Mass killing is a concept which has been proposed by genocide scholars who wish to define incidents of non-combat killing which are perpetrated by a government or a state. A mass killing is commonly defined as the killing of group members without the intention to eliminate the whole group,[1] or otherwise the killing of large numbers of people without a clear group membership.[2]

Mass killing is used by a number of genocide scholars because genocide (its strict definition) does not cover mass killing events in which no specific ethnic or religious groups are targeted, or events in which perpetrators do not intend to eliminate whole groups or significant parts of them. Genocide scholars use different models in order to explain and predict the onset of mass killing events. There has been little consensus[3] and no generally-accepted terminology,[4] prompting scholars, such as Anton Weiss-Wendt,[5] to describe comparative attempts a failure.[6] Genocide scholarship rarely appears in mainstream disciplinary journals.[7]

Terminology

Several different terms are used to describe the intentional killing of large numbers of noncombatants,[5] but there is no consensus or generally-accepted terminology.[8][9][10][11] Mass killing has emerged as a "more straightforward" term than genocide or politicide.[12] Mass killing was proposed by genocide scholars in attempts to collect a uniform global database of genocidal events and identify statistical models for prediction of onset of mass killings. Atsushi Tago and Frank Wayman reference mass killing as defined by Valentino and state that even with a lower threshold (10,000 killed per year, 1,000 killed per year, or even 1), "autocratic regimes, especially communist, are prone to mass killing generically, but not so strongly inclined (i.e. not statistically significantly inclined) toward geno-politicide."[13] Other terms used by several authors to describe mass killings of non-combattents include:

Topology

Benjamin Valentino outlines two major categories of mass killings: dispossessive mass killing and coercive mass killing. The first category defines three types: communist, ethnic, and territorial, containing the following scenarios of ethnic cleansing, killings that accompany agrarian reforms in some Communist states, and killings during colonial expansion, among others. The second category includes the types: counterguerrilla, terrorist, and imperialist, containing the following scenarios of killing during counterinsurgent warfare, and killings as part of the imperialist conquests by the Axis powers during the World War II, among others.[27]

Topology of mass killings as defined by Valentino, 2003[28]
Type Scenario Examples[nb 2]
Dispossessive mass killing
Communist Agricultural collectivization and political terror Soviet Union (1917–1953)
China (1950–1976)
Cambodia (1975–1979)
Ethnic Ethnic cleansing Turkish Armenia (1915–1918)
The Holocaust (1939–1945)
Rwanda (1994)
Territorial Colonial enlargement European colonies in North and South America (15th–19th centuries)
Genocide of the Herero in German South-West Africa (1904–1907)
Expansionist wars German annexation of western Poland (1939–1945)
Coercive mass killing
Counterguerrilla Guerrilla wars Algerian war of independence from France (1954–1962)
Soviet invasion of Afghanistan (1979–1989)
Ethiopian civil war (1970s–1980s)
Terrorist Terror bombing Allied bombings of Germany and Japan (1940–1945)
Starvation blockades/siege warfare Allied naval blockade of Germany (1914–1919)
Nigerian land blockade Biafra (1967–1970)
Sub-state/insurgent terrorism FLN terrorism in Algerian war of independence against France (1954–1962)
Viet Cong terrorism in South Vietnam (1957–1975)
RENAMO terrorism in Mozambique (1976–1992)
Imperialist Imperial conquests and rebellions German occupation of Western Europe (1940–1945)
Japan's empire in East Asia (1910–1945)

Analysis

Benjamin Valentino does not consider ideology or regime-type as an important factor that explains mass killings, and outlines Communist mass killing as a subtype of dispossessive mass killing, which is considered as a complication of original theory his book is based on.[13] About why it occurs,[29] Valentino states that ideology, paranoia, and racism can shape leaders' beliefs for why genocide and mass killing may be justified.[30] Unlike Rudolph Rummel and first-generation studies, Valentino does not see authoritarianism or totalitarianism as explaining mass killing;[31] it is not ideology or regime-type but the leader's motive that matters and can explain it,[32] which is in line with second-generation scholarship.[32]

Manus Midlarsky also focuses on leaders' decision making but his case selection and general conclusions are different from Valentino's. Midlarsky has a more narrower definition of the dependent variable and only analyzes three case studies (the Armenian genocide, the Holocaust, and the Rwanda genocide). Midlarsky tries to explain why individuals may comply with the culprits, why politicide rather than genocide happened in Cambodia (Cambodian genocide), and why ethnic minorities, such as Greeks in the Ottoman Empire and Jews in the Second Polish Republic, were not targeted for genocide. Like Michael Mann and Valentino to a lesser extent, Midlarsky mainly addresses genocides that did not take place. Both Midlarsky and Valentino mainly focus on proximate conditions, while Mann considers genocide within the broad context of ideologies and nation-states development.[33]

