Claims of media bias generally focus on the idea of media outlets reporting news in a way that seems partisan. Other claims argue that outlets sometimes sacrifice objectivity in pursuit of growth or profits.

Some academics in fields like media studies, journalism, communication, political science and economics have looked at bias of the news media in the United States as a component of their research.[1] In addition to bias, academics and others also evaluate factors like media reliability and overall press freedom. Academic studies tend not to confirm a popular media narrative of liberal journalists producing a left-leaning media bias, though some studies suggest economic incentives may have that effect. Instead, the studies reviewed by S. Robert Lichter generally found the media to be a conservative force in politics.[2]

Some recent polls show half (or more) of respondents expressing concern about media bias in the United States. Edward Herman and Noam Chomsky have opened their text on the mass media in this way: "The mass media serve as a system for communicating messages and symbols to the general populace. It is their function to amuse, entertain, and inform, and to inculcate individuals with the values, beliefs, and codes of behaviour that will integrate them into the institutional structures of the larger society. In a world of concentrated wealth and major conflicts of class interest, to fulfil this role requires systematic propaganda." The text largely focuses on the propaganda inherent in the mass media of the United States.[3]


Before the rise of professional journalism in the early 20th century and the conception of media ethics, newspapers reflected the opinions of the publisher. Frequently, an area would be served by competing newspapers taking differing and often radical views by modern standards.[4] In colonial Philadelphia, Benjamin Franklin was an early and forceful advocate for presenting all sides of an issue, writing, for instance, in his "An Apology For Printers" that "... when truth and error have fair play, the former is always an overmatch for the latter."[5] From around 1790 to the late 1800s, most American newspapers were partisan.[6]

In 1798, the Federalist Party in control of Congress passed the Alien and Sedition Acts designed to weaken the opposition press. It prohibited the publication of "false, scandalous, or malicious writing" against the government and made it a crime to voice any public opposition to any law or presidential act. This part of the act was in effect until 1801.[7]

Thomas Jefferson, president from 1801 to 1809, was frequently attacked in the press. He advised editors to divide their newspapers into four sections labeled "truth," "probabilities," "possibilities," and "lies," and observed that the first section would be the smallest and the last the largest. After retiring, he said that "Advertisements contain the only truths to be relied on in a newspaper."[8]

In 1861, Federal officials identified newspapers that supported the Confederate cause and ordered many of them closed.[9] In 1864, President Abraham Lincoln issued an executive order that led to the arrest and imprisonment of Northern newspaper editors for publishing articles alleged to have been sympathetic to the Confederacy.[10][11]

In the 19th century, the accessibility of cheap newspapers allowed the market to expand exponentially.[12] Cities typically had multiple competing newspapers supporting various political factions in each party. To some extent this was mitigated by a separation between news and editorial. News reporting was expected to be relatively neutral or at least factual, whereas editorial sections openly relayed the opinion of the publisher. Editorials often were accompanied by editorial cartoons, which lampooned the publisher's opponents.[13]

Small ethnic newspapers serviced people of various ethnicities, such as Germans, Dutch, Scandinavians, Poles, and Italians. Large cities had numerous foreign-language newspapers, magazines and publishers. They typically were boosters who supported their group's positions on public issues. They disappeared as their readership increasingly became assimilated. In the 1960s and 70s, an effort began to collect these ethnic newspapers in order to preserve their history and increase their accessibility to the general public.[14] In the 20th century, newspapers in various Asian languages, and also in Spanish and Arabic, appeared and are still published, read by newer immigrants.[15]

Starting in the 1890s, a few very high-profile metropolitan newspapers engaged in yellow journalism to increase sales. They emphasized sports, sex, scandal, and sensationalism. The leaders of this style of journalism in New York City were William Randolph Hearst and Joseph Pulitzer.[16] Hearst falsified or exaggerated sensational stories about atrocities in Cuba and the sinking of the USS Maine to boost circulation. Hearst falsely claimed that he had started the war, but in fact the nation's decision makers paid little attention to his demands—President McKinley, for example, did not read the yellow journals.[17]

