common characteristics ===
In the [[Occitano-Romance languages|Occitano-Catalan language area]], language secessionism is a quite recent phenomenon that has developed only since the 1970s. Language secessionism affects both [[Occitan language|Occitan]] and [[Catalan language|Catalan]] languages with the following common features:<ref>SUMIEN Domergue (2006) ''La standardisation pluricentrique de l'occitan: nouvel enjeu sociolinguistique, développement du lexique et de la morphologie'', coll. Publications de l'Association Internationale d'Études Occitanes 3, Turnhout: Brepols, p. 49.</ref>

* A breakaway from the tradition of Occitan and Catalan [[Language revitalization|revivalist movements]], which usually claim the unity of both languages since the 19th century.
* An often deliberate ignorance of the tradition of [[Romance languages|Romance]] [[linguistics]] that also claims the unity of Occitan and Catalan.<ref>BEC Pierre (1970–71) (collab. Octave NANDRIS, Žarko MULJAČIĆ) ''Manuel pratique de philologie romane'', Paris: Picard, 2 vol.</ref>
* An exacerbation of the [[cultural identity]] [[Cultural linguistics|linked to dialects]], which secessionism considers as separate languages.
* A lack of success (or a very marginal position) in [[linguistics|linguistic]] scientific research.<ref>Georg Kremnitz, "Une approche sociolinguistique", in F. Peter Kirsch, & Georg Kremnitz, & Brigitte Schlieben-Lange (2002) ''Petite histoire sociale de la langue occitane: usages, images, littérature, grammaires et dictionnaires'', coll. Cap al Sud, F-66140 Canet: Trabucaire, p. 109-111 [updated version and partial translation from: Günter Holtus, & Michael Metzeltin, & Christian Schmitt (1991) (dir.) ''Lexikon der Romanistischen Linguistik''. Vol. V-2: ''Okzitanisch, Katalanisch'', Tübingen: Niemeyer]</ref>
* An active [[lobbying]] in regional political circles.
* The support of a [[writing system]] or of any prescription, which breaks up linguistic unity and exaggerates dialectal particular features.

=== In Catalan ===
In [[Catalan language|Catalan]], there are three cases:
* [[Valencian language]] secessionism, or [[blaverism]], appeared during the [[Spanish transition to democracy|democratic transition]] of 1975–1981, after the fall of [[Francoism]]. It is supported by some conservative circles of the Valencian society, which are branded as "post-Francoist" by its rivals who consider Valencian and Catalan one and the same language. It has variable impact in the population: Valencian people usually name their language "Valencian" but are divided about the unity of Catalan: some people agree in that "Valencian" is just the regional name for "Catalan" but other people think that "Valencian" would be a distinct language from "Catalan". Blaverism has very little impact in the community of linguists. Valencian institutions and Valencian partisans of Catalan unity use the official norm of Catalan (as codified by [[Institut d'Estudis Catalans]] and [[Acadèmia Valenciana de la Llengua]]), while "Blavers" (partisans of blaverism) mostly write Valencian using an alternative standard called "[[Normes del Puig]]" (codified by the [[Real Acadèmia de Cultura Valenciana|Royal Academy of Valencian Culture]]).
* [[Balearic dialect|Balearic language]] secessionism vis-à-vis Catalan is quite marginal and is supported by a few cultural groups. It has very little impact in the population. It is included in a wider (but unorganized) tendency called "gonellisme", which struggles against the [[Language standardization|standardization]] of Catalan.
* In [[Franja de Ponent]] (a Catalan-speaking strip in eastern [[Aragon]]), language secessionism is quite marginal. It appeared during the 2000s. It is supported only by a fraction of the already minority pro-[[Aragonese language|Aragonese]] movements, who overstate a so-called Aragonese [[Proto-language|ancestry]] in the Catalan spoken in Aragon.

