Manuel Fal Conde, 1st Duke of Quintillo (10 August 1894 – 20 May 1975) was a Spanish Catholic activist and a Carlist politician. He is recognized as a leading figure in the history of Carlism, serving as its political leader for over 20 years (1934–1955) and heading the movement during one of its most turbulent periods. Initially he led the belligerent faction pressing anti-Republican insurgency; during the Spanish Civil War he joined the Nationalists; later on he championed the anti-Francoist strategy.
Manuel Lorenzo José Fal Conde descended from an upper class family originating from Asturias;[1] it is not clear when the family settled in Higuera de la Sierra, a small town in the Andalusianprovince of Huelva. Although many of his ancestors were connected with medicine,[2] his father, Domingo Fal Sánchez (1857-1926),[3] practiced as an oculist,[4] ran a small workshop producing cork utilities[5] and served as alcalde of Higuera between 1900 and 1905;[6] also later on Domingo Fal exercised influence on Higuera's life.[7] He married a local girl, María Josefa Conde;[8] the couple lived in a building housing also the workshop. The couple had four children, Manuel was the youngest and his mother died 13 days after giving birth to him.[9] The widowed sister of Domingo helped to look after the four children, raising them in a fervently Catholic ambience.[10]
Manuel's formal education began in the Extremaduran town of Villafranca de los Barros where he entered the local Jesuit college[11] joining his two older brothers who were already pursuing their studies at the college.[12] The Jesuit education proved crucial in Manuel's formative years. It was Gabino Márquez, the Villafranca scholar of biblical studies, papal teaching and pedagogy,[13] who paid particular attention to the Manuel, who he considered a promising pupil.[14] Following his bachillerato obtained in 1911[15] the young man entered the Jesuit novitiate, but he changed his mind and began to consider the study of medicine.[16] His father dissuaded him as his older brother, Domingo, was already pursuing that path;[17] eventually Manuel commenced law studies in Seville.[18]
At Universidad Hispalense Manuel was drawn to a circle of Manuel Sanchez de Castro,[19] a Carlist, professor of natural law and moving spirit behind the emergence of militant Catholicism in Seville.[20] He graduated and passed his licenciado in 1916; following a year in Madrid he obtained the grade of a doctor.[21] In 1917 he served as soldier in the de cuota[22] and in 1918 he entered Colegio de Abogados de Sevilla.[23] Following a brief internship[24] Fal Conde opened his own office on José Gestoso street.[25] In parallel to his law practice Fal Conde commenced his brief teaching and academic career. He taught history, law and ethics at the Jesuit college of Villasis in Seville.[26] At Universidad Hispalense he worked in the department of procedural law while pursuing research on the history of Spanish political law.[27] He also briefly managed a car dealership.[28]
In 1922 Fal Conde married María de los Reyes Macias Aguilar (1904-1975),[29] a native of nearby Sanlucar.[30] The newlyweds initially settled in Seville on Miguel del Cid street.[31] The couple had seven children,[32] born between 1923 and 1938.[33] Some were active as Traditionalist militants during the Francoist period and also in the 1970s, opposing the socialist bid of Don Carlos Hugo. Three of his sons, José Maria, Alfonso and Domingo Fal-Conde Macias[34] were present as supporters of Don Sixto during the Montejurra incidents of 1976.[35] In the 1980s Domingo Fal-Conde Macias served as head of Comunión Tradicionalista Carlista, a new united Carlist organization.[36]
It is not clear whether there were any Carlist antecedents among the ancestors of Fal Conde; some authors claim that there was none,[37] while others quote his family as exemplary case of Carlism having been transmitted from generation to generation as sort of a genetic code.[38] It is known that Fal Conde's father was a devout Catholic, but none of the sources consulted provides clear information of what exactly his political outlook was. It is possible that Traditionalist views were, if not reinforced, then implanted in the young Fal Conde during his education. At the turn of the century the Jesuits were clearly sympathizing with Ramón Nocedal and his Integrist vision of religion and Traditionalism; it is likely that his Villafranca years affected Fal Conde accordingly. He admitted juvenile fascination with an address delivered to the college audience by Manuel Senante, at that time one of key Integrist politicians.[39] Militant Catholicism of Manuel Sanchez de Castro is likely to have contributed further on, forming the young Fal Conde as an energetic Catholic activist, possibly along the intransigent and ultra-reactionary Integrist lines.[40]
Fal Conde commenced his public assignments during his academic years in Seville; he joined Asociación Escolar Sevillana and soon grew to be its president;[41] the organization remained a fairly typical student group, though politically it tended towards "catolicismo político y social", flavored by Traditionalism in general and by pro-German World War I stand in particular.[42] Following his return from Madrid he started contributing to local Catholic periodicals.[43] In the 1920s he excelled in various Catholic organizations, ranging from educational associations to charity groups to trade unions to penitentiary circles, like Congregación de los Luises, Conferencias de San Vicente de Paulo, various Hermandades de Penitencia, the Jesuit-sponsored Patronato para Obreros, the Franciscan-sponsored Compañía de las Hermanas de la Cruz and a number of others.[44] He also launched some initiatives himself, like the 1924-inaugurated Romería de la Reina de los Ángeles on the Peña de Arias Montano in Alájar.[45] Exposure to a variety of structures provided Fal Conde with experience and confirmed his enormous capacity as an organizer.
Semana Santa, Seville, 1928
It is not clear whether during late Restoration or during the Primo de Rivera dictatorship Fal Conde was active in the Integrist ranks. When discussing his post-1931 activity, present-day scholars almost unanimously refer to him as to a former Integrist[46] or even more explicitly as to "antiguo militante del Partido Integrista",[47] though none provides detailed information on his engagement in any party initiatives of the 1920s.[48] When reporting on Fal Conde's activities in 1930, the Integrist daily El Siglo Futuro referred to him as "queridísimo amigo nuestro de Sevilla",[49] which suggests that he might have indeed co-operated with Integrism in general and the newspaper in particular also earlier on, especially that he displayed a particular knack for journalism: he is known to have contributed to various press titles before 1923,[50] launched his own daily later and was correspondent of El Siglo Futuro in the early 1930s.
Fal Conde, who later confessed to approaching politics as Christian responsibility and a call from God,[51] was first recorded as engaged in a political enterprise in the spring of 1930. He was among members of Junta Organizadora of Partido Tradicionalista-Integrista, a new post-dictatorial incarnation of Integrism,[52] and emerged as leader of the Seville branch of the party.[53] In late 1930 he was also busy co-organizing local branches of Juventud Integrista.[54] Fal Conde witnessed emergence of militantly secular Republic with horror;[55] he personally led local Juventud organization trying to protect the Seville churches against violence which erupted in May 1931.[56] In June 1931 he ran for Cortes from Cadiz;[57] the bid proved unsuccessful. According to a homage publication Fal gained enough votes to be voted in, but it was behind-the-stage manipulations which relegated him to non-electable position; embittered, he has never run for the Cortes again.[58] Instead, he focused on a newly acquired daily, El Observador, re-launched as an ultraconservative Catholic title in Seville,[59] apart from contributing to other local periodicals.[60]
In early 1932 the Integrists re-united with Carlism in Comunión Tradicionalista. Fal Conde was entrusted the West-Andalusian jefatura[61] and together with provincial leaders[62] achieved remarkable success implanting Traditionalism where it was hardly popular.[63] Characteristic feature of his leadership was – even in comparison to other Carlist leaders - unveiled hostility towards the Republic. Fal Conde remained enthusiastic about co-operation with Sanjurjo;[64] Andalusia was where the coup was most welcomed by local Carlists.[65] In the aftermath Fal was arrested for 3 months,[66] which did not discourage him from sounding other military on leading a potential Carlist rising.[67] Also his El Observador kept making references to violence.[68] Two other specific features of Andalusian Carlism were impact on Catholic youth[69] and initiatives targeting the urban working-class. In many Andalusian districts Carlism emerged as an exclusively youth movement, which in the spring of 1933 pushed Fal Conde to create a federation of local Juventud circles.[70] Acute social problems in turn induced Fal Conde to set up fairly successful Workers Section in early 1933.[71]
Quintillo,1934
Fal Conde gained nationwide attention following the Zumarraga act;[72] in recognition of his excellent organization skills in November 1933 Alfonso Carlos nominated Fal Jefe Regional for all Andalusia,[73] but the most impressive coup was yet to come: in April 1934 regional Carlism organized a massive gathering at Quintillo estate near Seville. This demonstration of local prowess climaxed in parade of 650 uniformed and trained Requetés, which made a stunning impact on guests from other regions.[74] When national leadership of Conde Rodezno was called into question due to rapprochement with the Alfonsists and his gradualist strategy,[75] Fal Conde became one of top contenders for the job.[76] Alfonso Carlos, himself sympathetic to Integrism and personally familiar with Fal Conde since late Restoration, seemed well-disposed. In May 1934, despite his relatively young age[77] and unenthusiastic welcome from Carlist stronghold, Navarre, Fal Conde was nominated Secretary General of the Comunión.[78]El Siglo Futuro hailed him as "Sevillian Zumalacárregui"[79] and Carlist youth welcomed him as the man who "brought Montejurra to Andalusia".[80] An apologetic biography followed.[81]
Jefe
Carlist meeting, 1930s
Fal Conde embarked on massive reorganization of Carlist structures.[82] He created five central Delegaciones;[83] Council of Culture[84] and Grand Council.[85] Launch of official Carlist gazette enhanced communication.[86] Most importantly, he detached affiliated organizations from local circulos and joined them in nationwide, parallel, centrally commanded structures. The first remodeled were Requeté[87] and Juventud Tradicionalista,[88] with AET and Margaritas (Carlist feminine organization) somewhat less successful.[89] New affiliated formations were created: urban proletariat was lured to Agrupación Gremial, a Carlist red cross organization emerged as Socorro Blanco and a grouping for younger boys was established as Pelayos.[90] Internal taxation was introduced.[91] Carlist periodicals were co-ordinated within modern propaganda machinery,[92] brought under more discipline in return for financial help.[93]
The change meant vast improvement in terms of steerability,[94] provided critical mass and enhanced homogeneity,[95] though also enforced discipline and laid command of all structures in hands of Fal and his entourage, removing dependence on local juntas and especially on the Vasco-Navarros.[96] The latter complained about "fascistization" of the Comunión,[97] especially that Fal Conde's trusted collaborators were appointed to key positions.[98] Nevertheless, remodeled Comunión was fully able to bear the weight of rapidly expanding ranks; instead of inefficient isolated circulos where zeal of new converts was evaporating, new structures channeled and reinforced enthusiasm.[99] Organization question aside, the change started even to affect the way of life.[100] Comunión began to expand into unlikely areas both geographically and socially; structures were emerging in such regions as Extremadura or the Canaries, while following the example of Western Andalusia, representatives of urban proletariat started to appear in local bodies also elsewhere.[101]
Unlike the Northerners who conceived Traditionalism as rooted in family and regional values,[102] Fal Conde was focused on structures. As alliances were likely to get them dominated by other groupings, victorious campaign – maybe unfeasible as exclusively Carlist affair - should be launched and controlled by Carlists.[103] In line with this vision, under Fal Conde Carlism steered clear of alliances,[104] its strategy dubbed "isolationism" or "exclusiveness".[105] Though he felt compelled to join Renovación Española in National Bloc (the Spanish Right-wing political alliance of the 1930s) late 1934, he made sure the access was as non-committal as possible.[106] In 1935 he grew increasingly skeptical[107] and later that year let Rodezno mix with the Alfonsinos on the private business basis[108] before definitely abandoning the alliance in the spring of 1936.[109] From the onset highly suspicious about CEDA[110] he was more than happy to see it decompose in 1935-6.[111]