The Progressive Era, from the 1890s to the 1920s, was reform-oriented. From 1905 to 1915, the muckraker style exposed malefaction in city government and industry. Academic Richard A. Hogarty, when discussing muckraker William E. Sackett's critical coverage of Lion Abbett, notes that while many of Sackett's criticisms were justified, he had a tendency to "to exaggerate, misinterpret, and oversimplify events", which Hogarty found typical of muckracking journalists.[18] The term was popularized by President Theodore Roosevelt, who said that "the men with the muck rakes are often indispensable to the well-being of society; but only if they know when to stop raking the muck."[19]

The Dearborn Independent, a weekly magazine owned by Henry Ford and distributed free through Ford dealerships, published conspiracy theories about international Jewry in the 1920s. A favorite trope of the anti-Semitism that raged in the 1930s was the allegation that Jews controlled Hollywood and the media. Charles Lindbergh in 1941 claimed American Jews, possessing outsized influence in Hollywood, the media, and the Roosevelt administration, were pushing the nation into war against its interests.[20] Lindbergh received a storm of criticism; the Gallup poll reported that support for his foreign policy views fell to 15%.[21] Hans Thomsen, the senior diplomat at the German Embassy in Washington, reported to Berlin that his efforts to place pro-isolationist articles in American newspapers had failed. "Influential journalists of high repute will not lend themselves, even for money, to publishing such material." Thompson set up a publishing house to produce anti-British books, but almost all of them went unsold.[22][23] In the years leading up to World War II, the pro-Nazi German American Bund accused the media of being controlled by Jews. They claimed that reports of German mistreatment of Jews were biased and without foundation.[24] They said that Hollywood was a hotbed of Jewish bias, and called for Charlie Chaplin's film The Great Dictator to be banned as an insult to a respected leader.[25]

A 1956 American National Election Study found that 66% of Americans thought newspapers were fair, including 78% of Republicans and 64% of Democrats. A 1964 poll by the Roper Organization asked a similar question about network news, and 71% thought network news was fair. A 1972 poll found that 72% of Americans trusted CBS Evening News anchor Walter Cronkite. According to Jonathan M. Ladd's Why Americans Hate the Media and How it Matters, "institutional journalists were [once] powerful guardians of the republic, maintaining high standards of political discourse."[26]

During the American civil rights movement, conservative newspapers strongly slanted their news about civil rights, blaming the unrest among Southern Blacks on communists.[27] In some cases, Southern television stations refused to air programs such as I Spy and Star Trek because of their racially mixed casts.[28] Newspapers supporting civil rights, labor unions, and aspects of liberal social reform were often accused by conservative newspapers of communist bias.[29]

In November 1969, Vice President Spiro Agnew made a landmark speech denouncing what he saw as media bias against the Vietnam War. He called those opposed to the war the "nattering nabobs of negativism"."[30]

Starting in the 21st century, social media became a major source of bias, since anyone could post anything without regard to its accuracy. Social media has, on the one hand, allowed all views to be heard, but on the other hand has provided a platform for the most extreme bias.[12]

In 2010, President Obama said that he believed the viewpoints expressed by Fox News was "destructive for the long-term growth" of the United States.[31]

In 2014, the Pew Research Center found that the audience of news was polarized along political alignments.[32]

In 2015, after the launch of Donald Trump's 2016 presidential campaign, the media began to critique Trump's statements by using the term "fake news."[33][34] In late 2015, Donald Trump began addressing his concern with the fairness of the media by co-opting the phrase, calling some information relayed in the media, "fake news."