=== In Occitan ===
There are three cases in [[Occitan language|Occitan]]:
* In the [[Auvernhat]] dialect, language secessionism has been supported since the 1970s by [[Pierre Bonnaud]], who founded the ''[[Occitan language#Writing system|Bonnaudian norm]]'', the group ''Cercle Terre d'Auvergne'' and the review ''Bïzà Neirà''. It has negligible impact in the population, where knowledge of the language is in any case at best residual. Auvernhat cultural circles are divided between the unitary vision of Occitan (associated with the Occitan ''[[Occitan language#Writing system|classical norm]]'') and secessionism (associated with ''[[Occitan language#Writing system|Bonnaudian norm]]'').
* In the [[Provençal dialect|Provençal]] dialect, language secessionism appeared during the 1970s with Louis Bayle and has been reactivated since the 1990s by Philippe Blanchet and groups like "Union Provençale" and "Collectif Provence". This secessionism supports the ''[[Occitan language#Writing system|Mistralian norm]]'' (but it does not represent all Mistralian norm users, since some of them claim traditionally the unity of Occitan). It has little impact in the population, whose knowledge of the language is anyway residual. Provençal cultural circles are divided between the unitary vision (supported by users of both ''[[Occitan language#Writing system|Mistralian norm]]'' and ''[[Occitan language#Writing system|classical norm]]'') and the secessionist vision (supported by one some users of the ''[[Occitan language#Writing system|Mistralian norm]]''). The Regional Council of [[Provence-Alpes-Côte d'Azur]] voted a resolution on 5 December 2003 that approved the principle of the unity of "Occitan or Langue d'Oc" and the fact that Provençal is a part of it.
* In the [[Gascon language|Gascon]] dialect, language secessionism is claimed since the 1990s by Jean Lafitte, who created during the 2000s a group called "Institut Béarnais et Gascon". It has negligible impact in the population. Lafitte's secessionism supports two original writing systems: one is a nonstandard spin-off from the ''[[Occitan language#Writing system|classical norm]]'' and the other one is a nonstandard spin-off from the ''[[Occitan language#Writing system|Mistralian norm]]''. Gascon cultural circles almost unanimously support the unitary vision of the Occitan language. In [[Aran Valley]] (a little Gascon Occitan-speaking area in Spain), [[Aranese]], the local variety of [[Gascon language|Gascon]], is officially recognized as a part of the [[Occitan language]]. The status of semi-autonomy of Aran Valley (1990) presents Gascon [[Aranese]] as "Aranese, the variety of the Occitan language peculiar to Aran ([https://web.archive.org/web/20070609045335/http://www6.gencat.net/llengcat/aran/a_marclegal.htm "Er aranés, varietat dera lengua occitana e pròpia d'Aran"]). Similarly, the status of autonomy of [[Catalonia]], as reformed in 2006, confirms it with the following expression: "The Occitan language, which is named Aranese in Aran" ([https://web.archive.org/web/20070609045335/http://www6.gencat.net/llengcat/aran/a_marclegal.htm "Era lengua occitana, denominada aranés en Aran"]).

==In Spanish==
((See also|Andalusian language movement))
In [[Andalusia]], there is [[Andalusian language movement|a fringe movement]] aimed at promoting the [[Andalusian Spanish|Andalusian dialect]] as a separate language from [[Spanish language|Spanish]].<ref>((cite news|url=https://www.libertaddigital.com/andalucia/2021-09-27/la-extrema-izquierda-andaluza-reivindica-el-andaluh-en-el-senado-6822275/|title=La extrema izquierda andaluza reivindica el 'andalûh' en el Senado|newspaper=[[Libertad Digital]]|date=27 September 2021|language=es))</ref>

==In Hindi and Urdu==
((Further|Hindi–Urdu controversy))
The [[national language]] of Pakistan and [[official language]]s in many parts of India, the [[Delhi dialect]] has become the basis of [[Modern Standard Hindi]] and [[Modern Standard Urdu]]. Grammatically, Hindi and Urdu are the same language, [[Hindustani language|Hindustani]], but they differ in their literary and academic vocabulary. Hindi tends to adopt [[Sanskrit]] words and [[Linguistic purism|purges]] literary words borrowed from [[Persian language|Persian]], while Urdu does the opposite. In essence, apart from their scripts, the [[lexicon]] is what distinguishes Urdu and Hindi. There are additional [[Indo-Aryan languages]] that are counted as Hindi but are not the same as Hindustani. They are considered [[Hindi languages]] but may not be close to the Delhi dialect.

== In Romanian ==
((Further|Controversy over ethnic and linguistic identity in Moldova))
The official standard language of [[Moldova]] is identical to [[Romanian language|Romanian]]. However, [[Vasile Stati]], a local linguist and politician, has asserted his opinion that Moldovan is a separate language in his ''Dicționar moldovenesc-românesc'' ([[Moldovan–Romanian dictionary]]).''<ref>[http://www.contrafort.md/old/2003/105-106/570.html Un monument al minciunii și al urii – 'Dicționarul moldovenesc-românesc' al lui Vasile Stati] in ''Contrafort'' magazine, no. 7-8 (105-106) / July–August 2003</ref>

During the Soviet era, the USSR authorities officially recognized and promoted [[Moldovans]] and [[Moldovan language|Moldovan]] as a distinct ethnicity and language from Romanians. A [[Moldovan Cyrillic alphabet|Cyrillic alphabet]] was introduced in the [[Moldavian ASSR]] and [[Moldavian SSR|SSR]] to reinforce this claim. Since 1989, the official language switched to the [[Romanian alphabet|Latin script]] and underwent several of the language reforms of Romanian.

Nowadays, the Cyrillic alphabet remains in official use only on the territories controlled by the breakaway authorities of the [[Transnistria|Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic]] (most commonly known as Transnistria), where it is named "Moldovan", as opposed to the Latin script version used elsewhere, which the local authorities call "Romanian".