Global databases of mass killings

At least two global databases of mass killings are available. The first compilation by Rudolph Rummel covers a time period from the beginning of the 20th century until 1987 covering democide, while the second compilation by Barbara Harff combines politicide and genocide since 1955. The Harff database is the most frequently used by genocide scholars, while the Rummel database is a good framework for studying mass killings during the 1900–1987 period.[13]

These data are intended mostly for statistical analysis of mass killings in attempt to identify the best predictors for their onset. According to Harff, these data are not necessarily the most accurate for a given country, since some sources are general genocide scholars and not experts on local history.[16] A comparative analysis of the Yugoslav data in two databases revealed a significant difference between the figures of killed per years and low correlation between Rummel's and Harff's data sets. Tomislav Dulić criticized[34] Rummel's generally higher numbers as arising from flaws in Rummel's statistical methodology, and Rummel's response[35] was not convincing.[36]

Another comparative analysis of the two complete databases by Atsushi Tago and Frank W. Wayman revealed that the significant difference between the figures is explained by Harff's dataset of politicide-geoncide being essentially a subset of Rummel's dataset, where he includes other types of killings in addition to politicide-geoncide.[13]

Genocides and politicides from 1955 to 2001 as listed by Harff, 2003[18][nb 3]
Country Start End Nature of episode Est. number of victims Related articles
Sudan October 1956 March 1972 Politicide with communal victims 400,000–600,000 First Sudanese Civil War
South Vietnam January 1965 April 1975 Politicide 400,000–500,000 South Vietnam
China March 1959 December 1959 Genocide and politicide 65,000 1959 Tibetan uprising
Iraq June 1963 March 1975 Politicide with communal victims 30,000–60,000 Ba'athist Iraq
Algeria July 1962 December 1962 Politicide 9,000–30,000
Rwanda December 1963 June 1964 Politicide with communal victims 12,000–20,000
Congo-Kinshasa February 1964 January 1965 Politicide 1,000–10,000
Burundi October 1965 December 1973 Politicide with communal victims 140,000
Indonesia November 1965 July 1966 Genocide and politicide 500,000–1,000,000 Indonesian mass killings of 1965–1966
China May 1966 March 1975 Politicide 400,000–850,000 Cultural Revolution
Guatemala July 1978 December 1996 Politicide and genocide 60,000–200,000 Guatemalan genocide
Pakistan March 1971 December 1971 Genocide and politicide 2,000,000–3,000,000 1971 Bangladesh genocide
Uganda December 1972 April 1979 Politicide and genocide 50,000–400,000 Genocides in central Africa
Philippines September 1972 June 1976 Politicide with communal victims 60,000
Pakistan February 1973 July 1977 Politicide with communal victims 5,000–10,000
Chile September 1973 December 1976 Politicide 5,000–10,000
Angola November 1975 2001 Politicide by UNITA and government forces 500,000
Cambodia April 1975 January 1979 Politicide and genocide 1,900,000–3,500,000 Cambodian genocide
Indonesia December 1975 July 1992 Politicide with communal victims 100,000–200,000
Argentina March 1976 December 1980 Politicide 9,000–20,000
Ethiopia July 1976 December 1979 Politicide 10,000
Congo-Kinshasa March 1977 December 1979 Politicide with communal victims 3,000–4,000
Afghanistan April 1978 April 1992 Politicide 1,800,000 Afghanistan conflict (1978–present)
Burma January 1978 December 1978 Genocide 5,000
El. Salvador January 1980 December 1989 Politicide 40,000–60,000
Uganda December 1980 January 1986 Politicide and genocide 200,000–500,000 Genocides in central Africa
Syria March 1981 February 1982 Politicide 5,000–30,000
Iran June 1981 December 1992 Politicide and genocide 10,000–20,000 Casualties of the Iranian Revolution
1988 executions of Iranian political prisoners
Sudan September 1983 ? Politicide with communal victims 2,000,000
Iraq March 1988 June 1991 Politicide with communal victims 180,000
Somalia May 1988 January 1991 Politicide with communal victims 15,000–50,000
Burundi 1988 1988 Genocide 5,000–20,000 Hutu massacres of 1988
Sri Lanka September 1989 January 1990 Politicide 13,000–30,000
Bosnia May 1992 November 1995 Genocide 225,000 Bosnian genocide
Burundi October 1993 May 1994 Genocide 50,000 Burundian genocides
Rwanda April 1994 July 1994 Genocide 500,000–1,000,000 Rwandan genocide
Serbia December 1998 July 1999 Politicide with communal victims 10,000

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Charny 2000 defines generic genocide as "the mass killing of substantial numbers of human beings, when not in the course of military action against the military forces of an avowed enemy, under conditions of the essential defenselessness and helplessness of the victims." In the 2006 article "Development, Democracy, and Mass Killings", William Easterly, Roberta Gatti, and Sergio Kurlat adopted Charny's definition of generic genocide for their use of mass killing and massacre to avoid the politics of genocide altogether.[21]
  2. ^ It is not a complete list of all examples.
  3. ^ The list does not include deaths from the Great Chinese Famine and the Great Leap Forward.