In 2016, according to Gottfried and Shearer, "62 percent of US adults get news on social media," with Facebook being the dominant social media site.[citation needed] Again, this seemed to be a major contributor to the presidential election of Donald Trump.[original research?] According to an article in the Journal of Economic Perspectives, "many people who see fake news stories report that they believe them".[12] Trump himself before, during, and after his presidency had and has a highly contentious relationship with the news media, repeatedly referring to them as the "fake news media" and "the enemy of the people," at the same time praising far-right pro-Trump fringe outlets.[35] Trump has regularly lied and promoted conspiracy theories during his presidency.[36]

In January 2017, Bharat Anand argued that U.S. media has come under significant criticism over potential bias and sensationalism.[37]

In 2018, a Gallup poll found that 62% of Americans believed that the media was biased one way or the other.[38][39]

There were also many claims made of bias in the media surrounding the COVID-19 pandemic and its politicalization.[40]

In 2023, a survey found half of Americans indicated they believe national news organizations "intend to mislead, misinform or persuade the public to adopt a particular point of view through their reporting."[41] A 2023 Gallup Poll found that 70% of Democrats, 14% of Republicans and 27% of Independents had a great deal or fair amount of confidence in the media, and described trust in the media over the last two decades as 'anemic.'[42]

News values

Main articles: News values and Gatekeeping (communication)

According to Jonathan M. Ladd, Why Americans Hate the Media and How It Matters, "The existence of an independent, powerful, widely respected news media establishment is a historical anomaly. Prior to the twentieth century, such an institution had never existed in American history." However, he looks back to the period between 1950 and 1979 as a period where "institutional journalists were powerful guardians of the republic, maintaining high standards of political discourse."[26]

A number of writers have tried to explain the decline in journalistic standards.[43] One explanation is the 24-hour news cycle, which faces the necessity of generating news even when no news-worthy events occur. Another is the simple fact that bad news sells more newspapers than good news.[1] A third possible factor is the market for "news" that reinforces the prejudices of a target audience. In 2014, The New York Times wrote: "In a 2010 paper, Mr. Gentzkow and Jesse M. Shapiro, a frequent collaborator and fellow professor at Chicago Booth, found that ideological slants in newspaper coverage typically resulted from what the audience wanted to read in the media they sought out, rather than from the newspaper owners' biases."[44]

As reported by Haselmayer, Wagner, and Meyer in Political Communication, "News value refers to the overall newsworthiness of a message and can be defined by the presence or absence of a number of news factors." The authors contend that media sources shape their coverage in ways that are favorable to them, and are more likely to present messages from outlets their viewers/readers favor. They conclude that majority of what individuals see, read, and hear is pre-determined by the journalists, editors, and reporters of that specific news source.[45]

News outlets face many oppositions from the public and can often be called biased. In some cases, "in order to reach out to a larger audience, a newspaper may forfeit its conservative or liberal position and try to appeal to everyone in the market regardless of their political opinions."[46] Contrary to this type of news outlet, many people look to the news to confirm their beliefs. News outlets can profit more when they can provide news to a certain group of people, allowing them to gain a concrete following, and charge more.[47]

Danny Hayes states that elites create public images for themselves in order to appeal to the values of their potential voters. Large news media corporations can be seen aligning themselves with certain ideologies as well which leads to more bias in the media.[48]

Corporate power

See also: Propaganda model and Concentration of media ownership in the United States

Edward S. Herman and Noam Chomsky, in their book Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media (1988),[49] proposed a propaganda model thesis to explain systematic biases of United States media as a consequence of the pressure to create a profitable business.


Part of the propaganda model that Herman and Chomsky propose is self-censorship through the corporate system (see corporate censorship); reporters and especially editors share or acquire values that agree with corporate elites to further their careers. Those who do not are marginalized or fired. Such examples have been dramatized in fact-based movie dramas such as Good Night, and Good Luck and The Insider and demonstrated in the documentary The Corporation.[50][51] George Orwell originally wrote a preface for his 1945 novel Animal Farm, which pointed up the self-censorship during wartime when the Soviet Union was an ally. The preface, first published in 1972, read in part:

The sinister fact about literary censorship in England is that it is largely voluntary.... Things are] kept right out of the British press, not because the Government intervened but because of a general tacit agreement that 'it wouldn't do' to mention that particular fact.... At this moment what is demanded by the prevailing orthodoxy is an uncritical admiration of Soviet Russia. Everyone knows this, nearly everyone acts on it. Any serious criticism of the Soviet regime, any disclosure of facts which the Soviet Government would prefer to keep hidden, is next door to unprintable." He added, "In our country—it is not the same in all countries: it was not so in Republican France, and it is not so in the United States today—it is the liberals who fear liberty and the intellectuals who want to do dirt on the intellect: it is to draw attention to that fact I have written this preface."[52]