== In Serbo-Croatian ==<!-- do not change title, it links from other pages -->
((Further|Pluricentric language#Serbo-Croatian))
((See also|Comparison of standard Bosnian, Croatian, Montenegrin and Serbian|Controversy over ethnic and linguistic identity in Montenegro|Declaration on the Common Language|Declaration on the Name and Status of the Croatian Literary Language|Yugoslavism))
[[Serbo-Croatian]] has a strong structural unity, according to the vast majority of linguists who specialize in [[Slavic languages]].<ref>((cite book|editor1-last=Comrie |editor1-first=Bernard |editor1-link=Bernard Comrie |editor2-last=Corbett |editor2-first=Greville G. |year=2002 |orig-date=1st. Pub. 1993 |title=The Slavonic Languages |location=London & New York |publisher=Routledge |oclc=49550401 |name-list-style=amp))</ref><ref>((cite journal|title=To what degree are Croatian and Serbian the same language? Evidence from a Translation Study|last=Bailyn|first=John Frederick|journal=Journal of Slavic Linguistics|year=2010|volume=18|issue=2|pages=181–219|url=https://linguistics.stonybrook.edu/people/_bios/_linguistics-faculty/_faculty-files/bailyn/publications/JSLBCS2.pdf|access-date=9 October 2019|issn=1068-2090))</ref>  However, the language is spoken by populations that have strong, different, national consciousnesses: [[Bosniaks]], [[Croats]], [[Montenegrins (ethnic group)|Montenegrins]], and [[Serbs]].

Since the [[breakup of Yugoslavia]] in 1991, Serbo-Croatian has lost its unitary codification and its official unitary status. It is now divided into four official languages which follow separate codifications: [[Bosnian language|Bosnian]], [[Croatian language|Croatian]], [[Montenegrin language|Montenegrin]] and [[Serbian language|Serbian]]. This process has been accused of being grounded on [[Pseudoscientific language comparison|pseudoscientific]] claims fueled by political agendas.<ref>((cite book |last= Kordić|first= Snježana |date= 2010|title= Jezik i nacionalizam|url= https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/Delivery.cfm/SSRN_ID3467646_code3644933.pdf?abstractid=3467646&mirid=1|location= Zagreb|publisher= Durieux|page= 16|isbn=978-953-188-311-5))</ref><ref>((cite journal |last1= Nakazawa|first1= Takuya|date= 2015|title=The making of "Montenegrin language": nationalism, language planning, and language ideology after the collapse of Yugoslavia (1992-2011) |url=https://www.ssoar.info/ssoar/bitstream/handle/document/43028/ssoar-sudosteurh-2015-1-nakazawa-The_making_of_Montenegrin_language.pdf?sequence=1 |journal= Südosteuropäische Hefte|volume= 4|issue= 1|pages= 127–141 |access-date=2022-05-28))</ref>