Carlist standard
Another shift in Carlist strategy under Fal Conde was de-emphasizing of politics and focusing on organizational buildup, with special attention paid to paramilitary. His vision was already set on violent overthrow of the Republic; starting 1935 openly belligerent language became increasingly common at Carlist rallies, with references to sacrifice, blood, arms, violence and power.[112] Permitting taking part in 1936 elections, Fal Conde did not pay much attention to the campaign.[113] Though Rodeznistas viewed him as an uninspiring, colorless, mediocre bureaucrat,[114] Fal Conde gained recognition bordering devotion among Requeté and the youth.[115] Also Alfonso Carlos seemed perfectly satisfied;[116] in December 1935 he raised Fal Conde from Secretary General to Jefe Delegado.[117]
Convinced that in the battle against democracy Carlists must strike first,[118] Fal Conde threw himself into wartime preparations;[119] his initial plan was abandoned in late spring of 1936.[120] He envisaged a purely Carlist insurrection[121] with conditional assistance of the army.[122] Fal Conde placed his bets on Sanjurjo, who agreed to lead the rising.[123] Talks with Mola proved unsuccessful. The general[124] refused to accept Fal Conde's conditions,[125] which aimed at toppling the Republic and installing Traditionalist monarchy.[126] However, Mola opened parallel negotiations with the Navarrese. Led by Rodezno, the latter bypassed Fal Conde and were keen to commit local Requeté to a joint insurgency with almost no strings attached.[127] Though at that point Fal Conde considered dismissing the entire Navarrese junta,[128] he decided not to risk open confrontation; Rodezno and his entourage outmaneuvered him and elicited hesitant approval from the royal envoy, Don Javier.[129]
Upon the outbreak of hostilities[130] Fal Conde headed the new Carlist wartime executive, Junta Nacional Carlista de Guerra,[131] and had to acknowledge that instead of being equal partner, Carlism was getting reduced to a junior role.[132] His position was already precarious. The death of Sanjurjo deprived him of a key ally among the generals.[133] The death of Alfonso Carlos left the movement with no king and made dissent easier.[134] The Navarrese set up their own Junta Central Carlista de Guerra de Navarra, which emerged as a competitive, though theoretically only regional body, and kept bypassing Fal;[135] Carlist executive was decomposing.[136] As Requeté units, the key Carlist argument, unconditionally left at generals’ disposal were dispersed among various fronts,[137] Carlism – in line with Fal Conde's worst nightmares – was indeed getting dominated by its alliance partners.[138] During the outbreak of the Nationalist uprising in Navarre, a mass killing was conducted by the insurgents against all civilian dissidence in the Navarre rearguard, taking a death toll of circa 3,000.[139][140] Fal Conde's attitude towards the Republicans is subject to conflicting accounts. Some maintain that he was the instigator of bloody repressions, also directed against the clergy with Basque nationalist sympathies,[141] while others claim exactly the opposite, namely that he did his best to prevent executions.[142] Discussion related to the Carlist - and, due to his political leadership, also Fal Conde's personal responsibility for nationalist atrocities committed in the rearguard is not conclusive.[143]
To enhance Carlist position versus the military Fal Conde launched two new projects in November. The first one was Obra Nacional Corporativa, general labor organization,[144] another one was Military Academy,[145] intended to train Carlist command cadres.[146] Uncomfortable with Fal Conde's independent stance,[147]Franco summoned him to Burgos in early December and presented with the choice between exile and firing squad.[148] The Rodezno-dominated Junta Nacional advocated compliance[149] and Fal left Spain for Lisbon,[150] remaining official though increasingly theoretical Carlist leader.[151]
Francisco Franco
Faced with unification pressure Fal Conde did not dismiss such a perspective, but talking to fellow Traditionalists in Insua he insisted it should be completed on Carlist terms,[152] reiterating this position also during February talks with Falangists.[153] At meetings in Burgos (March) and Pamplona (April), unattended by Fal Conde, the balance tilted towards Rodeznistas, ready to accept Franco's terms of amalgamation.[154] They presented Don Javier with an ultimatum and ensured that he at least did not object.[155] Following Unification Decree Fal Conde was passed over as leader of a technically non-existent movement.[156] Initially he did not protest[157] and even advised to comply.[158] Despite olive branch offered by Franco[159] – including a ministerial job[160] or seat in Consejo Nacional[161] – he politely refused to join.[162] His exile was lifted in October 1937.[163] He eventually abandoned silence in favor of direct counter-action, suggesting to Don Javier that all those accepting seats in the FET executive be expelled; the regent acted on his advice.[164] Unification turned into Falangist absorption of Carlist offshoots.[165]
Surveilled and confined
Francoist Spain, 1939
Upon return from exile[166] and under security surveillance, Fal Conde tried to avert takeover of Comunión assets by FET;[167] many years later he admitted that these efforts had been largely fruitless.[168] Communicating by correspondence with loyal regional leaders he ordered re-engineering of party structures,[169] but did not prevent Carlism from falling into political confusion and fragmentation.[170] To gain platform for legal action, in 1939 he co-founded Hermandad de los Caballeros Voluntarios de la Cruz, intended as substitute for official Carlist network.[171] As long as the war continued, he focused on maintaining Carlist identity and refrained from open opposition.[172] Though violent confrontations between Requetés and Falangists were recorded all over Spain,[173] almost all were spontaneous and none of the authors consulted claims they were planned or engineered by Fal Conde.[174]
In March 1939 Fal Conde addressed Franco with a memorandum, titled Manifestación de ideales.[175] Written with all due respect, the document claimed that the emerging regime was not sustainable and argued in favor of traditionalist monarchy; as transitory means it suggested a regency, either this of Don Javier or a collective one, alluding to Franco as its member.[176] Though sounding more like an offer, the document, together with other texts disseminated around that time,[177] is viewed by some scholars as a milestone marking total breakup with the regime and adoption of a decisive opposition strategy.[178] Franco did not respond. He reacted, however, to mayhem which erupted in Pamplona following Fal Conde's appearance on the ayunatamiento balcony during re-burial of Sanjurjo on October 21, 1939:[179] Fal was placed under house arrest in Seville.[180]
From his confinement Fal Conde presided over[181] most vehement Carlist opposition,[182] comparable only to hostility of the early 1970s.[183] No collaboration with the regime was acceptable.[184] The strategy was to ignore all officialdom and go public styling Traditionalist initiatives as religious or combatant activities,[185] though conspiracy hand in hand with the communists has been rejected.[186] Corresponding with regional leaders,[187] in 1940-41 Fal Conde went on reconstructing Comunión structures either in traditional shape[188] or in a new format;[189] official party executive existed only in a makeshift mode.[190] He launched veiled Carlist educational network of Academia Vázquez de Mella.[191] Fal Conde banned Carlists from enlisting to División Azul[192] and advocated strictly neutral stand in European conflict, considering the British and German wars equally unjust;[193] this did not spare him charges of entanglement in a British plot,[194] resulting in 4-month-long Ferreries exile in 1941.[195]
Back in Seville Fal Conde was occasionally allowed to travel and was present during the massive Montserrat gatherings in 1942[196] and 1945.[197] In 1943 he co-engineered Reclamación del poder, another memorandum signed by many Carlists and left unanswered by Franco.[198] According to an unsure source, in 1944 he supported an aborted monarchist plot to depose the dictator.[199] In August 1945 Fal Conde addressed Franco with a conciliatory personal letter; sort of acknowledging Falangist regime, but presenting Traditionalism as the unique long-term solution, he asked for release from confinement.[200] The house arrest was indeed lifted in November 1945;[201] during the 6-year long period of detention Fal Conde went on practicing as a lawyer.[202]
Resurgence and demise
Mauricio de Sivatte
In December 1945 Valencia and Pamplona were rocked by Carlist riots; some speculate that they were pre-planned as a revolt against Franco.[203] Fal Conde's presence is unsure;[204] 3 weeks later he met Don Javier in San Sebastián;[205] he also wrote to Don Juan, inviting him to recognize the regency.[206] Soon Fal Conde commenced visiting provincial party structures; the exercise climaxed in monthly tour across the North in September 1946.[207] Considering re-organization complete, in 1947 he assembled 48 local jefes in Madrid, the first such meeting since Insua.[208] The gathering re-established Carlist executive, Consejo Nacional. La única solución,[209] a document released afterwards, confirmed non-collaborative stance versus Francoism,[210] Juanismo[211] and Carloctavismo.[212] Addressing a massively attended Montserrat aplec of 1947[213] seemed to demonstrate that Carlism was getting back in shape.[214]
Leadership of Fal Conde was coming under fire from two groups. The Sivattistas suspected that by supporting overdue regency Fal Conde intended to ensure the crown for Borbón-Parmas by appeasing Franco.[215] They were enraged by Fal Conde's recommendation to support Ley de Sucesión in referendum, considering it unacceptable backing of the regime,[216] and demanded that a new Carlist king is declared.[217] On the other hand, the possibilists were getting tired of what they perceived as ineffective intransigency and lack of legal outposts, recommending more flexible attitude.[218] Though in 1948 Consejo de la Tradición confirmed non-collaborationist strategy,[219] in 1949 some voices called for a more active stance, especially following news of Franco's negotiations with Don Juan.[220]
Don Javier as king on the cover of a Carlist periodical, 1950s
Fal Conde's reaction was multifold. On the one hand, he fought back militant dissenters like Sivatte.[221] On the other, he tried to address questions raised. Intending to broaden the party's room for maneuvering, he permitted individual Carlists[222] to run in local elections,[223] especially that in some provinces the movement effectively competed for power with Falange.[224] In 1951 he launched a campaign to buy a national daily, Informaciones;[225] the title later served as an unofficial Carlist tribune.[226] Student and worker groupings, AET and MOT, recorded increased activity.[227] Though in 1951 Fal Conde tried to keep low profile of Don Javier's tour across Levante,[228] all this changed in 1952: during Eucharistic Congress in Barcelona Don Javier claimed his rights as a king[229] before having been promptly expulsed from Spain.[230]
As Don Javier soon backtracked on the so-called Acto de Barcelona and Franco's regime showed no signs of cracking, the non-collaborative policy of the Falcondistas was increasingly looking like a dead end street. The so-called "duros" advocated a decisive anti-Francoist course,[231] the so-called "unionistas" opted for rapprochement towards the regime and possibly a dynastical accord with Alfonsinos,[232] some in the party called for a "tercera vía"[233] and many complained about Fal Conde's "estilo autoritario".[234] Fal Conde himself has run out of steam; in his July 1955 letter to Franco he seemed settled for the perspective of mere survival of Carlism.[235] Though he remained in perfect understanding with Don Javier and until that moment the terms "Falcondistas" and "Javieristas" were used interchangeably,[236] also the Carlist king felt that Carlism needed a new leader. In August 1955 Fal Conde resigned[237] as Jefe Delegado.[238]
Retiree
Don Javier, 1960