In the propaganda model, advertising revenue is essential for funding most media sources and thus linked with media coverage. For example, according to Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting (FAIR), "When Al Gore proposed launching a progressive TV network, a Fox News executive told Advertising Age (October 13, 2003): 'The problem with being associated as liberal is that they wouldn't be going in a direction that advertisers are really interested in.... If you go out and say that you are a liberal network, you are cutting your potential audience, and certainly your potential advertising pool, right off the bat.'"[53] An internal memo from ABC Radio affiliates in 2006 revealed that powerful sponsors had a "standing order that their commercials never be placed on syndicated Air America programming" that aired on ABC affiliates.[54] The list totaled 90 advertisers and included major corporations such as Walmart, General Electric, ExxonMobil, Microsoft, Bank of America, FedEx, Visa, Allstate, McDonald's, Sony, and Johnson & Johnson, as well as government entities such as the United States Postal Service and the United States Navy.

According to Chomsky, US commercial media encourage controversy only within a narrow range of opinion to give the impression of open debate, and they do not report on news that falls outside that range.[55]

Herman and Chomsky argue that comparing the journalistic media product to the voting record of journalists is as flawed a logic as implying auto factory workers design the cars they help produce. They concede that media owners and newsmakers have an agenda but that the agenda is subordinated to corporate interests leaning to the right.[49] Howard Zinn and Chris Hedges argue that the corporate media ignore the plight of the impoverished while painting a picture of a prosperous America.[56][57]

In 2008, George W. Bush's press secretary Scott McClellan published a book in which he confessed to regularly and routinely, but unknowingly, passing on misinformation to the media, following the instructions of his superiors. Politicians have willingly misled the press to further their agenda.[58] Scott McClellan characterized the press as, by and large, honest, and intent on telling the truth, but reported that "the national press corps was probably too deferential to the White House", especially on the subject of the war in Iraq.[59]

FAIR reported that between January and August 2014 no representatives for organized labor made an appearance on any of the high-profile Sunday morning talkshows (NBC's Meet the Press, ABC's This Week, Fox News Sunday and CBS's Face the Nation), including episodes that covered topics such as labor rights and jobs, while current or former corporate CEOs made 12 appearances over that same period.[60]

CIA influence

See also: Operation Mockingbird and CIA influence on public opinion

In a 1977 Rolling Stone magazine article, "The CIA and the Media," reporter Carl Bernstein wrote that by 1953, CIA Director Allen Dulles oversaw the media network, which had major influence over 25 newspapers and wire agencies.[61] Its usual modus operandi was to place reports, developed from CIA-provided intelligence, with cooperating or unwitting reporters. Those reports would be repeated or cited by the recipient reporters and would then, in turn, be cited throughout the media wire services. These networks were run by people with well-known liberal but pro-American-big-business and anti-Soviet views, such as William S. Paley (CBS), Henry Luce (Time and Life), Arthur Hays Sulzberger (The New York Times), Alfred Friendly (managing editor of The Washington Post), Jerry O'Leary (The Washington Star), Hal Hendrix (Miami News), Barry Bingham, Sr. (Louisville Courier-Journal), James S. Copley (Copley News Services) and Joseph Harrison (The Christian Science Monitor).[61]


See also: Concentration of media ownership

Five corporate conglomerates (Comcast, Disney, Fox Corporation, Paramount Global and Warner Bros. Discovery) own the majority of mass media outlets in the United States.[62][63][needs update][original research?] Eric Alterman argued in 2004 that a uniformity of ownership means that stories which are critical of these corporations may often be underplayed in the media.[64][relevant?discuss] The Telecommunications Act of 1996 enabled this handful of corporations to expand their power, and according to Howard Zinn, such mergers "enabled tighter control of information."[65] Chris Hedges argues that corporate media control "of nearly everything we read, watch or hear" is an aspect of what political philosopher Sheldon Wolin calls inverted totalitarianism.[66][67]

"The guard dog metaphor suggests that media perform as a sentry not for the community as a whole, but for groups having sufficient power and influence to create and control their own security systems." The Guard Dog Theory states that, "the view of media as part of a power oligarchy".[68][original research?]