References

  1. ^ Staub 1989, p. 8: "Mass killing means killing members of a group without the intention to eliminate the whole group or killing large numbers of people without a precise definition of group membership."
  2. ^ Staub 2011, p. 100: "In contrast to genocide, I see mass killing as 'killing (or in other ways destroying) members of a group without the intention to eliminate the whole group, or killing large numbers of people' without a focus on group membership."
  3. ^ Krain 1997.
  4. ^ Valentino 2004.
  5. ^ a b Stone 2008, p. 2.
  6. ^ Weiss-Wendt 2008.
  7. ^ Verdeja 2012.
  8. ^ Krain 1997, pp. 331–332: "The literatures on state-sponsored mass murder and state terrorism have been plagued by definitional problems."
  9. ^ Valentino 2004, p. 6: "No generally accepted terminology exists to describe the intentional killing of large numbers of noncombatants."
  10. ^ Weiss-Wendt 2008, p. 42: "There is barely any other field of study that enjoys so little consensus on defining principles such as definition of genocide, typology, application of a comparative method, and timeframe."
  11. ^ Verdeja 2012, p. 307: "Although the field has grown enormously over the past decade and a half, genocide scholarship still rarely appears in mainstream disciplinary journals."
  12. ^ Ott 2011, p. 53: "As is customary in the literature on mass killing of civilians there is a need to restate here what mass killing is about. Although many definitions have been used — 'genocide', 'politicide' and 'democide' — there has emerged a sort of consensus that the term 'mass killing' is much more straightforward than either genocide or politicide."
  13. ^ a b c d e f Tago & Wayman 2010.
  14. ^ Mann 2005, p. 17.
  15. ^ Sémelin 2007, p. 37.
  16. ^ a b c d Harff 2017.
  17. ^ Harff 1996.
  18. ^ a b Harff 2003.
  19. ^ Curthoys & Docker 2008, p. 7.
  20. ^ Schaak 1997; Schabas 2009, p. 160; Jones 2010, p. 137.
  21. ^ Easterly, Gatti & Kurlat 2006.
  22. ^ a b Esteban, Morelli & Rohner 2010.
  23. ^ Valentino 2004, p. 91.
  24. ^ Bach-Lindsday, Huth & Valentino 2004, p. 387.
  25. ^ Tago & Wayman 2010, pp. 4, 11–12.
  26. ^ Gurr & Harff 1988.
  27. ^ Straus 2007, p. 116: "Among them, Valentino identifies two major types, each with three subtypes. The first major type is 'dispossessive mass killing,' which includes (1) 'communist mass killings' in which leaders seek to transform societies according to communist principles; (2) 'ethnic mass killings,' in which leaders forcibly remove an ethnic population; and (3) mass killing as leaders acquire and repopulate land. The second major type of mass killing is 'coercive mass killing,' which includes (1) killing in wars when leaders cannot defeat opponents using conventional means; (2) 'terrorist' mass killing when leaders use violence to force an opposing side to surrender; and (3) killing during the creation of empires when conquering leaders try to defeat resistance and intimidate future resistance."
  28. ^ Valentino 2004, p. 70.
  29. ^ Valentino 2004, p. 60: "I content mass killing occurs when powerful groups come to believe it is the best available means to accomplish certain radical goals, counter specific types of threats, or solve difficult military problem." See also p. 70 to read Valentino outlining his proposed two major categories of mass killing.
  30. ^ Straus 2007, pp. 484–485: "Valentino makes a quite different argument. The pivot of his cogent and parsimonious analysis is that genocide and mass killing emerge from the strategic calculations of leaders—that genocide and mass killing are calculated, instrumental, and deliberate policies that leaders choose to accomplish certain goals. ... A key question for Valentino is why leaders would choose the strategy of genocide and mass killing. Valentino argues that ideology, racism, and paranoia can shape why leaders believe that genocide and mass killing is the right course of action."
  31. ^ Tago & Wayman 2010, p. 5: "Disagreeing with Rummel's finding that authoritarian and totalitarian government explains mass murder, Valentino (2004) argues that regime type does not matter; to Valentino the crucial thing is the motive for mass killing (Valentino, 2004: 70). He divides motive into the two categories of dispossessive mass killing (as in ethnic cleansing, colonial enlargement, or collectivization of agriculture) and coercive mass killing (as in counter-guerrilla, terrorist, and Axis imperialist conquests)."
  32. ^ a b Straus 2007.
  33. ^ Straus 2007, pp. 485–486.
  34. ^ Dulić 2004.
  35. ^ Rummel 2004.
  36. ^ Gleditish 2017, p. 10.

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Further reading