Following his resignation Fal Conde took a step back from daily politics[239] and functioned as honorary member, sporadically invited to sittings of Carlist executive as late as 1964.[240] He remained loyal to the new Communion leader, Valiente,[241] even given the latter embarked on new, collaborationist strategy.[242] Though continuously anti-Francoist, he avoided uncompromising radicalism. On the one hand, in 1956 he opposed backtracking on Acto de Barcelona, demanded by the Francoist authorities.[243] On the other, when consulted about planned appearance of Carlos Hugo at Montejurra in 1957, he spoke to the negative, warning about a violent reaction from Franco.[244] Though his advice was ignored, he maintained good relations with Carlos Hugo[245] and was consulted on his 1958 Montejurra address.[246] Upon first signs of breakup between Progressists and Traditionalists Fal Conde praised Carlos Hugo for ousting Zamanillo in 1962.[247] He attended some Montejurra aplecs, turning into the prince's promotional stage, himself; in 1963 he needed assistance when climbing the summit.[248] In the mid-1960s he recommended publication of a "libro blanco", advancing the Borbón-Parma claim.[249]
In 1967 Don Javier made Fal Duque de Quintillo, Grandee of Spain,[250] an exceptional honor as it was the only case of Don Javier granting a noble title to anyone beyond the royal family.[251] Despite the elevation, cordial relations between Fal Conde and his king were deteriorating.[252] Quoting health reasons, Fal Conde did not attend the ducado ceremony in Fatima.[253] Though Don Javier and Carlos Hugo urged him to recommend supporting Ley Orgánica in the 1966 referendum, Fal Conde agreed to recommend participation,[254] but clinging to his anti-Francoism he refused to endorse the law.[255] When in 1968 the Borbón-Parmas were expulsed from Spain, Fal Conde resisted their repeated requests to meet Franco seeking reversal of the decision and responded that he had no reason to pay a penitent visit to the dictator.[256] In wide correspondence he expressed concern about the socialist stand of Carlos Hugo of the late 1960s. Despite mounting doubts, he did not join those turned against the dynasty, like Zamanillo or Elias de Tejada;[257] when in 1970 the prince ordered termination of collaboration with El Pensamiento Navarro, re-claimed by orthodox Traditionalists, Fal complied.[258] He was particularly embittered by cancellation of annual Quintillo remembrance act in 1972.[259] In 1973 he considered himself dynastically loyal to Don Javier, but in disagreement with his political line.[260] In 1974 Fal Conde lost any illusions as to the Leftist turn of the Borbón-Parmas.[261]
Throughout all his life Fal Conde was a fervent Catholic, receiving communion every day even when visiting frontlines during the Civil War.[262] When released from political duties he was dedicating even more time to religious issues.[263] He co-founded religious associations,[264] accepted posts in others[265] and was active in Andalusian initiatives of various orders.[266] He headed Editorial Católica Española[267] and launched Premio Vedruna,[268] though remained perplexed by new course of the Vatican.[269] In the early 1970s "Don Manuel" enjoyed patriarch status in the realm of Andalusian Catholicism[270] and among Traditionalist Carlists nationwide.[271] He remained emotionally attached to Don Javier. Fal Conde died one month after his abdication.[272]
As a political event, the death of Fal Conde was soon eclipsed by the just commencing Spanish transition to democracy. In the late 1970s and the 1980s his memory was subject to competition on part of the socialist Partido Carlista and various breeds of Traditionalism, especially as they engaged in bitter political struggle. Followers of Don Carlos Hugo presented Fal Conde focusing on his loyalty to Borbón-Parmas and on his anti-Francoism, attempting to mount him in their overall vision of Carlism as a popular class struggle.[273] Traditionalists, including Fal Conde's sons, reclaimed him as fervent Catholic and a conservative who guarded genuine Carlist orthodoxy against Francoism but has also never approved of the socialist turn of the Huguistas.[274] These two visions, offered by militants of both groupings, keep contending until today.[275]
Fal Conde started to figure prominently in historiography in the 1990s, and until today there have been numerous articles published in specialized reviews, dedicated either to particular episodes or to certain dimensions of his activity.[276][277] However, he gained no full-blown scholarly monograph so far. Two books dedicated to Fal Conde and published in 1978 and 1998 are formatted as homage rather than as scientific historical works.[278] He is usually presented as an intransigent opponent of Franco.[279] He is generally recognized for excellent organizational skills, especially during early years of his leadership,[280] though there are exceptions.[281] Fal Conde is usually not acclaimed as a theorist; some students tend to view him as an inflexible doctrinaire,[282] those who do not underline his Integrist, holistic vision of politics and religion.[283]
In popular discourse Fal Conde, unlike most Carlist political leaders, has generally evaded usual lambasting as "fascista" (fascist) or "reaccionario" (reactionary). Newspaper pieces claim that he "revived popular character of Carlism" and even maintain that his vision contained threads which could have contributed to "reencuentro de España" (reunion of Spain), but were lost in "tiempos de intolerancia" (times of intolerance).[284] Nevertheless, the naming of a major throughway street honoring Fal Conde in Sevilla was controversial. As a result, in 2009 the street was renamed[285] with Fal Conde's name retained only in a short adjacent drive.[286]
^[Ana Marín Fidalgo, Manuel M. Burgueño], In memoriam. Manuel J. Fal Conde (1894-1975), Sevilla 1978, p. 19
^Manuel Fal Vázquez (born 1783), José Fal Vázquez (b. 1788), Manuel Fal Reyes (b. 1818), Juan Fal Reyes (b. 1817), Juan Fal Sánchez (b. 1849); this was also the case of his cousin, Rafael Lancha Fal (b. 1885), Marín, Burgueño 1978, p. 19
^Alcaldes que rigieron el ayuntamiento de Higuera de la Sierra, [in:] Inquietudes y vivencias de un sexagenario blog 25.10.13, available here
^e.g. in 1918 he launched Cabalgata de Reyes, the second oldest cabalgata in Spain, Higuera de la Sierra espera unas 35.000 visitas a su Cabalgata de Reyes en su 96 aniversario, [in:] lainformacion.com service 03.01.14, available here
^Leandro Alvarez Rey, La derecha en la II República: Sevilla, 1931-1936, Sevilla 1993, ISBN9788447201525, p. 135
^Marín, Burgueño 1978, p. 20. compare José Calvo González, Restauración tomista y catolicismo militante en la Universidad de Sevilla (1884-1924), [in:] Anuario de filosofia del derecho 6 (1989), pp. 377-395
^Marín, Burgueño 1978, p. 21; not correspondent to the current PhD, in the Spanish education system of the time the title enabled to teach in colleges
^in 9. Regimiento de Infanteria of Soria, Marín, Burgueño 1978, p. 21
^though in 1952, following death of his older brother, Fal inherited the family house in Higuera, he and his wife have always resided in Seville, living at 6 different locations, Marín, Burgueño 1978, p. 22
^José María, Mari Pepa, Domingo, Teresa, Alfonso Carlos, Javier and Pilar, see ABC 29.05.75, available here
^in the 1960s he was leading provincial Sevilla Carlists until deposed by the Huguistas, Francisco Javier Caspistegui Gorasurreta, El Naufragio de las ortodoxias. El carlismo 1962-1977, Pamplona 1997, ISBN8431315644, p. 100, see also Caín Somé Laserna, El tradicionalismo sevillano ante la transición hacia la democracia, [in:] Rafael Quirosa-Cheyrouze Muñoz, Luis Carlos Navarro Pérez, Mónica Fernández Amador (eds.), Las organizaciones políticas : Congreso Internacional Historia de la Transición en España, Almeria 2011, ISBN9788469490761, pp. 355-368
^José Carlos Clemente, Seis estudios sobre el carlismo, Madrid 1999, ISBN9788483741528, p. 23
^Josep Carles Clemente, Ultima entrevista con Fal Conde, [in:] elcaballerodeltristedestino blog 01.04.12, available here
^allegedly the ancestral family record of Fal contained "precedentes familiares donde el ideario tradicionalista, furtemente arraigado, se transmitía de generación en generación como si de una especie de herencie genética se tratase", Alvarez Rey 1993, p. 125
^Marín, Burgueño 1978, p. 20; another author claims that Fal "knew and admired" Senante during his Villafranca days, Ugarte Tellería 2018, p. 493
^compare his vision of Spain’s raison d’etre: "Patria española es una realidad histórica, cuya unidad indestructible fue forjada, no tanto por la comunidad de territorio, raza, o de lengua, sino ante todo y esencialmente por la unidad de Fe católica y el destino común de los diversos pueblos que concurren a formarla", quoted after Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 5
^no later than in 1914, Ugarte Tellería 2018, p. 494
^José Calvo González, Restauración tomista y catolicismo militante en la Universidad de Sevilla (1884-1924), [in:] Anuario de filosofia del derecho 6 (1989), p. 387
^compare "el integrista Manuel Fal Conde" (Clemente 1999, p. 30), "Manuel Fal Conde (antiguo integrista)" (Julián Sanz Hoya, De la resistencia a la reacción: las derechas frente a la Segunda República (Cantabria, 1931-1936), Santander 2006, ISBN9788481024203, p. 213), "Manuel Fal Conde, que procedía del integrismo" (Gonzalo Redondo, Historia de la Iglesia en España, 1931-1939: La Segunda República, 1931-1936, Madrid 1993, ISBN9788432129841, p. 305), "integrista Manuel Fal Conde" (Eduardo González-Calleja, El ex-rey, [in:] Javier Moreno Luzón (ed.), Alfonso XIII, Madrid 2003, ISBN9788495379597, p. 418), "Manuel Fal-Conde, joven abogado andaluz, procedente del campo integrista" (Román Oyarzun Oyarzun, Historia del carlismo, Madrid 2008, ISBN9788497614481, p. 464), "integrista Manuel Fal Conde" (Javier Tusell, Feliciano Montero García, José María Marín Arce, Las derechas en la España contemporánea, Madrid 1997, ISBN9788476585245, p. 219), "integristas como Manuel Fal Conde" (Antonio M. Moral Roncal, La cuestión religiosa en la Segunda República Española: Iglesia y carlismo, Madrid 2009, ISBN9788497429054, p. 64), "Manuel Fal Conde, abogado integrista de Sevilla" (Juan Iturralde, La guerra de Franco, los vascos y la iglesia: Quiénes y con qué fin prepararon la guerra y cómo comenzó, New York 1978, p. 98)
^Fernando García Cortázar, El tradicionalismo de Fal Conde, [in:] ABC 19.05.15, available here
^some sources claim that he joined the Integrists as late as 1930, Robert Vallverdú i Martí, El Carlisme Català durant la Segona República Espanyola (1931-1936), Barcelona 2008, ISBN9788478260805, p. 161f, Jordi Canal, El carlismo, Madrid 2000, ISBN8420639478, p. 312
^Santiago Martínez Sánchez, El jacobinismo antirrepublicano del Manuel Fal Conde y del cardenal Segura, [in:] Manuel Álvarez Tardío (ed.), Nuevos estudios sobre la Cultura Política en la II República Española 1931-1936, Madrid 2012, ISBN9788415454830, p. 106; furtherly developed in Ricardo Martínez de Salazar y Bascuñana, Manuel J. Fal Conde. La política como servicio de Dios y España, Cádiz, 1998. By the end of his life he straightforwardly referred to Comunión Tradicionalista as "obra de Dios" and perceived its mission as political evangelization, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, pp. 150-1. Though devout faithful, he nevertheless resisted advances of Catholic visionaries like José Lles Segarra, Moral Roncal 2009, p. 210
^El Siglo Futuro 20.10.30, available here; some sources claim that the group was in fact a joint Integrist and Jaimist initiative, preconfiguration of later unification of all Traditionalist branches; according to this account both the Integrist leader Juan Olazábal and the Jaimist one marqués de Villores nominated Fal Jefe Regional of Western Andalusia of their respective organizations, Marín, Burgueño 1978, p. 24
^compare Antonio Manuel Moral Roncal, 1868 en la memoria carlista de 1931: dos revoluciones anticlericales y un paralelo, [in:] Hispania Sacra 59/119 (2007), pp. 337-361
^some claim that he competed as member of the Right-wing coalition, see Marín, Burgueño 1978, p. 25; other sources claim that he presented his bid as Independent Right candidate, Martin Blinkhorn, Carlism and Crisis in Spain 1931-1939, Cambridge 2008, ISBN9780521207294, p. 54
^Marín, Burgueño 1978, p. 25. According to the authors, impartial scrutiny would have given Fal 15,000 votes. According to official results, the last elected candidate in the Cadíz district gathered 34,000 votes, compare the official Cortes service, available here
^more details in Alfonso Braojos Garrido, Tradicionalismo y antimasonería en la Sevilla de la II República. El semanario "El Observador" (1931-1933), [in:] José Antonio Ferrer Benimeli (ed.), Masonería, política y sociedad, vol. 1, Madrid 1989, ISBN8440449402, pp. 381-404
^like the Integrist La Union, Marín, Burgueño 1978, p. 26
^José María Alvear (Cordoba), Ramón Contreras (Granada), Fernando Contreras (Jaén) and Ricardo Huelin (Málaga), Moral Roncal 2009, p. 79
^Blinkhorn 2008, p. 74; some scholars write about "auténtica eclosión tradicionalista" in Western Andalusia, all thanks to proselytism and efficiency of Fal, Canal 2000, p. 313; detailed analysis of his strategy in Moral Roncal 2012 and Leandro Alvarez Rey, El carlismo en Andalusia durante la II República (1931-1936), [in:] Alfonso Braojos Garrido, Leandro Alvarez Rey, Francisco Espinoza Maestre (eds.), Sevilla 36: sublevación fascista y represión, Brenes 1990, ISBN9788486335663, pp. 17-79