According to sociologist David Nibert of Wittenberg University, the development of mass media in the 20th century allowed powerful corporations, with the support of politicians and government, to control public consciousness and disparage any challenge to the status quo, and to further the accumulation of profit. It also functioned to transform individuals in the society from citizens to consumers by emphasizing the "freedom" (not from hunger, homelessness, exploitation, etc.) to be able to "choose" what products to purchase from capitalist enterprises.[69]


Main article: Infotainment

Academics McKay, Kathleen Hall Jamieson, and Hudson (see below) described private U.S. media outlets as profit-driven. For the private media, profits are dependent on viewing figures, regardless of whether the viewers found the programs adequate or outstanding. The strong profit-making incentive of the American media leads them to seek a simplified format and uncontroversial position which will be adequate for the largest possible audience. The market mechanism only rewards media outlets based on the number of viewers who watch those outlets, not by how informed the viewers are, how good the analysis is, or how impressed the viewers are by that analysis.

According to some, the profit-driven quest for high numbers of viewers, rather than high quality for viewers, has resulted in a slide from serious news and analysis to entertainment, sometimes called infotainment:

"Imitating the rhythm of sports reports, exciting live coverage of major political crises and foreign wars was now available for viewers in the safety of their own homes. By the late 1980s, this combination of information and entertainment in news programmes was known as infotainment." [Barbrook, Media Freedom, (London, Pluto Press, 1995) part 14]


Kathleen Hall Jamieson claimed in her book The Interplay of Influence: News, Advertising, Politics, and the Internet that most television news stories are made to fit into one of five categories:[70]

Reducing news to the five categories and tending towards an unrealistic black-and-white mentality, simplifies the world into easily understood opposites. According to Jamieson, the media provides an oversimplified skeleton of information that is more easily commercialized.

Media imperialism

Media imperialism is a critical theory regarding the perceived effects of globalization on the world's media, which is often seen as dominated by American media and culture. It is closely tied to the similar theory of cultural imperialism.[71]

"As multinational media conglomerates grow larger and more powerful many believe that it will become increasingly difficult for small, local media outlets to survive. A new type of imperialism will thus occur, making many nations subsidiary to the media products of some of the most powerful countries or companies."[72]

Significant writers and thinkers in the area include Ben Bagdikian, Noam Chomsky, Edward S. Herman and Robert W. McChesney.


What determines the amount of media attention a terrorist attack receives? A Muslim perpetrator receives significantly more media attention.

See also: Representation of African Americans in media and Racial bias in criminal news in the United States

According to a 1998 study in Communication Research, African Americans have been over-represented in news reports on crime as the perpetrators and underrepresented as the people reacting to or suffering from it.[73]

According to Michelle Alexander in her book The New Jim Crow, many stories of the crack crisis of the mid-1980s broke out in the media. In these stories, African Americans were featured as "crack whores." The deaths of the NBA player Len Bias and the NFL player Don Rogers from cocaine overdose only added to the media frenzy. Alexander claimed in her book, "Between October 1988 and October 1989, The Washington Post alone ran 1,565 stories about the 'drug scourge.'"[74]

One example of this double standard is the comparison of the deaths of Michael Brown and Dillon Taylor. On August 9, 2014, news broke out that Brown, a young unarmed black man, was shot and killed by a white policeman. The story spread throughout news media, which explained that the incident had to do with race. Only two days later, Taylor, another young unarmed man, was shot and killed by a policeman. That story, however, did not get as highly publicized as Brown's. Taylor was white and Hispanic, but the police officer was black.[75]

Another example of racial bias was the portrayal of African Americans in the 1992 riots in Los Angeles. The media presented the riots as being an African American problem and deemed African Americans solely responsible for the riots. However, according to reports, only 36% of those arrested during the riots were African Americans; 60% of the rioters and looters were Hispanics and whites.[76][77][78]