Indeed, [[linguistics|linguists]] and [[sociolinguistics|sociolinguists]] have not ceased to speak of a common Serbo-Croatian.<ref>((cite book|last=Kordić |first=Snježana |author-link=Snježana Kordić |editor1-last=Krause |editor1-first=Marion |editor2-last=Sappok |editor2-first=Christian |title=Slavistische Linguistik 2002: Referate des XXVIII. Konstanzer Slavistischen Arbeitstreffens, Bochum 10.-12. September 2002 |series=Slavistishe Beiträge ; vol. 434 |publisher=Otto Sagner |pages=97–148 |language=de |chapter=Pro und kontra: "Serbokroatisch" heute |trans-chapter=Pro and contra: "Serbo-Croatian" nowadays |chapter-url=http://bib.irb.hr/datoteka/430499.PRO_UND_KONTRA_SERBOKROATISCH.PDF |location=Munich |year=2004 |isbn=3-87690-885-X |oclc=56198470 |ssrn=3434516 |id=((CROSBI|430499))|archive-date=4 August 2012 |archive-url=https://www.webcitation.org/69f5n0ek4?url=http://bib.irb.hr/datoteka/430499.PRO_UND_KONTRA_SERBOKROATISCH.PDF |url-status=live |access-date=13 April 2019)) [http://data.onb.ac.at/rec/AC05094207 (ÖNB)]</ref><ref name="Trudgill"/> It is a [[Pluricentric language#Serbo-Croatian|pluricentric language]]<ref>((cite book |last=Bunčić |first=Daniel |editor1-last=Kempgen |editor1-first=Sebastian |title=Deutsche Beiträge zum 14. Internationalen Slavistenkongress, Ohrid, 2008 |series=Welt der Slaven |publisher=Otto Sagner |page=93 |language=de |chapter=Die (Re-)Nationalisierung der serbokroatischen Standards |trans-chapter=The (Re-)Nationalisation of Serbo-Croatian Standards |location=Munich |year=2008 |oclc=238795822))</ref><ref>((cite book|last=Kordić |first=Snježana |author-link=Snježana Kordić |year=2010 |language=sh |title=Jezik i nacionalizam |trans-title=Language and Nationalism |url=http://bib.irb.hr/datoteka/475567.Jezik_i_nacionalizam.pdf |url-status=live |series=Rotulus Universitas |location=Zagreb |publisher=Durieux |pages=69–168 |doi=10.2139/ssrn.3467646 |isbn=978-953-188-311-5 |lccn=2011520778 |oclc=729837512 |ol=15270636W |ssrn=3467646 |id=((CROSBI|475567)) |archive-date= 1 June 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120601175359/http://bib.irb.hr/datoteka/475567.Jezik_i_nacionalizam.pdf |access-date=1 August 2019))</ref><ref name=sipka>((cite book|last=Šipka|first=Danko|author-link=Danko Sipka|year=2019|title=Lexical layers of identity: words, meaning, and culture in the Slavic languages|location=New York|publisher=Cambridge University Press|page=166|doi=10.1017/9781108685795|isbn=978-953-313-086-6|s2cid=150383965|lccn=2018048005 |oclc=1061308790))</ref><ref>((cite journal|first=Jelena|last=Ćalić|title=Pluricentricity in the classroom: the Serbo-Croatian language issue for foreign language teaching at higher education institutions worldwide|url=https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.1515/soci-2021-0007/html|journal=Sociolinguistica: European Journal of Sociolinguistics|publisher=De Gruyter|issn=0933-1883|doi=10.1515/soci-2021-0007|volume=35|issue=1|pages=113–140|year=2021|s2cid=244134335 |accessdate=9 June 2022|quote=The debate about the status of the Serbo-Croatian language and its varieties has recently shifted (again) towards a position which looks at the internal variation within Serbo-Croatian through the prism of linguistic pluricentricity|doi-access=free))</ref><ref>((cite book|last=Kordić|first=Snježana|author-link=Snježana Kordić|editor-last1=Nomachi|editor-first1=Motoki|editor-link1=Motoki Nomachi|editor-last2=Kamusella|editor-first2=Tomasz|editor-link2=Tomasz Kamusella|title=Languages and Nationalism Instead of Empires|publisher=[[Routledge]]|series=Routledge Histories of Central and Eastern Europe|pages=168–169|chapter=Ideology Against Language: The Current Situation in South Slavic Countries|chapter-url=https://www.researchgate.net/publication/372202077|chapter-format=PDF|location=London|year=2024|doi=10.4324/9781003034025-11|doi-access=|isbn=978-0-367-47191-0|lccn=|oclc=1390118985|s2cid=259576119|s2cid-access=|ssrn=4680766|ssrn-access=free|id=((COBISS.SR|125229577)). ((COBISS|171014403))|archive-url=https://archive.org/details/kordic-ideology-against-language |archive-date=2024-01-10|access-date=2024-01-23|url-status=live))</ref> being cultivated through four voluntarily diverging [[variety (linguistics)#Standard varieties|normative varieties]],<ref>((cite book|last=Gröschel |first=Bernhard| author-link=Bernhard Gröschel |year=2009 |language=de |title=Das Serbokroatische zwischen Linguistik und Politik: mit einer Bibliographie zum postjugoslavischen Sprachenstreit |trans-title=Serbo-Croatian Between Linguistics and Politics: With a Bibliography of the Post-Yugoslav Language Dispute |series=Lincom Studies in Slavic Linguistics 34 |location=Munich |publisher=Lincom Europa |page=451 |isbn=978-3-929075-79-3 |oclc=428012015 |lccn=2009473660 |ol=15295665W))</ref> [[Croatian language|Croatian]], [[Bosnian language|Bosnian]], [[Montenegrin language|Montenegrin]] and [[Serbian language|Serbian]], which are sometimes considered [[Ausbau language|''Ausbau'' language]]s.<ref>The [[Ausbau language]] concept was developed by linguist [[Heinz Kloss]]. See: 
* ((cite journal|author=Kloss, Heinz |author-link=Heinz Kloss |title=Abstand languages and Ausbau languages |journal=Anthropological Linguistics |volume=9 |issue=7 |pages=29–41 |year=1967 |jstor=30029461 |oclc=482264773))
* ((cite book|last=Kloss |first=Heinz| author-link=Heinz Kloss |year=1978 |orig-date=1st. Pub. 1952, Munich: Pohl |language=de |title=Die Entwicklung neuer germanischer Kultursprachen von 1800|trans-title=The Development of New Germanic Cultural Languages Since 1800 |series=coll. Sprache der Gegenwart-Schriften des Instituts für Deutsche Sprache 37 |location=Düsseldorf |publisher=Schwann |page=463 |oclc=463148605))</ref> However, ''Ausbau'' languages must have different dialect basis,<ref>((cite book|last=Kloss |first=Heinz |author-link=Heinz Kloss |editor1-last=Göschel |editor1-first=Joachim |editor2-last=Nail |editor2-first=Norbert |editor3-last=van der Elst |editor3-first=Gaston |title=Zur Theorie des Dialekts: Aufsätze aus 100 Jahren Forschung |publisher=F. Steiner |pages=310, 312 |chapter=Abstandsprachen und Ausbausprachen |trans-chapter=Abstand-languages and Ausbau-languages |series=Zeitschrift fur Dialektologie and Linguistik, Beihefte, n.F., Heft 16 |location=Wiesbaden |year=1976 |oclc=2598722))</ref> whereas standardized Croatian, Bosnian, Montenegrin and Serbian have the same dialect basis ([[Shtokavian dialect|Štokavian]], specifically the [[Eastern Herzegovinian dialect]]).<ref>((cite book|last=Blum |first=Daniel| year=2002 |language=de |title=Sprache und Politik: Sprachpolitik und Sprachnationalismus in der Republik Indien und dem sozialistischen Jugoslawien (1945-1991) |trans-title=Language and Policy: Language Policy and Linguistic Nationalism in the Republic of India and the Socialist Yugoslavia (1945–1991) |series=Beiträge zur Südasienforschung ; vol. 192 |location=Würzburg |publisher=Ergon |page=200 |isbn=3-89913-253-X |oclc=51961066))</ref>