^some of them killed in the fighting which ensued, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 91
^longer incarceration was experienced only by 2 leaders of Andalusian requeté, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 92, Marín, Burgueño 1978, p. 29
^like Varela, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 97; the two met in prison, Canal 2000, p. 300
^Fal noted that the Catholic citizenry must defend society "even with its blood" against unjust and usurping power, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 104; in July 1933 he stated bluntly that "power is violence" and called to organize resistance adequate to the violence experienced, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 103
^Fal proved to be very skilful when organising Semana Santa in Seville in 1932; as a lawyer he did his utmost to defy the constitutional ban on all public displays of religiosity, Moral Roncal 2009, p. 64; he turned out to be staunch defender of Segura and enemy of Herrera Oria and Tedeschini, accused of appeasement and cowardice, Moral Roncal 2009, p. especially the chapter "Contra el imperio de los personalismos": críticas carlistas contra Tedeschini, Herrera Oria y Vidal, pp. 165-176. Compare also "lealtad, valentía: Senante, Fal Conde, El Siglo Futuro. Los protagonistas de las "cobardías y defecciones" quedarían (con frecuencia, aunque no siempre) implícitos en su [Segura’s] pluma. No es necesario cavilar en exceso para intuir, que se refería al triunvirato Herrera-Tedeschini-Vidal y Barraquer", Santiago Martínez Sánchez, El Cardenal Pedro Segura y Sáenz (1880-1957), [PhD thesis at Universidad de Navarra], Pamplona 2002, p. 225
^named Agrupación Gremial Tradicionalista, Marín, Burgueño 1978, p. 30, also Blinkhorn 2008, p. 117, Moral Roncal 2009, p. 85
^in June 1933 the Carlists organized nationwide celebrations to the memory of Zumalacárregui, staged in a Gipuzkoan town of Zumarraga. Attendants, mostly from the North of Spain, were amazed by arrival of a cavalcade of buses carrying a massive Andalusian contingent, headed by Fal, Eduardo Gonzales Calleja, Contrarrevolucionarios, Madrid 2011, ISBN9788420664552, p. 194
^Marín, Burgueño 1978, p. 32; for Fal as Carlist regional leader see Antonio Manuel Moral Roncal, Manuel Fal Conde y el carlismo andaluz, [in:] José Leonardo Ruiz Sánchez (ed.), La confrontación católico-laicista en Andalucía durante la crisis de entreguerras, Sevilla 2012, ISBN978-8447214198, pp. 169-188
^Marín, Burgueño 1978, pp. 32-33; there were even two small aircraft taking part, Ugarte 2018, p 506
^Blinkhorn 2008, p. 137, Marín, Burgueño 1978, p. 33
^his candidature launched by Lamamié, Contreras and Senante
^people assuming Carlist political leadership were usually far more advanced in age: Nocedal was 58 (in 1879), Cerralbo 45 (1890), Barrio 55 (1899), Feliu 66 (1909), Sanz Escartin 74 (1918), Comín 61 (1919) and Rodezno 50 (1932), though there were exceptions: Larramendi and Villores were only 38 (respectively in 1919 and in 1921)
^Blinkhorn 2008, p. 138. Canal 2000, pp. 312-3, gives two reasons for Fal’s elevation: his relatively young age and successes in Andalusia
^Blinkhorn 2008, p. 140; favourably disposed contemporaries claimed that he turned the city from "Sevilla la Roja" to "Sevilla de las Boinas Rojas", Moral Roncal 2009, p. 85
^Villarín y Willy [Guilermo Poole, Joaquín Valdes], El Secretario de S.M., Sevilla 1935. The book was re-published in 1975, though with substantial changes; the key one was reduction of the text from the original 211 pages to just 90 pages, In Memoriam. Manual J. Fal Conde [review], [in:] Hispania 39 (1979), p. 141
^the most thorough organisational change since remodeling commanded by marqués de Cerralbo in the 1890s
^co-ordinating Youth, Press, Propaganda, Requeté and Finance activities, headed respectively by Arellano, González Quevedo, Lamamié, Zamanillo and Sangarrén, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 207, Vallverdú 2008, p. 163
^headed by Pradera, it was set up to diffuse ideology and unite Carlists of different origins, Blinkhorn 2008, pp. 207-8
^it was created to bring regional jefaturas closer to command centre, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 208
^named Boletín de Orientación Tradicionalista; it removed perennial problem of dependence on good will of editorial staff running Carlist dailies; the key ones at that time were El Siglo Futuro (Madrid), El Pensamiento Navarro (Pamplona), El Correo Catalan (Barcelona) and La Union (Sevilla). For detailed discussion see José Fermín Garralda Arizcun, "El Boletín Carlista de Orientación Tradicionalista" y la strategia política del tradicionalismo de 1934 a 1936, [in:] Alfonso Bullón de Mendoza, Luis Togores (eds.), Revisión de la Guerra Civil Española, Madrid 2002, ISBN8497390008, pp. 436-444
^detailed discussion in Julio Aróstegui, Combatientes Requetés en la Guerra Civil española, 1936-1939, Madrid 2013, ISBN9788499709758, esp. chapter Manuel Fal Conde y la milicia para la insurrección, pp. 79-84; see also Gonzales Calleja 2011, pp. 198-200, 259-265, Eduardo G. Calleja, Julio Aróstegui, La tradición recuperada: el Requeté Carlista y la insurrección, [in:] Historia Contemporanea 11 (1994), pp. 30-31. Fal contributed to Requeté buildup in his trademark way, compiling Requete Prayerbook; Pablo Larraz Andía, Víctor Sierra-Sesumaga (eds.), Requetés. De las trincheras al olvidio, Madrid 2011, ISBN9788499700465, p. 126; on the cover it bore a phrase "Ante Dios nunca serás héroe anónimo" (before God you are never an anonymous hero), intended to counter the atheist symbol of an unknown soldier, Jeremy MacClancy, The Decline of Carlism, Reno 2000, ISBN9780874173444, p. 20
^Blinkhorn 2008, p. 214; he created Tesoro de la Tradición, sort of the Carlist ministry of finance, Vallverdu 2008, p. 164
^one scholar has coined the term "modernización reaccionaria", "reactionary modernity", to describe the Fal’s skills in exploiting modern means to pursue his reactionary policy, see Francisco Javier Caspistegui Gorasurreta, Paradójicos reaccionarios: la modernidad contra la República de la Comunión Tradicionalista, [in:] El Argonauta Espanol 9 (2012), available here
^which i.e. transformed El Siglo Futuro from a 19th-century daily into a fully modern newspaper with photographs, graphics, complex layout and new sections, Vallverdú 2008, p. 275; in 1935 Carlism controlled 9 dailies, 19 other periodicals, Josep Carles Clemente, Los días fugaces. El carlismo, de las guerras civiles a la transición, Cuenca 2013, ISBN978-8495414243, p. 37. Detailed discussion in Cristina Barreiro Gordillo, El carlismo y su red de prensa en la Segunda Republica, Bilbao 2004, ISBN9788497390378 and Eduardo González Calleja, La prensa carlista y falangista durante la Segunda República y la Guerra Civil (1931-1937), [in:] El Argonauta Espanol 9 (2012)
^Requeté transformed from local groupings, capable at best of protecting local churches, into a nationwide paramilitary structure capable of achieving tactical military objectives. No other party possessed a comparable "shirt organization", with Falangist, Anarchist, Socialist or Communist militias formatted chiefly as urban hit-squads specialising in limited street violence like sabotage, arson or assassination
^others were offered prestigious but not really influential roles; that was the case of conde Rodezno, former political leader. He was not given jefatura of any of the newly created sections, but was offered a seat in the Council of Culture instead, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 208
^for numerical overview of Carlist structures in 1936 see Vallverdú 2008, pp. 248–260
^apart from reading Carlist newspapers and frequenting Carlist libraries, Carlists were asked to buy Carlist products, spend vacations in Carlist hotels and even play football in Carlist football league, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 211; Fal co-founded Asociación Deportiva Tradicionalista, Moral Roncal 2009, p. 121
^structures of the Comunión were incomparably more heterogeneous socially than those of Renovación, filled often with local aristocrats; some scholars call them, applying their own social cliches and preferences, "more democratic", see Blinkhorn 2008, p. 213
^a British scholar writing in the 1970s, perfectly familiar with history of Carlist marginalization within Francoist structures, nevertheless hails Rodezno’s strategy as "pragmatic" and lambasts Fal’s vision as "sheer wishful thinking", Blinkhorn 2008, p. 154
^already in 1933 Fal expressed a view, later growing to a dogma, that members of different parties better stick to their own organizations, Blinkhorn 2008, pp. 203-4, Witnessing the emergence of CEDA he was skeptical, not only because of its accidentalism and infection of liberalism, but also as it was born out of the ungodly Republican regime, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 102. In late 1933, when CEDA opted for a coalition with Lerroux, Fal, recently promoted to Delegate for all Andalusia, concluded that Gil-Robles had cut himself off from his former allies and that was no way to defend religion in Spain, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 125. In early 1934 El Observador was waging a regular anti-CEDA campaign, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 130
^Alfonso Carlos addressed Fal in a letter, suggesting that he fields his candidature as well; Fal refused, Marín, Burgueño 1978, p. 34
^especially compared to charismatic figures of other Right-wing leaders like Calvo Sotelo or José Antonio, or even compared to eloquent and gregarious Rodezno; Blinkhorn 2008, p. 215. The so-called cruzadistas accused Fal and his "Integrist camarilla" of taking part in conspiracy, aiming at transferring dynastic rights to the Alfonsinos, though scholars dismiss this charges as idiosyncratic. In fact, Fal was also anxious about looming problem of succession, but preferred not to press Alfonso Carlos and wait for him to make a decision, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 216
^Fal accepted Alfonso Carlos’ decision to set up a regency with no objections. Though many considered Don Javier – a hardly known foreigner – a laughable figure as a prospective claimant, and preferred fusionist talks with the Alfonsinos instead, it was not the case of Fal, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 230
^spending more time in Saint-Jean-de-Luz with Don Javier than in Spain, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 237, Marín, Burgueño 1978, p. 35. Some sources claim he was exiled in France, Mercedes Peñalba Sotorrío, Entre la boina roja y la camisa azul, Estella 2013, ISBN9788423533657, p. 16, Stanley G. Payne, Falange: a History of Spanish Fascism, vol. 22, Stanford 1961, ISBN9780804700580, pp. 109-110, also Jacek Bartyzel, Manuel (José) Fal Conde, [in:] legitymizm.org service, available here. He headed the Junta Suprema Militar, consisting of general Muslera, teniente coronel Baselga, teniente coronel Rada, capitan Sanjurjo (son of the exiled general) and local military inspectors, Juan Carlos Peñas Bernaldo de Quirós, El Carlismo, la República y la Guerra Civil (1936-1937). De la conspiración a la unificación, Madrid 1996, ISBN9788487863523, pp. 18-21
^it envisioned two focos of Requeté insurgency in Western Spain as means to lure governmental troops, while Madrid conspirators disguised as Guardia Civil were to take control of key offices and Requeté arriving from the North would guarantee success as reinforcements. The plan was abandoned when security discovered false Guardia Civil uniforms. It was based on assumption that the army would remain passive; though talks were held with Sanjurjo, no accord was struck; Blinkhorn 2008, pp. 240-2, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 23
^which might be helpful if not vital, given the military do not push conditions compromising Carlist principles, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 226
^either staged as exclusively Carlist enterprise or as a joint Carlist-military project; transitional government would be a stopgap solution leading to establishment of a Traditionalist monarchy, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 243. Sanjurjo and Fal met as early as in March 1936 in Lisbon, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 22
^most of the conspiring generals viewed insurgency as means to change the government, prevent revolution and ensure order, not as means to re-establish the monarchy, let alone a Traditionalist one, César Alcalá, D. Mauricio de Sivatte. Una biografía política (1901-1980), Barcelona 2001, ISBN8493109797, p. 29
^during the talks Fal remained entirely intransigent, which drove Mola to desperation. He later admitted having been close to shooting himself, "este hombre [Fal] estuvo a punto de conseguir que yo me pegara un tiro", Maximiliano García Venero, Historia de la unificación, Madrid 1970, p. 76