In a study conducted by Seong-Jae Min that tested racial bias in stories of missing children in the media, African American children were less represented between 2005 and 2007. According to the US Department of Justice, out of 800,000 yearly cases, 47% were "racial minorities" and were underreported. According to Dixon and Linz, the news media often reports cases where children of color are criminals but often report cases of white children being victims of crime.[79]

Attention was brought to racial bias in the media following the case of Gabby Petito in September 2021. Many people were talking not only about Gabby and her case, but about missing white woman syndrome and the bias the media has against people of color.[80] News outlets such as The New Yorker, The Los Angeles Times, and the New York Times published articles about Gabby's case as well as articles about the disproportionate amount of media coverage the case was receiving.[81][82][83]

Multiple commentators and newspaper articles have cited examples of the national media underreporting interracial hate crimes when they involve white victims, unlike when they involve black victims.[84][85][86] Jon Ham, a vice president of the conservative John Locke Foundation, wrote that "local officials and editors often claim that mentioning the black-on-white nature of the event might inflame passion, but they never have those same qualms when it's white-on-black."[87]

A 2017 report by Travis L. Dixon (of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign) found that major media outlets tended to portray black families as dysfunctional and dependent, and white families were portrayed as stable. The portrayals may give the impression that poverty and welfare are primarily black issues. According to Dixon, that can reduce public support for social safety programs and lead to stricter welfare requirements.[88][89] A 2018 study found that media portrayals of Muslims were substantially more negative than for other religious groups, even after relevant factors were controlled for.[90] A 2019 study described media portrayals of minority women in crime news stories as based on "outdated and harmful stereotypes."[91]


According to 2010 report, gender reporting is biased, with negative stories about women being more likely to make the news. Positive stories about men are more often reported than positive stories about women.[92] However, according to Hartley, young girls are seen as youthful and therefore more "newsworthy."[79]

In 2011, a study researching female media coverage during abortion protests found that 27.9% of media sources and subjects were women, despite them being the most prominent gender at the protests. The study also discussed how different media topics, in this case pro-choice protests, sometimes lead to biased reporting because of women's reluctance to speak up "in fear of misperceptions or repercussions."[93]

The 1996 Summer Olympic Games showcased gender bias, with male athletes receiving more television coverage than female athletes in the major events.[94]

According to a study done by Eran Shor, Arnout van de Rijt, and Babak Fotouhi, even after accounting for systemic gender disparity within occupation and public interest, women still receive disproportionate news coverage.[95]


Numerous books and studies have addressed the question of political bias in the American media. Various broadcast and online outlets exhibit both liberal and conservative bias. Commentary, editorial and opinion is more biased than factual news reporting in the mainstream media, and concerns have been raised as the lines between commentary and journalism are increasingly blurred.[96][97][98] In reaction to this, there has been a growth of independent fact-checking and algorithms to assess bias.[99]


Senator Barry Goldwater, a conservative, was the first Republican to allege liberal media bias during his 1964 presidential campaign.[6][additional citation(s) needed] According to the Encyclopædia Britannica, "conservative media critics often claim that U.S. media skews toward the political left".[100]

According to a study by Lars Willnat and David H. Weaver, professors of journalism at Indiana University, conducted via online interviews with 1,080 reporters between August and December 2013, 38.8% of US journalists identify as "leaning left" (28.1% identify as Democrats), 12.9% identify as "leaning right" (7.1% as Republicans), and 43.8% as "middle of the road" (50.2% as independents).[101][102][103][104] The report noted that the fraction of Democratic journals in 2013 was the lowest since 1971, and down 8 percentage points since 2002; the trend is for more journalists to identify as politically non-aligned.[104][101]

A 2017 study by the Pew Research Centre looked at media coverage during the first 60 days of Donald Trump's presidency and found that 62% of the media coverage was negative, compared to just 20% for Barack Obama over the same period, which the editorial board of Investor's Business Daily considered to be evidence of bias.[105][106][improper synthesis?]