((blockquote|
The problems of the so-called Ausbau-languages in Heinz Kloss's terminology are similar, but by no means identical to the problems of variants. In Ausbau-languages we have pairs of standard languages built on the basis of different dialects [...]. The difference between these paired Ausbau-languages and standard language variants lies in the fact that the variants have a nearly identical material (dialectal) basis and the difference is only in the development of the standardisation process, while paired standard languages have a more or less distinct dialect base.<ref>((cite book |last=Brozović |first=Dalibor |author-link=Dalibor Brozović |editor1-last=Bugarski |editor1-first=Ranko |editor2-last=Hewkesworth |editor2-first=Celia |title=Language Planning in Yugoslavia |publisher=Slavica Publishers |pages=72–79 |chapter=The Yugoslav Model of Language Planning: A Confrontation with Other Multilingual Models |location=Columbus, Ohio |year=1992 |oclc=26860931))</ref>
))

((blockquote|Kloss contrasts ''Ausbau'' languages not only with ''Abstand'' languages but also with polycentric standard languages,<ref>((cite book|last=Stewart |first=William A. |author-link=William Alexander Stewart |editor1-last=Fishman |editor1-first=Joshua A | editor1-link=Joshua A. Fishman |title=Readings in the Sociology of Language |publisher=Mouton |pages=529–545 |chapter=A Sociolinguistic Typology for Describing National Multilingualism |location=The Hague, Paris |year=1968 |doi=10.1515/9783110805376.531 |isbn=978-3-11-080537-6 |oclc=306499))</ref> i.e. two variants of the same standard, such as Serbo-Croatian, Moldavian and Rumanian, and Portuguese in Brazil and Portugal. In contrast, pairs such as Czech and Slovak, Bulgarian and Macedonian, and Danish and Swedish, are instances of literary standards based on different dialects which, at a pre-literate stage, would have been regarded by linguists as dialects of the same language.<ref>((cite book |last=Cooper |first=Robert Leon |date=1989 |title=Language Planning and Social Change |url=https://archive.org/details/languageplanning0000coop |url-access=registration |type=Print book. |location=Cambridge |publisher=Cambridge University Press |page=[https://archive.org/details/languageplanning0000coop/page/216 216] |ref=19624070 |isbn=978-0-5213-3359-7 |oclc=19624070))</ref>))

On the contrary, the Serbo-Croatian kind of language secessionism is now a strongly consensual and institutional majority phenomenon. Still, this does not make it legitimate to say that such secessionism has led to "[[Ausbau language|''Ausbau'' language]]s" in the cases of Croatian, Bosnian, Montenegrin and Serbian, because such diversion has not taken place:<ref>((cite book|last=Kafadar |first=Enisa |editor1-last=Henn-Memmesheimer |editor1-first=Beate |editor2-last=Franz |editor2-first=Joachim |title=Die Ordnung des Standard und die Differenzierung der Diskurse; Teil 1 |publisher=Peter Lang |pages=100–101, 103 |language=de |chapter=Bosnisch, Kroatisch, Serbisch – Wie spricht man eigentlich in Bosnien-Herzegowina? |trans-chapter=Bosnian, Croatian, Serbian – How do people really speak in Bosnia-Herzegovina? |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=63hKaFGtTDAC&pg=PA95 |location=Frankfurt am Main |year=2009 |isbn=9783631599174 |oclc=699514676 |access-date=9 August 2012))</ref><ref>((cite journal|author=Kordić, Snježana |author-link=Snježana Kordić |title=Plurizentrische Sprachen, Ausbausprachen, Abstandsprachen und die Serbokroatistik |trans-title=Pluricentric languages, Ausbau languages, Abstand languages and Serbo-Croatian studies |url=http://www.zeitschrift-fuer-balkanologie.de/index.php/zfb/article/view/203/203 |language=de |journal=Zeitschrift für Balkanologie |volume=45 |issue=2 |pages=210–215 |year=2009 |issn=0044-2356 |oclc=680567046 |ssrn=3439240 |id=((CROSBI|436361)). ((ZDB|201058-6)) |archive-date= 4 August 2012 |archive-url=https://www.webcitation.org/69f5bCgpH?url=http://bib.irb.hr/datoteka/436361.AUSBAU-ABSTAND-PLURIZENTRISCH.PDF |access-date=2 March 2014 ))</ref><ref>((cite book|last=Mader Skender|first=Mia|title=Die kroatische Standardsprache auf dem Weg zur Ausbausprache|language=German|trans-title=The Croatian standard language on the way to ausbau language|chapter=Schlussbemerkung|trans-chapter=Summary|url=https://www.zora.uzh.ch/id/eprint/215815/|format=PDF|publisher=University of Zurich, Faculty of Arts, Institute of Slavonic Studies|series=UZH Dissertations|pages=196–197|location=Zurich|year=2022|doi=10.5167/uzh-215815 |accessdate=8 June 2022|type=Dissertation |quote=Obwohl das Kroatische sich in den letzten Jahren in einigen Gebieten, vor allem jedoch auf lexikalischer Ebene, verändert hat, sind diese Änderungen noch nicht bedeutend genug, dass der Terminus Ausbausprache gerechtfertigt wäre. |quote-page=196))</ref>