^he demanded derogation of Republican legislature, dissolution of all parties (including the supportive ones), provisional dictatorship with temporary directorate heavily controlled by the Carlists, future corporatist state, and usage of monarchist standard; detailed review of the talks in Peñas Bernaldo 1996, pp. 31-35, Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, pp. 18-21, Aróstegui 2013, pp. 93-128, Gonzales Calleja 2011, pp. 370-388
^most detailed account in Tomás Echeverría, Cómo se preparó el alzamiento: el general Mola y los carlistas, Madrid 1985, ISBN8439850123; see also Blinkhorn 2008, pp. 246-8, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, pp. 35-37. Key Falcondistas are listed as follows: José Luis Zamanillo, José Zuazola, José Martínez Berasáin (sic!), Juan María Roma, Pedro Roma, Mauricio Sivatte, Juan Lavaquial, José Brú, Luis Zuazola and Agustín Tellería. Key Rodeznistas listed are: conde Rodezno, Víctor Pradera, Fernando Contreras, José María Oriol, Juan Olazábal, Domingo Tejera, Javier Martínez de Morentin, Luis Arellano, Marcelino Ulibarri, Gaitán de Ayalá, José María Valiente (sic!) and José María Arauz de Robles, Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, p. 18. Some authors add also the Baleztena brothers, though others indicate that their position was highly ambiguous, see Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis in Historia Contemporanea, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia], Valencia 2009, p. 121
^Don Javier later referred to the stance adopted by the Navarros as "una traicíon a nuestros principios y a nuestras gentes, cuya sangre habemos sacrificado inútilmente", Peñas Bernaldo 1996, pp. 39-40. There was no formal pact between the military and the Carlists; Mola and Fal agreed to act on basis of the letter, sent by Sanjurjo on July 11. Its contents allow usage of monarchist standard provided army units related use none, apolitical government with civilians, abolishing of all political parties (including these supporting the coup), dismantling Republican regime and introducing a new state. There was no explicit committal to monarchy, let alone Traditionalist one, and no guarantee of Carlist role in either military command or provisional government. Blinkhorn 2008, pp. 247-250
^on July 19 he was flown from Sant-Jean-de-Luz to Pamplona, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 121, where he spent a day. During the night he travelled by car to Burgos, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 215, others say he stayed in Pamplona until July 25, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 121
^full squad in Ricardo Ollaquindia, La Oficina de Prensa y Propaganda Carlista de Pamplona al comienzo de la guerra de 1936, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 56 (1995), p. 486. See also Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 218, Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, p. 28. Fal divided his time between office work, talking to foreign correspondents (compare Fal Conde y el requete juzgados por el extranjero. Crónicas de prensa, a book published in Burgos in 1937, and Antonio César Moreno Cantano, El carlismo y la propaganda exterior durante la Guerra Civil española [unpublished paper delivered to Congreso La Guerra Civil Española 1936 - 1939, 2006]) and especially visiting Carlist troops on the front-lines, Larraz, Sierra-Sesumaga 2011, p. 212, Aróstegui 2013, pp. 357, 436, 713, 729
^as late as in September Fal saw the rising as an alliance of equals between the military and the Carlists; he found room for the Falange only as a junior partner, whose assistance was somewhat condescendingly welcomed, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 265. Though he accepted a compromise with military authoritarianism and eventually admitted its leading role, Fal made no secret that Traditionalist monarchy should be reinstated immediately following victory; even Don Javier was less explicit and tending to accept some sort of longer transition period of military dictatorship, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 267
^Alfonso Carlos’ successor as a regent, Don Javier, confirmed Fal as Jefe Delegado, Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, p. 21. The likes of Rodezno claimed that the regent had merely to be "consulted", not necessarily obeyed, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 40
^Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 42-3, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 269, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, pp. 47-49; the latter distinguished between "carlismo nacional" (maximalist, orthodox and intransigent), and "carlismo regional" (possibilist and flexible), Peñas Bernaldo 1996, pp. 214, 219-221
^geographical dispersion of Carlist executive added to overall confusion; Fal resided in Toledo, some agendas of Junta Nacional in Burgos and some in Salamanca; the king was in Vienna, his envoy Don Javier in Saint-Jean-de-Luz, while the Navarrese Junta Central resided in Pamplona, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 238
^the strongest contingent, provided by the Navarrese, was divided between 4 areas: some units were engaged on the Basque front, some in the East against the Anarchists in Aragon, and some on the central front in Sierra de Guadarrama. Isolated units were active also in Andalusia, Extremadura and Castile. In all cases, Carlist units, a battalion the largest one, were attached to army divisions commanded by career generals. Most thorough military analysis in Aróstegui 2013, political impact in Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 204
^Dronda, Javier (2013). Con Cristo o contra Cristo: Religión y movilización antirrepublicana en Navarra (1931-1936). Tafalla: Txalaparta. p. 381. ISBN978-84-15313-31-1.
^Paul Preston (2013). The Spanish Holocaust: Inquisition and Extermination in Twentieth-Century Spain. London, UK: HarperCollins. p. 183. ISBN978-0-00-638695-7.
^in mid-September 1936 Fal addressed general Cabanellas, head of the Burgos Junta, protesting the "mild" nature of military repression in Gipuzkoa, especially this related to clergy with Basque nationalist inclinations; he alleged that the army commanders feared of "tropezar con la Iglesia", Paul Preston, The Spanish Holocaust: Inquisition and Extermination in Twentieth-Century Spain, London 2013, ISBN9780006386957, p. 141. In his letter to cardinal Segura of early September Fal lamented limited repressive means administered in Gipuzkoa, "mientras los del sur se exceden. En Badajoz capital dicen que llegan a 5.000 los fusilados, mientras que en Tolosa solo van 17", quoted after Santiago Martínez Sánchez, Los papeles perdidos del cardenal Segura, 1880-1957, Pamplona 2004, p. 381. In letters to Segura and the Carlist war commissioner Luis Barrio, Fal recommended exemplary punishment of priests supporting the nationalists and suggested they are court-martialed, writing that "todos aquellos [of the priests] que estén incursos en el bando militar deben ser fusilados pero por consejo de guerra", quoted after Pedro Barruso Barés, La represión en las zonas republicana y franquista del País Vasco durante la Guerra Civil, [in:] Historia Contemporánea 35 (2007), p. 672. Some scholars stress that the only difference between Fal and the Falangists was that the Carlist leader wanted to see the pro-Basque priests killed after trial, while the latter did not consider the fiction of legal proceedings necessary, Mikel Aizpuru (ed.), El otoño de 1936 en Guipúzcoa. Los fusilamientos de Hernani, Irun 2007, ISBN9788496643680, pp. 226-227. Detailed discussion in Pedro Barruso Barés, La represión del clero diocesano guipuzcoano durante la Guerra Civil, [in:] Congreso La Guerra Civil Española 1936 - 1939, Madrid 2006, for Fal see pp. 3-5
^they note that Fal demanded all court-martialing cases be consulted with ecclesiastical authorities and prohibited impromptu executions, suggesting also that Requetés steer clear of the process, leaving it to the military.. They also claim that according to some accounts Fal did his best to prevent executions ("y nosotros fuimos los que después de otros, como Fal Conde, hicimos cuanto estuvo en nuestra mano para impedirlo [executions of priests]"), that he must have approved of an order issued by regional Carlist Navarrese jefe, banning improvised executions and published in El Pensamiento Navarro on July 24, that he tried to make sure Requeté were not engaged in repression and that he saved some nationalist-minded priests personally, compare Martorell Pérez 2009, pp. 100-101, 118, 121, 138, 165, 220-221. According to some sources, one of the conditions put forward by Fal when negotiating Carlists joining the coup with Mola was that Requeté would not be used for policing, Luis Redondo, Juan de Zavala, El requeté, Barcelona 1957, pp. 355, 359; this claim is supposedly backed by documents quoted in Melchor Ferrer, Historia del Tradicionalismo Español, vol. XXX, Sevilla 1979, docs nr 58 and 60, also Fernando Miguel Noriega, Fal Conde y el Requeté juzgados por el extranjero, Sevilla 1976, p. 32. The conclusion advanced by this group of scholars is that "todos estos hechos ponen, al menos, en duda una afirmación tan tajante como que Manuel Fal Conde fue el principal "impulsor" de las ejecuciones de los sacerdotes nacionalistas en Guipúzcoa", Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 101
^there are many works focusing on Carlism during the Civil War, but there is no scholarly monograph dedicated to Requeté and repression in the rear. Historians sympathetic to the Carlist cause tend to ignore or downplay the issue, which is almost absent in two large volumes of Pablo Larraz Andía, Víctor Sierra-Sesúmaga Ariznabarreta, Requetés: de las trincheras al olvido, Madrid 2011, ISBN9788499700465, and Julio Aróstegui, Combatientes Requetés en la Guerra Civil española, 1936-1939, Madrid 2013, ISBN9788499709970. Authors sympathetic to the Republican cause, especially when dealing with repression in Navarre and the Basque Country, reserve a prominent role for the Carlists, see José Ramón Urtasun, Carlos Martínez, Iñaki Arzoz, No os olvidaremos, Pamplona 2013, ISBN9788476817841, José Mari Ruiz Vilas, Juan Carlos Berrio Zaratiegui, José Mari Esparza Zabalegi, Navarra 1936: de la esperanza al terror, Estella 2004, ISBN9788493095796, Iñaki Egaña, Los crimenes de Franco en Euskal Herria, Tafalla 2009, ISBN9788481365597. Many works (especially the foreign ones) refer jointly to "Nationalist" or "fascist" repressions. Among these, the prevailing understanding is that Nationalist atrocities were unprovoked, systematic, pre-planned, committed by official structures and formed the very core of the regime, while Republican atrocities were spontaneous, circumstantial, committed by "uncontrollables" and offshoot criminals, provoked by the Nationalists and formed a pathological margin of the regime; excellent sample in Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain, London 2006, ISBN9780143037651. Recent work aspiring to historiographic summary of literature on civil war violence intends rather to "grapple with Francoist past" and its authors "do not aspire to treat each side equally", see Peter Anderson, Miguel Ángel del Arco Blanco, Mass Killings and Violence in Spain, 1936-1952: Grappling with the Past, New York 2014, ISBN9781135114855, p. 33
^which opened its structures in all Nationalist-held provinces. Blinkhorn 2008, pp. 274-5
^initially to be named Real Academia de Estudios Militares de la Comunión Tradicionalista, it was established as Real Academia Militar de Requetés; it was most likely to be headed by an Andalusian and Fal’s close friend, the Seville requeté commander Enrique Barrau. Location is unclear; some point to Navarre (Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 232-7) and some to Toledo (Aróstegui 2013, p. 139)
^historians do not agree whether the project was pre-agreed with the military; some authors claim it was either approved or consulted by Mola, some point to Franco-Salgado and others even to Franco himself, for overview see Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, p. 31
^Franco did not speak to Fal personally; the Carlist leader was received by Dávila, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, pp. 239-241; detailed account in Maximiliano García Venero, Historia de la Unificacion, Madrid 1970, p. 79
^Peñas Bernaldo 1996, pp. 241-2, Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, pp. 30-35, most detailed discussion in Jaime del Burgo Torres, Un episodio poco conocido de la guerra civil española. La Real Academia Militar de Requetés y el destierro de Fal Conde, [in:] Principe de Viana 196 (1992), pp. 481-506
^Blinkhorn 2008, p. 276-7, Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, p. 34; according to his son, Fal complied fearing grave crisis in Nationalist ranks, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 53