A 2018 study by Axios/SurveyMonkey found that 92% of Republicans believed that the media intentionally reported false news.[38]

A 2020 study in Science Advances found that, although a majority of journalists identify as liberals/Democrats, there is no evidence of a liberal media bias in which stories journalists chose to cover in their reporting.[107]

A 2021 research paper published by the Tow Center for Digital Journalism found that American conservatives believe "that the American press blames, shames and ostracizes conservatives," citing media coverage of COVID-19 and Donald Trump, but that they were "not primarily upset that the media get facts wrong, nor even that journalists push a liberal policy agenda".[108]

Tech companies and social media sites have been accused of censorship by some conservative groups, although there is little or no evidence to support these claims.[109][110] The editorial board of the conservative Washington Examiner argued that Facebook and Twitter temporarily limiting the spread of the Hunter Biden laptop controversy on their platforms while fact-checkers reviewed it, even though parts of the story eventually turned out to be accurate, "proves Big Tech's bias".[111][112] Conservatives who have found their content affected by platforms' attempts to reduce the reach of false or unreliable content have characterized this as the shadow banning of conservative social media accounts; the Nieman Foundation for Journalism at Harvard investigated these claims and found no evidence that conservatives were being shadow-banned.[113]


Perceived liberal bias was cited by Roger Ailes as a reason for setting up Fox News.[114] From the late 20th century, a right-wing media ecosystem grew up in parallel to mainstream journalism, leading to an asymmetric polarization in conservative media.[115] Whilst there has been research into The Wall Street Journal editorial page's adopting more conservative perspectives on economics since Rupert Murdoch's acquisition of the company, its news reporting is part of the journalistic mainstream and is committed primarily to factual reporting.[116][117][118] New right-leaning media outlets, including Breitbart News, NewsMax, and WorldNetDaily have instead a core mission to promote a conservative or right-wing agenda, often (unlike The Wall Street Journal and other mainstream conservative journals) supporting a hierarchy based on race, religion, nationality, or gender.[116][119][120] Analysis of social media shares in the 2016 election cycle shows that consumers of conservative media are much less likely than consumers of partisan liberal media to share mainstream sources, leading to an echo chamber effect with high insularity and drifting towards extremes.[115][116][120] While mainstream and left-leaning media imposes reputational costs on those who propagate rumor and coalescences around corrected narratives, the conservative media ecosystem creates positive feedback for bias-confirming statements as a central feature of its normal operation.[116][120]

Research finds that Fox News increases Republican votes and makes Republican politicians more partisan.[121][122][123][124] A 2007 study, using the introduction of Fox News into local markets (1996–2000) as an instrumental variable, found that in the 2000 presidential election, "Republicans gained 0.4 to 0.7 percentage points in the towns that broadcast Fox News, which suggests that "Fox News convinced 3 to 28 percent of its viewers to vote Republican, depending on the audience measure."[121] The results were confirmed by a 2015 study.[124] A 2014 study, using the same instrumental variable, found congressional "representatives become less supportive of President Clinton in districts where Fox News begins broadcasting than similar representatives in similar districts where Fox News was not broadcast."[123] Another 2014 paper found that Fox News viewing increased Republican vote shares among voters who identified as Republican or independent.[125] A 2017 study, using channel positions as an instrumental variable, found "Fox News increases Republican vote shares by 0.3 points among viewers induced into watching 2.5 additional minutes per week by variation in position."[122] A 2022 poll found that 69 percent of Republicans view Fox News as credible, even if the network faces a defamation lawsuit.[126]

At least one conservative theme, that of climate change denialism, is over-represented in the media as a result of media efforts to create a false balance, lending disproportionate credence and weight to the small number of non-experts who dispute the science on climate change.[127][128]