((blockquote|
The intercomprehension between these standards exceeds that between the standard variants of English, French, German, or Spanish.<ref>((cite journal|author=Thomas, Paul-Louis |title=Le serbo-croate (bosniaque, croate, monténégrin, serbe): de l'étude d'une langue à l'identité des langues |trans-title=Serbo-Croatian (Bosnian, Croatian, Montenegrin, Serbian): from the study of a language to the identity of languages |url=http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/slave_0080-2557_2002_num_74_2_6801 |language=fr |journal=Revue des études slaves |volume=74 |issue=2–3 |page=325 |year=2003 |issn=0080-2557 |oclc=754204160 |id= ((ZDB|208723-6)) |access-date=13 April 2015))</ref>
))

((blockquote|
The four varieties - Bosnian, Croatian, Montenegrin, and Serbian - are all totally mutually comprehensible [...] What there is, is a common, polycentric standard language - just like, say, French, which has Belgian, Swiss, French, and Canadian variants but is definitely not four different languages. [...] Linguistic scientists are agreed that BCSM is essentially a single language with four different standard variants bearing different names.<ref name="Trudgill">((cite web|last=Trudgill|first=Peter|author-link=Peter Trudgill|date=30 November 2017|page=46|title=Time to Make Four into One|url=https://archive.org/details/PeterTrudgillTimeToMakeFourIntoOne2017|publisher=[[The New European]]|access-date=23 January 2024))</ref>
))

== In Galician-Portuguese ==
((Unreferenced section|date=December 2016))
Portugal, a former southern [[County of Portugal|county]] split from the [[Kingdom of Galicia]] and fief of the [[Kingdom of León]], was created by [[Afonso I of Portugal]] in 1126 and expanded towards the [[Al-Andalus|Islamic south]], like its neighbouring kingdoms. That part of Galicia, named Portugal, became independent while the northern part of the country remained under the [[Kingdom of León]] during the 12th century and early 13th century. Northern Galicia would later be ruled by the [[Crown of Castile|Kingdom of Castile]], which would become the core and ethnic base for the future Spain; but the culture was the same on both sides of the political border. Galician-Portuguese culture attained great [[Prestige (sociolinguistics)|prestige]] during the [[Low Middle Ages]]. In the late 15th century, Castilian domination became more severe, [[Minoritized language|banishing their language]] in all official uses, including the [[Liturgical language|church]].

[[Galician-Portuguese]] survived [[Diglossia|diglossically]] for the following centuries among the peasant population, but it experienced a strong Spanish [[Superstratum|influence]] and had a different evolution.((Citation needed|date=December 2007)) Meanwhile, the same language (by the [[Reintegrationism|reintegrationist]] view) remained fully [[Official language|official]] in Portugal and was carried across the world by [[Portuguese explorers]], soldiers and [[Portuguese colonies|colonists]].

During the 19th century a [[Linguistic revival|revival movement]] arose. This movement defended the Galician language, and created a provisional norm, with a Castilian [[orthography]] and many [[loanword]]s. When autonomy was granted, a norm and orthography (based in ''rexurdimento'' writers) ([[Galician language literature|Galician literature]]) for a Galician language was created. This norm is taught and used in schools and [[List of universities in Spain|universities of Galicia]]. But most writers ([[Castelao]], [[Vicente Risco|Risco]], Otero Pedrayo) did not support the traditional Galician forms;((Clarify|date=February 2009)) some of them based on Spanish orthography even if they recognized the essential linguistic unity, saying that the priority was achieving [[political autonomy]] and being [[Literacy|read by the population]]. Other writers wrote with a Portuguese-like orthography (e.g. Guerra da Cal and Carvalho Calero).

Reintegrationists claim that the official norm (released in 1982) was imposed by the Spanish government, with the covert intent of severing Galician from Portuguese. But this idea is rejected by the [[Royal Galician Academy|Real Academia Galega]], which supports the official norm.

[[Reintegrationism|Reintegrationist and Lusist groups]] are protesting against this so-called language secessionism, which they call Castrapism (from ''[[castrapo]]'', something like "[[patois]]") or [[Isolationism]]. Unlike in the case of [[Valencia]]n [[Blaverism]], isolationism has no impact in the scientific community of linguists, and it is supported by a small number of them but still has clear political support.

Galician-Portuguese linguistic unity until the 16th century seems to be consensus,((citation needed|date=April 2012)) as does both Galician and European Portuguese being closer to each other, and also closer in the 19th century than in the 20th century and now. In this period, while Galician for the most part lost vowel reduction, [[velarization]] of ((IPA|/l/)) and [[nasal vowel]]s, and some speech [[Register (sociolinguistics)|registers]] of it adhered to ''[[yeísmo]]'', all making it phonologically closer to Spanish. For example, [[European Portuguese]] had splits that created two new [[vowel]] [[phoneme]]s, one of them usually an [[allophone]] only in the case of [[vowel reduction]] and the other phonetically absent in any other variant. Some dialects had a merger of three of its oral [[diphthong]]s and another three of its nasal vowels, and together with [[Brazilian Portuguese]] absorbed more than 5000 loanwords from French as well as 1500 from English.