^though he resigned as leader of Junta Nacional, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 242; real power slipped mostly towards the Navarrese. The Carlist propaganda kept venerating Fal and ignored Franco as much as possible; in Carlist press the official slogan "Una Patria, Un Estado, Un Caudillo" was often juxtaposed with a photograph of Fal; references to Franco were few and tucked away on inside pages, while those to Fal were emphasized in front, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 279, detailed discussion of Carlist press resisting unification pressure, including hailing of Fal, in Peñas Bernaldo 1996, pp. 115-122, also Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 52
^in February; most detailed discussion in Julio V. Brioso y Mayral, Fal Conde y la asamblea de Insua [in:] Aportes 27 (1995), pp. 3-39, also Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 247, Marín, Burgueño 1978, p. 43, Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, p. 37-41, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 30-32; Josep Carles Clemente, Los días fugaces. El carlismo, de las guerras civiles a la transición, Cuenca 2013, ISBN9788495414243, pp. 45-51
^following talks with Falange envoys Dávila, Gamero and Escario in Lisbon, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 283, García Venero 1970, pp. 82-3. In early February he replied in writing with his Essential Points for the Union. The document pointed out that only equitable and complementary fusion is acceptable, with a triumvirate heading the party until the war is won and with traditionalist monarchy declared afterwards, Don Javier accepted as the regent. A future corporative state would comprise national labor syndicates and all vestiges of liberal party system would be abolished, Payne 1961, p. 155. As the Falangists replied with counter-proposal which amounted to Carlist absorption into their party, Fal confirmed his position; the new document envisioned a unified party as a temporary measure to be dissolved following victory. Though during subsequent conversations of late February even a regency under Franco was discussed, both sides reached no agreement, Payne 1961, pp. 155-156
^the Falcondistas were represented only by Zamanillo and Valiente. Blinkhorn 2008, p. 287, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, pp. 255-275, Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, pp. 40-43, Martorell Pérez 2009, pp. 33-38
^Blinkhorn 2008, pp. 288-9, Peñas Bernaldo 1996, pp. 276
^Blinkhorn 2008, p. 291, Fermín Pérez-Nievas Borderas, Contra viento y marea, Estella 1999, ISBN8460589323, p. 122
^what was heard from Fal was only "deafening silence" according to Blinkhorn 2008, p. 290. Other authors claim that Fal protested, Marín, Burgueño 1978, p. 44; yet another scholar maintains that Fal and Don Javier issued two letters (to Carlists and to Requetés respectively) recommending "obedecer y callar" posture and refraining from opposition; Fal actually suggested to accept posts in FET given it is made clear they are accepted on orders of the Comunión, Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, pp. 54-6
^Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, p. 50; the advice did not extend to the Falangist Consejo Nacional; Fal repeatedly warned the Carlists offered seats in this body that they must not accept
^Franco invited Fal to Salamanca and the two held talks on August 11, Marín, Burgueño 1978, p. 46, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 50; according to Fal the dictator was cordial and effusive; he awaited the guest half-way through the room, extended his arms and exclaimed: "¡Bienvenido, qué alegría! ¡Ya está usted entre nosotros, bienvenido! Qué alegría!", quoted after Robert Vallverdú Martí, La metamorfosi del carlisme català: del "Déu, Pàtria i Rei" a l'Assamblea de Catalunya (1936-1975), Montserrat 2014, ISBN9788498837261, p. 63
^according to some sources it was ministry of interior, see Ricardo Martínez de Salazar y Bascuñana, Manuel J. Fal Conde - La política como servicio de Dios y España, Cádiz, 1998, quoted here; according to the other it was ministry of justice, see Luis Suárez Fernández, Manuel Espadas Burgos, Historia general de España y América, vol. 19, La época de Franco,vol. 2/19, Madrid 1987, ISBN9788432123597, p. 59, Clemente 2013, p. 32
^Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, p. 81-2; the refusal profoundly irritated Franco, Vallverdú 2014, p. 65; Fal was formally removed from the Council in March 1938, Blinkhorn 2008, p. 293; Fal’s letter to Franco, dated 28.11.37, is fully reproduced in Marín, Burgueño 1978, pp. 87-90
^Blinkhorn 2008, p. 293; some scholars say Fal’s exile terminated November 1937, Clemente 2013, p. 32. Others claim Fal was not permitted to return until the end of the war, Stanley G. Payne, The Franco Regime, Madison 1987, ISBN9780299110703, p. 189
^Peñas Bernaldo 1996, p. 297; detailed discussion in Joaquín Cubero Sánchez, El carlismo en la guerra de Espana. El destierro del Fal Conde y la unificacion, [in:] Aportes 27 (1995), pp. 40-78
^Manuel Martorell Pérez, Navarra 1937-1939: el fiasco de la Unificación, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 69 (2008), pp. 429-456
^Fal was not allowed to come back to Seville; he settled on the Villandrando estate in Palencia province Marín, Burgueño 1978, p. 47; he returned to Seville following Nationalist war victory, Clemente 2011, p. 222, Clemente 2013, p. 32
^Aurora Villanueva Martínez, Organización, actividad y bases del carlismo navarro durante el primer franquismo [in:] Geronimo de Uztariz 19 (2003), p. 117
^other co-founders were Narciso Ripa Obanos, José Ángel Zubiaur Alegre, José Lampreave Blanco, Miguel Castiella Idoy, Cesáreo Sanz Orrio, Félix Abárzuza Murillo, Ramón Arregui, Jaime del Burgo Torres, Jesús Marín, Ignacio Baleztena, Tarsicio Ortiz, Juan Echeverría and Pascual Hermoso de Mendoza, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 190-191
^including exchange of fire, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 77, Aurora Villanueva Martínez, El carlismo navarro durante el primer franquismo, 1937-1951, Madrid 1998, ISBN9788487863714, p. 127, Marín, Burgueño 1978, p. 47
^Martorell Pérez 2009, pp. 59-71, 200-207; many Carlists, especially the Requetés, considered staging an action of protest, like withdrawal of their units from the front, concentration to gain critical mass or even assassination of Franco. Some concluded that "hemos perdido la guerra. Preparemos la próxima", given the next war was to be "contra los azules", quoted after Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 54-57. Apart from newspaper frontpages featuring glorification of a "caudillo" with the photo of Fal placed next, there were even songs coined: "Es Fal nuestro jefe / es el hombre que más vale / y a sus requetés / no se los merienda nadie", Emilio Herrera Alonso, Los mil dias del Tercio Navarra: Biografía de un tercio de requetés, Pamplona 1974, ISBN978-8427611481, pp. 63-64. Fal’s home turf, Seville, was the province where most protests against Falangist domination in the new state party were recorded; Cadíz came third, Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, p. 96-7
^MacClancy 2000, p. 79, full text available in Marín, Burgueño 1978, pp. 90-96
^it has to be considered jointly with 3 other documents, El criterio tradicionalista sobre el Partido Político, (rejection of partido único and state omnipresence), Bosquejo de la futura organización política española (confirmation of corporative and regionalist outlook) and Sucesión dinástica en la Monarquía Española, (defense of monarchical model represented by Javier de Borbón Parma). Franco did not respond, but the documents in question were widely circulated and served as point of reference. Some add also Fijación de Orientaciones (1940) as another important leaflet, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 186. It was stated that "los poderes del Generalísimo son circunstanciales" and that "nadie pudo pensar seriamente que un hombre es eterno y que en él pueden fundarse las instituciones del Estado". "Su misión – the text went - acabada la guerra, nunca pudo ser otra que la de poner en marcha las instituciones del Estado, quedando él como pieza de la máquina, si cabía, o cesando" para permanecer vigilante en la "reserva", quoted after Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 194
^Fal was among the officials invited; during the gathering in front of the ayuntamiento building the crowd largely ignored Francoist dignitaries speaking from the balcony and demanded to see Fal. When appearing, he cried ¡Viva Cristo Rey! and ¡Viva el Rey!, triggering enthusiasm which bordered mayhem; riots ensued. Those trying to cry ¡Viva Franco! were assaulted, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 178
^with 2 uniformed policemen in front of his house and undercover agents following him when permitted to leave by the civil governor, Marín, Burgueño 1978, pp. 48-9, Clemente 2013, p. 32
^unable to leave Seville, he managed the party business by proxies, e.g. a meeting of Carlist executive in Madrid in 1940 was presided on his behalf by a veteran, Rafaél Díaz Aguado Salaberry, Manuel de Santa Cruz, Apuntes y documentos para la historia del tradicionalismo español, vol. 2, Madrid 1940, p. 26
^even his photo, when found by security during search of the suspects, was approached as incriminating evidence, Martorell Pérez 2009, pp. 207-9
^Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 186; in 1943 Fal tried to lure back those Carlists who had joined FET earlier and declared they might return to ranks of the Comunión, excluding however key rebels like Rodezno or Bilbao, Peñalba Sotorrío 2013, pp. 90, 143
^it was via Manuel Giménez Fernández, former CEDA minister of agriculture and Sevillan abogado that PCE intended to lure Carlism into their Unión Nacional, an all-in anti-Francoist alliance mounted by the communists, Martorell Pérez 2009, pp. 285-6
^like Antonio Arrúe in Gipuzkoa or Joaquín Baleztena in Navarre, though co-operation with the latter has always been marked by mutual lack of confidence, Villanueva Martínez 2003, pp. 104-105
^in 1941 he asked Fausto Gaiztarro to create delegaciones provinciales and collect money, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 198
^in 1940 he asked Arrúe to create an inter-provincial Vasco-Navarrese Carlist executive and celebrate Fiesta de los Mártires independently of official gatherings wherever possible. His idea was to re-built Carlist structures from the bottom to the top, which was contrary to Baleztena’s idea of appointments, stemming from anxiety that police would raid larger gatherings, which indeed became common in Navarre, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 199
^for 1942 scholars mention "Junta Auxiliar" (composed of Manuel Senante Martínez, Calixto González Quevedo, José Luis Zamanillo, José María Aráuz de Robles, José María Lamamié de Clairac, Rafael de Olazábal, José María Valiente, Fausto Gaiztarro and Juan Sáenz Díez), see Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 240, and for 1944 "Junta Suprema", Martorell Pérez 2009, pp. 298-9
^from Fal's later correspondence with Gambra it seems that he entrusted organizing specialized studies to Elias de Tejada, though they formally emerged as religious initiative of Maximo Palomar del Val, Jacek Bartyzel, Nic bez Boga, nic wbrew tradycji. Kosmopolityczna wizja tradycjonalizmu karlistowskiego w Hiszpanii, Warszawa 2015, ISBN9788360748732, p. 246
^"bien sentado que la Comunión Tradicionalista no tiene juicio alguno a favor de ninguno de los contendientes en la guerra europea; que la C. T. no es germanófila ni anglófila porque es exclusivamente española (...) Podrá cada carlista opinar lo que quiera e inclinar su juicio a favor de Alemania o de Inglaterra. Los dirigentes, en cambio, han de estar especialmente atentos a la obligación de no comprometer a la Comunión en tal materia". Scholars of Catholic background when discussing Fal’s hostility towards Nazism point mostly to religious motivations, see Moral Roncal 2009, p. 217, Jacek Bartyzel, Tradycjonalizm (hiszpański) wobec faszyzmu, hitleryzmu i totalitaryzmu, [in:] Pro Fide Rege et Lege 71 (2013), pp. 13-32. A progressist historian puts other features on the foreground, quoting Fal say that in Nazi Germany "en lo moral, el dominio de la materia, de las corrientes impetuosas racistas y de la educación más pagana; en lo político, la tiranía del Estado; en lo social, el mecanismo de los individuos y profesiones en jerarquías sindicales tiránicas; en lo económico, la subyugación mayor imaginable de los derechos individuales y la negación de la libertad (incluso la lícita y necesaria), en beneficio de los intereses estatales", Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 264; similar approach by a student from Anglo-Saxon Protestant realm, see Blinkhorn 2008, pp. 163-185. Despite Fal’s stance, upon the outbreak of Nazi-Soviet war the German consulate in Bilbao was flooded with letters of support from Carlist leaders and there were many cases of Carlists enlisting to División Azul, Xosé Manoel Núñez Seixas, An Approach to the Social Profile and the Ideological Motivations of the Spanish Volunteers of the "Blue Division", 1941-1944, [in:] Sonja Levsen, Christine Krüger (eds.), War Volunteering in Modern Times, London 2010, ISBN9780230228054, pp. 248-74
^"Operación Azor" was a plot advanced by British consular services in Spain, intended as a response to would-be Nazi invasion of the peninsula; some Carlists in Vascongadas, Navarre and Andalusia might have been involved, triggering alarm among Franco’s security services. When on exile in Menorca Fal sent his own personal envoy to investigate the issue, Martorell Pérez 2009, pp. 270-1. Some scholars claim that Fal was against any pro-British action; Joaquín Baleztena – with approval if not on demand of Fal – opposed an idea to turn Requeté into a British espionage service, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 268-9. There are scholars, however, who claim exactly the opposite; a Carlist tercio was to be formed under Fal’s auspices to fight alongside the Allies against the Nazis, Clemente 2011, p. 223, Pérez-Nievas 1999, p. 146; the source quoted is María Teresa de Borbón Parma. Another version pertaining to Fal’s exile is that it was triggered by his refusal to call the Carlists to join Division Azul, Josep Carles Clemente, Historia del Carlismo contemporáneo, Barcelona 1977, ISBN9788425307591, p. 31
^the question of Fal’s exile is rather confused. Some authors claim it was limited to Menorca and lasted 3-4 months, between October and Christmas 1941, see Marín, Burgueño 1978, p. 48, Canal 2000, p. 349. Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 270 provides ambiguous account which suggests he was released in 1942 or even later. Some claim that Fal was repeatedly ordered periods of exile, namely in Chiclana (1940), Menorca (1941) and Chipiona (1942), Clemente 2011, p. 223, Clemente 2013, p. 32. Another rather obscure issue is a possible assassination attempt on Fal, mounted allegedly by Serrano and the Nazis; the dates given are fall of 1941, see Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 270, or spring of 1942, see Vallverdú 2014, p. 92
^ending in riots and clashes between Carlists and Falangists, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 239
^during the Montserrat aplec of 1945, so far the largest Carlist gathering in Francoist Spain (some 30,000 attendants), Fal threatened with a new war in case liberal monarchy of Juan de Borbón is established, Martorell Pérez 2009, pp. 252-3
^Payne 1987, p. 328, Alfonso Ballestero, José Ma de Oriol y Urquijo, Madrid 2014, ISBN9788483569160, p. 80, Vallverdú 2014, p. 96. The document declared "la discrepancia mantenida por la Comunión con el ensayo totalitario, y su apartamiento del ‘partido único’, base del sistema" and stated that "en la zona nacional no había ni sombra de Estado; fue la sociedad misma, movida por sentimientos profundos y eternos que le daban unidad y vida, la que hizo posible el Movimiento. Hay que tener fe en esta sociedad y respetar su repugnancia a sistemas que la violentan. Es innegable que la Sociedad española no acepta el sistema totalitario." It maintained that "la necesidad y la urgencia de proceder a un cambio de cosas es evidente" and "tan acusado es el clamor unánime de la nación que ni nuestro prolongado silencio ha podido evitar que se alcen voces de bienintencionados españoles, no todos autorizados políticamente para discrepar del régimen ni para interpretar el que necesita España", finally demanding that "entregado a esta gloriosa Comunión para que instaure el orden definitivo y nacional inspirado en el pensamiento tradicionalista", quoted after Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 244, Clemente 2013, p. 33
^the letter from the civil governor to Fal sort of apologised that 2 uniformed policemen in front of his house might have discouraged customers of his law office, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 306
^Aurora Villanueva Martínez, Los incidentes del 3 de diciembre de 1945 en la Plaza del Castillo, [in:] Principe de Viana 58 (1997), pp. 629–650, Manuel de Santa Cruz Alberto Ruiz de Galarreta, Apuntes y documentos para la historia del tradicionalismo español (1939-1966), Madrid, 1984-1991, vol. 7, p. 155 and onwards. The moment was peculiar; following the end of World War II many assumed that victorious Allies would inevitably topple Franco, considered last fascist standing, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 304-5
^though allegedly he was planned to be there, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 318; there is no proof of his presence, though Alfonso Carlos Fal-Conde Macias maintained that his father was present, Villanueva Martínez 1997, pp. 630, 649
^first time since 1937, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 319
^Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 320, Marín, Burgueño 1978, p. 49
^among the present were José María Lamamié de Clairac y de la Colina, Juan Antonio de Olazábal, José Luis Zamanillo-Camino, José María Valiente Soriano, Gutiérrez Colomer y González Pons, Juan Sáenz-Díez, Marcial Solana, Manuel Senante, Máximo Palomar, Ramón Contreras, Mauricio de Sivatte, Pedro Gaviria, conde de Samatier, José María Barber, Luis Ortiz Estrada, José Quint Zaforteza, Calixto González-Quevedo, Fernando López Barranco, Juan J. Palomino, marqués de Santa Rosa, Guillermo Galmés, José María García Verde, Joaquín Purón, Antonio Garzón, José María Onrubia, Miguel Fagogaga, Tomás Barreiro and José Javier Pérez Bultó, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 321
^full title La única solución (Llamamiento de la Comunión Tradicionalista con la concreción práctica de sus principios. Con ocasión de la presión internacional y el cerco de la ONU. Inminente Ley de Sucesión); the document protested also international ostracism towards Spain. Martorell Pérez 2009, pp. 321-2; 374
^according to the document, "el régimen de Caudillaje" does not have "ni caracteres de estabilidad ni raiz española, por ser un régimen de poder personal, inconciliable con los derechos de la persona humana y de las entidades infrasoberanas en que aquella se desenvuelve"
^this has not always been the case. In late 1934 he was quoted as declaring to a small circle of supporters that "la ley de sucesión determina el derecho a ocupar el trono a favor de don Juan de Borbón", though he noted also that "si don Juan no deja de ser lo que es, no podra ocupar el trono legitimo", quoted after Francisco de las Heras y Borrero, Un pretendiente desconocido. Carlos de Habsburgo. El otro candidato de Franco, Madrid 2004, ISBN8497725565, p. 30
^already in 1943 Fal expulsed the Carloctavistas from Carlism, Canal 2000, p. 352
^during the Montserrat aplec of 1946 Fal delivered a vehemently anti-communist address; Franco liked it so much that he offered Fal the San Sebastián bullring to hold a meeting, MacClancy 2000, p. 84
^Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 322, Marín, Burgueño 1978, p. 50; text of his address Clemente 2013, pp. 100-105
^Alcalá 2001, pp. 43, 59-62; 67, 71-72, Vallverdú 2014, esp. the chapter L’enfrontament Sivatte – Fal Conde, pp. 106-111; the moment which caused particular tension was the spring of 1948, when the annual Montserrat aplec was banned by the authorities; Sivatte accused Fal not only of mild compliance, but also of not uttering a single word of protest, Alcalá 2001, pp. 82-3
^Sivatte claimed that even voting "no" in the referendum was improper; the only correct path was to ignore all Francoist referendums, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 27, Alcalá 2001, pp. 74-80
^Alcalá 2001, pp. 56-60; the most logical choice, also according to Sivatte, would have been Don Javier himself. Also the Navarros, though not as militant as Sivatte, were disappointed by Fal’s refusal to call a grand Carlist assembly, which would declare a new king; in November 1944 the entire Navarrese junta resigned in protest, Villanueva 1998, p. 107
^already in 1945 the first signs of dissent started to appear: Arauz de Robles worked out a document, Acta de Unión Nacional para la restauración de la Monarquía Tradicional en España, in which he called for a broad union against totalitarian designs, naming Fal as the one who clung to exclusivist Carlist strategy, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 299
^especially that at the turn of the decades international pressure eased, the Francoist regime seemed consolidated and speculations about Franco’s imminent removal faded away, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 328
^for review of mounting tension between Fal and Sivatte, leading to the latter being dismissed from Catalan jefatura in 1949, see Alcalá 2001, pp. 84-91, Vallverdú 2014, pp. 111-113. The dismissal note read:Excmo. Sr. D. Mauricio de Sivatte, Barcelona. Por tu actitud indisciplinada me veo en la necesidad de dimitirte y te ordeno hagas entrega del cargo, ficheros, documentación y medios económicos a la persona o Junta que yo lo comunique. Francisco Javier de Borbón", quoted after Alcalá 2001, p. 94, the same text in Vallverdú 2014, p. 112. Sivatte’s successor was José Puig Pellicer, Clemente 1977, p. 227
^Carlism as a movement abstained from taking part in elections
^Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 218-226, At that time competition for power between the Falangists and the Carlists was taking place in all 4 vasco-navarrese provinces. For Navarre see Maria del Mar Larazza Micheltorena, Alvaro Baraibar Etxeberria, La Navarra sotto il Franchismo: la lotta per il controllo provinciale tra i governatori civili e la Diputacion Foral (1945-1955), [in:] Nazioni e Regioni, Bari 2013, pp. 101-120, Manuel Martorell Pérez, Navarra 1937-1939: el fiasco de la Unificación, [in:] Príncipe de Viana 69 (2008), pp. 429-458. For Gipuzkoa see Félix Luengo Teixedor, La formación del poder franquista en Guipúzcoa (1937-1945), [in:] Geronimo de Uztariz 4 (1990), pp. 82-95. For Alava see Iker Cantabrana Morras, Iker Cantabrana Morras, Lo viejo y lo nuevo: Díputación-FET de las JONS. La convulsa dinámica política de la "leal" Alava (Primera parte: 1936-1938), [in:] Sancho el Sabio 21 (2004), pp. 149-180, his also Lo viejo y lo nuevo: Díputación-FET de las JONS. La convulsa dinámica política de la "leal" Alava (Segunda parte: 1938-1943), [in:] Sancho el Sabio 22 (2005), pp. 139–169
^the owner, Demetrio Carceller, wanted to sell the ailing newspaper; the transaction was completed in 1953, the purchaser was formally Juan Sáenz-Díez, Martorell Pérez 2009, pp. 336-7. At that time Carlism controlled fully only one daily, the Pamplona-based El Pensamiento Navarro (disguised as commercial enterprise), with other periodicals issued by various combatant or quasi-religious associations, like Requetés, Tiempos Críticos, Boletín de Orientación Tradicionalista, Monarquía Popular, Boina Roja and other
^when it was taken over by the Alfonsinos. Its staff included Manuel Cerezales, husband of Carmen Laforet, the Juan José y José Luis Peña Ibáñez brothers and José Goñi Aizpurua. Apart from the issuing the newspaper, the company remained an important Carlist Madrid outpost with a meeting hall, periodical conferences and other social activity going beyond journalism
^when discussing AET and MOT dynamism in the early 1950s, scholars fail to mention Fal as a person engineering or encouraging this activity, compare Martorell Pérez 2009, pp. 328-331. In 1954 it was Fal who nominated Ramón Massó, the future leader of Huguistas, as jefe of AET, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 392, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 75. He kept corresponding with Massó also in the late 1960s, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 74
^that proved hardly possible as news of the Carlist king arriving leaked out, prompting crowds to welcome their monarch to embarrassment of both Don Javier and Fal, Martorell Pérez 2009, pp. 338–39
^in as usual ambiguous terms; Don Javier avoided direct language and stated literally that "he resuelto asumir la realeza de las Coronas de España en sucesión del último Rey", quoted after Canal 2000, p. 354. Though Fal for 15 years opposed terminating the regency, in 1952 it was he who convinced Don Javier to declare himself king; one scholar considers Acto de Barcelona "l’obra mestra de Fal, [which] avivá el carlisme i aillá la Comunió del perill contaminant del joanisme i del franquisme", Vallverdú 2014, p. 144
^Martorell Pérez 2009, pp. 339–40, Marín, Burgueño 1978, pp. 51–52
^like Antonio Arrúe, the Baleztena brothers, Elías Querejeta, Ignacio Ruiz de la Prada or Pablo Iturria, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 392
^like Rafael Olazábal or José María Araúz de Robles, Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 392, see also Mercedes Vázquez de Prada, El final de una ilusión. Auge y declive del tradicionalismo carlista (1957-1967), Madrid 2016, ISBN9788416558407, pp. 33-34
^Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 340; presumably it stood for a third way between collaboration and opposition.