It seems that the debate for a greater integration among [[List of countries where Portuguese is an official language|Portuguese-speaking countries]] had the result of a single writing standard ([[1990 Portuguese Language Orthographic Agreement]]), often shunned by some segments of [[Media of Portugal|Portuguese media]] and population but long waited and cheered by Brazilians despite occasional criticism to some aspects and that changed the spelling of between 0.5% and 1% of the words in both former varieties, with minor respect to major dialect phonological differences. The other debate, whether Galician should use the same standard of Portuguese ([[Lusism]]), a standard with minor differences ([[Reintegrationism]]), a re-approximation of both through another [[Lusophone]] spelling agreement that would give particular regional differences such as that of Galician as well as major diverging dialects of Portuguese (especially in South America) more room (Reintegrationism), or the present standard based on the Spanish orthography, still did not cast official attention of government authorities in any of the involved countries, even if Lusophone support is expected to be strong in any of the first three cases.

A point often held by minorities among both Reintegrationists/Lusists and Lusophonists is that Portuguese should have a more conservative and uniform international speech standard that at the same time respects minor phonological differences between its [[Varieties of Portuguese|variants]] (such as a free choice between the various allophones of the [[rhotic consonant]] ((IPA|/ʁ/)), ((IPA|[a ~ ɐ ~ ɜ ~ ə])) for ((IPA|/a ~ ɐ/)) or ((IPA|[s ~ s̻ʲ ~ ʃ ~ ɕ])) for the [[Voicelessness|voiceless]] allophone of ((IPA|/S/))) that would further strengthen Lusophone integration (while sung European Portuguese is comprehensible to untrained Brazilians, this is not the case for even the media standard of Galician, let alone more colloquial varieties)((Citation needed|date=July 2014)), but this is not especially welcomed by any party in Europe.

==In Tagalog==
Republic Act No. 7104, approved on August 14, 1991, created the Commission on the [[Filipino language|Filipino Language]], reporting directly to the President and tasked to undertake, coordinate and promote researches for the development, propagation and preservation of Filipino and other [[Philippine languages]].<ref>((cite web|url=http://www.chanrobles.com/republicactno7104.htm |title=Commission on the Filipino Language Act |publisher=Chan Robles Law Library |access-date=2007-07-19))</ref> On May 13, 1992, the commission issued Resolution 92-1, specifying that Filipino is the((blockquote|text=...indigenous written and spoken language of [[Metro Manila]] and [[List of cities in the Philippines|other urban centers]] in the Philippines used as the language of communication of [[Ethnic groups in the Philippines|ethnic group]]s.<ref name="Res921">((cite web|url=http://wika.pbworks.com/Resolusyon%20Blg%2092-1 |title=Resolusyon Blg. 92-1 |publisher=Commission on the Filipino Language |date=13 May 1992 |access-date=2007-03-24 |language=fil))</ref>))

Though the [[Commission on the Filipino Language]] recognizes that a lot of the vocabulary of [[Filipino language|Filipino]] is based on [[Tagalog language|Tagalog]], the latest definition given to the national language tries to evade the use of the term ''Tagalog''.

According to some [[Filipinology|Filipinologists]] (people who specialize in the study of Filipino as a language), the main reason that Filipino is distinct from Tagalog is that in Filipino, there is a presence of vocabulary coming from other [[Philippine languages]], such as [[Cebuano language|Cebuano]] (such as ''bana'' – husband), [[Hiligaynon language|Hiligaynon]] (such as ''buang'' – insane) and [[Ilocano language|Ilocano]] (such as ''ading'' – little brother). They also maintain that the term [[Tagalog language|Tagalog]] is the language of the [[Katagalugan]] or the [[Tagalog Republic|Tagalog Region]] and [[Linguistic purism|puristic]] in a sense. It lacks certain phonemes like /f/ and /v/, which makes it incapable of producing some indigenous proper nouns ''I'''f'''ugao'' and ''I'''v'''atan''.<ref name="Res921"/> Curiously, proponents of language secessionism are unable to account for the glaring absence of long vowel, phonemic in [[Tausug language|Tausug]], in Filipino phonology or for the absence of a [[schwa]]. Arguments for secessionism generally ignore the fact that the various [[languages of the Philippines]] have divergent phonologies.

== In Chinese ==

=== Mandarin versus other dialects ===
Among Chinese speakers, [[Yue Chinese]] ([[Cantonese]]),<ref>((Cite news|url=https://unravellingmag.com/articles/cantonese/|title=Cantonese: Language or dialect? ((!)) Unravel Magazine|work=Unravel|access-date=2018-04-17))</ref> [[Hokkien]] and other [[varieties of Chinese]] are often referred to as [[dialect]]s (((Lang-zh|c=方言|s=|t=))), instead of [[language]]s (((Lang-zh|c=|s=语言|t=語言))), despite the fact that those varieties are not mutually intelligible with [[Mandarin Chinese|Mandarin]], spoken by the majority of Chinese. However, the languages are reportedly significantly more mutually intelligible in written form as all varieties continue to use the same set of ''[[Hanzi]]'' (Chinese characters); i.e. Yue and Mandarin differ primarily in tonal differences and different pronunciations of various sounds which would be largely negated in writing.((Citation needed|reason=Contradicts [[Written Cantonese]] and [[Written Hokkien]] articles.|date=May 2022))