^Mercedes Vázquez de Prada Tiffe, La reorganización del carlismo vasco en los sesenta: entre la pasividad y el "separatismo", [in:] Vasconia. Cuadernos de Historia-Geografía, 38 (2012), p. 1115. Witness to the above is the Carlist political programme for 1954, ambiguous and self-contradictory. E.g., when it comes to Falange or the royal role of don Javier, see here. Some scholars claim that long personal command of Fal left the Carlist executive inoperational, as "nadie se entendia con nadie",
Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 41
^"En general, en toda España se nota en el Carlismo el efecto del cansancio. Ciertamente que no han podido nuestros adversarios hacernos desaparecer. En ningún país del mundo, bajo los totalitarismos, han perdurado los partidos de oposición ni siquiera cinco años. En España, por asistencia de Dios a esta nobilísima Causa, aún existimos al cabo de diecinueve años en que nos faltan los medios precisamente vitales: la prensa, los actos de propaganda, los círculos, la libertad de constitución de Juntas, etc." quoted after Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 381
^Martorell Pérez 2009, p. 393; resignation was in fact suggested by Don Javier. It came as a surprise, since earlier that year Fal staged many warm meetings with the royal family, e.g. in Seville, Lourdes and San Sebastián, Marín, Burgueño 1978, p. 53. According to some accounts Don Javier sacked Fal in a cowardly and backhand manner, MacClancy 2000, p. 87, the version difficult to reconcile with later continuously cordial relations between Fal and his king. Franco was delighted to hear the news, convinced that Carlism would soon be domesticated "una vez eliminado ese hombre, intolerante, intransigente y dominante", quoted after Manuel Martorell Pérez, Carlos Hugo frente a Juan Carlos. La solución federal para España que Franco rechazó, Madrid 2014, ISBN9788477682653, p. 110
^so far he is the longest-serving Carlist political leader, with 21 years at the helm of the organisations. Out of other historical leaders (regardless of their formal title), Cerralbo headed Carlism for 15 years, Valiente 13, Villores 11, Carlos Hugo 11, Barrio 10, Nocedal 6, Feliu 3, Rodezno 2, Larramendi 2, Comin 1 and Sanz 1
^Marín, Burgueño 1978, p. 60; however, he remained moderately active in private, compare references to his correspondence with members of the Carlist executive in the 1960s, noted in Vázquez de Prada 2016
^but was greeted with enthusiasm by the crowd, Marín, Burgueño 1978, p. 57. Carlos Hugo, not yet ready for an open challenge and unveiled promotion of his socialist outlook, insisted on Fal’s presence to sustain his Traditionalist credentials, put into question by expulsing Zamanillo one year earlier, MacClancy 2000, p. 148. Out of Carlist annual gatherings of that time Fal preferred the Andalusian Quintillo over Catalan Montserrat or Navarrese Montejurra. However, though through most of his political career Fal either was pitted against the Navarrese leaders (like Rodezno) or at best remained in most circumspect co-operation with them (like Baleztena), he retained great respect for Navarre and its spirit, see his comments in Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, pp. 290-1
^Marín, Burgueño 1978, p. 58, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 336
^Francisco de las Heras Borrero, Derecho premial de los reyes carlistas, [in:] Cuadernos de Ayala 39 (2009), p. 9; unlike most titles granted by Carlist kings, this one has not been recognized either by Franco or by post-Francoist Spain
^already in the early 1960s Fal refused to join a planned Consejo Privado of Don Javier. Eventually the body failed to materialize, Daniel Jesús García Riol, La resistencia tradicionalista a la renovación ideológica del carlismo (1965-1973) [PhD thesis UNED], Madrid 2015, p. 54
^on grounds of his health Fal refused to attend the act of elevation to Duque de Quntillo, arranged in Fatima; it was his son Domingo Fal-Conde Macias who was representing him, Marín, Burgueño 1978, p. 58
^Marín, Burgueño 1978, p. 58; he noted that as the proposed might have pursued a hidden agenda related to the Juanist restoration, the Comunión should refrain from recommending either a "yes" or a "no" vote, Vázquez de Prada 2016, p. 293
^Marín, Burgueño 1978, p. 59; the animosity was fully mutual and on Franco’s part included petty malignancy. In 1968 Ministry of Justice refused to honor Fal with customary golden medal, celebrating 50 years of his career as a lawyer, Marín, Burgueño 1978, p. 58. Instead, one year later the Seville Colegio de Abogados made him decano honorario, Marín, Burgueño 1978, p. 59
^e.g. in 1968 he voiced against rapprochement with Sivatte, Zamanillo (former Falcondista, expulsed from the Comunión by Huguistas in the early 1960s) or Elias de Tejada, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 185; as late as 1972 he defended loyalty to the dynasty against the dissidents, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 231
^Marín, Burgueño 1978, p. 61; he did not join the plot consisting of setting up Hermandad del Maestrazgo as a breakup Carlist grouping intended to wrest power away from Don Carlos Hugo and his entourage, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, pp. 234-6
^according to one source, the newly created Partido Carlista adopted a clandestine format and considered staging public celebrations in Quintillo incompatible with this policy, Marín, Burgueño 1978, pp. 60-1. The Montejurra gatherings went on, though with drastically diminishing attendance; it was down from 100,000 in the late 1960s to some 10,000 in 1973, MacClancy 2000, p. 275
^and with a number of other similarly minded Carlists, like Raimundo de Miguel, intended to write a collective letter to the king; the idea was to deliver the message of dynastic loyalty and ideological disagreement, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, pp. 276-9; The contents of his last political letter to Don Javier, written in 1973, is not known, Marín, Burgueño 1978, p. 61. On grounds of loyalty to the king, Fal kept defending Don Javier against attacks of Sivatte as late as 1973, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 180
^in his 1974 letter he dubbed cursillos, organized by socialist Partido Carlista for its young militants, "brainwashing", Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 191
^Jacek Bartyzel, Manuel (José) Fal Conde, [in:] legitymizm.org service, available here
^he remained on very close if not cordial terms with cardenal Segura until the latter’s death, the two driven together by similarly Integrist, holistic vision of religion and politics. Fal is one of key protagonists in Martínez Sánchez 2000
^like La Confianza en el Corazón de Jesus in Higuera
^like Sevillan branch of Congregación de las Obreras del Corazón
^the Jesuits, Claretians, Sisters of Adoration, Salesians and other orders, Marín, Burgueño 1978, p. 56
^the publishing house he co-founded back in 1938 with Segura, Canal 2000, p. 392
^in 1965 its first recipient was Rafael Gambra, Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 38, Manuel Santa Cruz [Alberto Ruiz de Galarreta], Rafael Gambra. Un hombre cabal, [in:] Anales de la Fundación Francisco Elías de Tejada 2004 (10), pp. 177-8
^commenting on increasingly progressist attitude of Spanish bishops, Fal wrote about "la obra del liberalismo, el diabólico efecto de la política que interviene en la presentación, el presupuesto de clero, los favores oficiales, coche y chaufer", quoted after Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 203
^his vision of Carlism became increasingly religion-focused. In the 1973 letter he wrote: "we used to say that where is a rifle and an arm to raise it, there is Carlism. Now we can say it is where a tabernacle and a person to adore it are", quoted after Caspistegui Gorasurreta 1997, p. 264
^receiving massive homage correspondence during various anniversaries, Marín, Burgueño 1978, pp. 60-63; in 1974 Fal was even visited in his Seville home by his former arch-enemy, Sivatte, who intended to invite Fal to an anti-Huguista initiative, Alcalá 2001, p. 177
^compare e.g. recollections of María Teresa de Borbón: when mentioning "amigos que venían a casa" she mentions in one go "Fal Conde, el padre Arturo Juncosa, José María de Zavala y Josep Carles Clemente", placing Fal among most hardline socialist progressists, quoted after Clemente 1999, p. 87. Most works of Clemente himself are good example of presenting Fal as supporter of Carlos Hugo and his vision of "popular Carlism". In his most notorious exercise Clemente presented short biographical portraits of Carlist leaders suiting his vision grouped as "Retratos populares del carlismo", while the others were presented under the heading "Retablo de traidores"; Fal was within the first group, Clemente 2011, pp. 220-224. Somewhat different approach is presented by another socialist from Partido Carlista, who shows little sympathy for Fal as an Integrist who together with Alfonso Carlos undid the progressist work of Don Jaime, Pérez-Nievas 1999, p. 102
^compare José Miguel Gambra, leader of CTC, quoting Fal on the issue of Catholic unity, see carlismo.es service available hereArchived 2015-10-03 at the Wayback Machine
^compare the progressist site quoting Fal say "no son los pueblos por los reyes, sino los reyes por los pueblos", available here, and the Traditionalist site quoting Fal say "ante Dios nunca serás héroe anónimo", available hereArchived 2015-10-03 at the Wayback Machine
^compare María Cruz Rubio Liniers, María Talavera Díaz, Bibliografías de Historia de España, vol. XIII: El carlismo, Madrid 2012, ISBN9788400090135
^anonymous In memoriam Manuel J. Fal Conde, Sevilla 1978, reprinted as Ana Marín Fidalgo, Manuel M. Burgueño, In memoriam. Manuel J. Fal Conde (1894-1975), Sevilla 1980, and Ricardo Martínez de Salazar y Bascuñana, Manuel J. Fal Conde. La política como servicio de Dios y España, Cadiz 1998. It is also useful to mention monographical issue of Aportes 27 (1995), dedicated to Fal
^MacClancy 2000, pp. 76-7, Ismael Saz, Fascismo y franquismo, Valencia 2004, ISBN9788437059105, p. 132, Concha Langa Nuño, De cómo se improvisó el franquismo durante la Guerra Civil: la aportación del ABC de Sevilla, Valencia 2007, ISBN9788461153336, p. 15, Gonzalo Álvarez Chillida, José María Pemán: pensamiento y trayectoria de un monárquico (1897-1941), Cádiz 1996, ISBN9788477863052, p. 102, Gonzalo Redondo, Historia de la Iglesia en España, 1931-1939: La Guerra Civil, 1936-1939, Madrid 1993, ISBN9788432130168, p. 204, Raymond Carr, Juan Pablo Fusi Aizpurúa, España, de la dictadura a la democracia, Madrid 1979, ISBN9788432056512, p. 50, Enrique Moradiellos, Franco frente a Churchill, Madrid 2007, ISBN9788497110211, p. 205. There are exceptions, though. Some authors claim that Fal and Don Javier were actually supporting Franco; according to this view, they courted the dictator by maintaining regency and refraining from claiming royal title for Don Javier; the objective was to ensure instauration of Carlos Hugo as the Francoist king , Alcalá 2001, pp. 71-78, 148
^some scholars praise rather his key antagonist Rodezno for pragmatism, as "compared to Rodezno’s pragmatic strategy, Fal Conde’s was sheer wishful thinking", Blinkhorn 2008, p. 154
^the view prevailing among students sympathetic to those Carlists who commenced collaboration with Franco, compare references to "intransigencia doctrinal que mostraban Fal Conde y don Javier", Ballestero 2014, p. 58
^Diario de Sevilla 14.05.09, available here; it now honours Victoria Dominguez Cerrato, local community activist from the Polígono Sur quarter of Seville, compare here
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