=== In Hokkien ===
In the [[Hokkien]] [[topolect]] (((Lang-zh|c=|s=|t=閩南語))), which is widely used in [[Fujian]], [[Taiwan]], and in the [[Chinese diaspora]], it is debated that whether [[Taiwanese Hokkien|Taiwanese dialects]] (((Lang-zh|c=|s=|t=臺灣閩南語))) should be separated from the Hokkien language as the [[Taiwanese language]] (((Lang-zh|c=|s=|t=臺灣話 or 臺語))),<ref>((Citation|last=民視綜合頻道|title=台語更名「閩南語」 學者批歧視－民視新聞|date=2011-05-23|url=https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WweOAI4XH8c |archive-url=https://ghostarchive.org/varchive/youtube/20211221/WweOAI4XH8c |archive-date=2021-12-21 |url-status=live|access-date=2018-04-17))((cbignore))</ref><ref>((Cite news|url=http://www.peoplenews.tw/news/c239aeb3-bf18-42b6-8fbe-1b15f9a9cfe4|title=【民報】台灣南社 台灣羅馬字協會：「台語就是台語」不是閩南語|access-date=2018-04-17|language=zh-TW))</ref> although people from Fujian and Taiwan can communicate with each other despite some differences in vocabulary. Such debates may be associated with [[Politics of the Republic of China|politics of Taiwan]].<ref>((Cite news|url=http://www.storm.mg/lifestyle/285388|title=北京話不是國語、台語也不能叫閩南語！他這樣控訴國民黨對台灣歷史記憶的操弄…-風傳媒|last=Storm.mg|access-date=2018-04-17|language=zh-TW))</ref>

In Taiwan, there is a common perception that Hokkien preserves more archaic features from [[Classical Chinese]] than Mandarin, thus allowing [[Tang poetry|poetry from the Tang dynasty]] to rhyme better. Amongst [[Taiwanese nationalism|Hokkien nationalists in Taiwan]], this perception is sometimes elevated into stronger claims about the identity of Hokkien and Mandarin. One common name for Taiwanese Hokkien in Taiwan, especially among elderly speakers, is ((zh|c=河洛話|p=Héluòhuà)), derived from a folk etymological reading of Hok-ló, Ho̍h-ló, or Hô-ló.<ref>((Cite web|url=https://languagelog.ldc.upenn.edu/nll/?p=28211|title=Hoklo|website=languagelog.ldc.upenn.edu|access-date=2020-03-24))</ref> The character reading is interpreted to be a reference to the [[Yellow River Map]] and the [[Lo Shu Square]] and taken as evidence that the ancestors of Hokkien-speaking people came from the [[Zhongyuan|Central Plain]], and in preserving their identity over the centuries, Hokkien speakers have also better preserved their language. Some [[fringe theory|fringe scholars]] claim that modern Hokkien is a faithfully preserved archaic variety of Chinese once used in the imperial courts dating back as early as the [[Shang dynasty]].<ref>((Cite web|url=http://www.stat.sinica.edu.tw/statnewsite/seminar/show/1612/|title=商語皆周語字音發音之關係 The Relationship Between the Pronunciations of Characters in Siong's and Jiu's Languages|website=www.stat.sinica.edu.tw|access-date=2020-03-24))</ref> Another claim based on folk etymology is that the word ''[[wikt:mandarin#English|Mandarin]]'' is based on the Mandarin pronunciation of the Chinese phrase ((zh|c=滿大人|p=Mǎndàrén|l=important Manchu person or Manchu official)). This is taken as evidence that Mandarin has been [[linguistic purism|corrupted by foreign influence]] from [[Manchu language|Manchu]], [[Mongolian language|Mongolian]], etc. and is thus not fit to be the official language of a Chinese-speaking country.<ref>((Cite web|url=https://www.taiwanus.net/history/1/57.htm|title=台灣話的由來|website=www.taiwanus.net|access-date=2018-04-17))</ref> This is in contrast to more mainstream views that Taiwanese Hokkien, as a variety of [[Southern Min]], is a descendant of [[Proto-Min language|Proto-Min]], a language that split from late [[Old Chinese]], and Mandarin descended from [[Middle Chinese]], and that it is not meaningful to say that one modern language is older than another.

==See also==
((div col))
* [[Abstand and ausbau languages]]
* [[Blaverism]]
** [[Norms of El Puig]]
* [[Comparison of standard Bosnian, Croatian, Montenegrin and Serbian]]
* [[Dialect continuum]]
* [[Diasystem]]
* [[Diglossia]]
* [[Language ideology]]
* [[Language planning]]
* [[Language policy]]
* [[Language shift]]
* [[Mutual intelligibility]]
* [[Pluricentric language]]
* [[Separatism]]
* [[Standard language]]
((div col end))

==Notes==
((Reflist))

((DEFAULTSORT:Language Secessionism))
[[Category:Language varieties and styles]]
[[Category:Sociolinguistics]]
[[Category:Pseudoscience]]

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