Cable news

Kenneth Tomlinson, while chairman of the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, commissioned a $10,000 government study into Bill Moyers' PBS program, NOW.[129] The results of the study indicated that there was no particular bias on PBS. Tomlinson chose to reject the results of the study, subsequently reducing time and funding for NOW with Bill Moyers, which Tomlinson regarded as a "left-wing" program, and then expanded a show hosted by Fox News correspondent Tucker Carlson. Some board members stated that his actions were politically motivated.[130] Himself a frequent target of claims of bias (in this case, conservative bias), Tomlinson resigned from the CPB board on November 4, 2005. Regarding the claims of a left-wing bias, Moyers asserted in a Broadcasting & Cable interview that "If reporting on what's happening to ordinary people thrown overboard by circumstances beyond their control and betrayed by Washington officials is liberalism, I stand convicted."[131]

According to former Fox News producer Charlie Reina, unlike the AP, CBS News, or ABC News, Fox News's editorial policy is set from the top down in the form of a daily memo: "[F]requently, Reina says, it also contains hints, suggestions and directives on how to slant the day's news—invariably, he said in 2003, in a way that was consistent with the politics and desires of the Bush administration."[132] Fox News responded by denouncing Reina as a "disgruntled employee" with "an ax to grind".[132] Andrew Sullivan wrote of Fox that "[o]ne alleged news network fed its audience a diet of lies, while contributing financially to the party that benefited from those lies."[133] A similar top-down approach to dictating messaging is used at Sinclair Broadcast Group,[134] which notably instructed all its local news anchors to run a conservative message in the main news segment.[135] Its rapid growth through station group acquisitions—especially during the lead-up to the 2016 presidential elections—had provided an increasingly large platform promoting conservative views.[136][137][138][139]

Nexstar Media Group, the US's largest owner of local television stations, specifically claimed to counter perceived cable news media bias by starting the NewsNation channel to replace the struggling general entertainment channel WGN America. Nexstar invested millions of dollars into news programming, and said they hired "rhetoricians" to monitor language used in their flagship newscast, NewsNation Prime, for evidence of bias.[140] However, ratings were lower than the entertainment programming it replaced, the channel's interview with President Donald Trump was mocked by other outlets as being especially soft, and later it was disclosed that former Fox News Channel chief and Trump administration deputy chief of staff Bill Shine was brought on as a consultant.[141] After the disclosure, the news director, managing editor, and vice president of news all resigned within one month, just as NewsNation was expanding its hours of coverage.[142]

Asymmetric polarization

In Network Propaganda, Yochai Benkler, Robert Faris and Hal Roberts of Harvard's Berkman Klein Center for Internet & Society use network analysis to analyze American media and explore why there is "often no overlap, no resemblance whatsoever between the news events reported in mainstream print and broadcast coverage [...] and the topics that get broadcast as news on the Fox network and its fellows on the right".[143] By tracking citations and social media shares across various news outlets and correlating with editorial political leaning, they found that right-wing media sources had effectively segregated themselves[144] into in an increasingly isolated silo, creating a propaganda feedback loop[145][146] continually becoming more extreme and more partisan.[147][148] They note that the right wing media "punish actors – be they media outlets or politicians and pundits – who insist on speaking truths that are inconsistent with partisan frames and narratives dominant within the ecosystem", and contrast this with a "reality check dynamic" that prevails in the mainstream media.[146][145] They also note that liberal readers consume a much broader range of sources, whereas right wing media consumers rarely stray outside of the narrow right wing bubble.[145]

Progressive media watchdog group Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting (FAIR) has argued that accusations of liberal media bias are part of a conservative strategy, noting an article in the August 20, 1992 Washington Post, in which Republican party chair Rich Bond compared journalists to referees in a sporting match. "If you watch any great coach, what they try to do is 'work the refs.' Maybe the ref will cut you a little slack next time."[149] A 1998 study from FAIR found that journalists are "mostly centrist in their political orientation";[150] 30% considered themselves to the left on social issues compared with 9% on the right, while 11% considered themselves to the left on economic issues compared with 19% on the right. The report argued that since journalists considered themselves to be centrists, "perhaps this is why an earlier survey found that they tended to vote for Bill Clinton in large numbers." FAIR uses this study to support the claim that media bias is propagated down from the management and that individual journalists are relatively neutral in their work.

In What Liberal Media? The Truth About Bias and the News (2003),[64] Eric Alterman also disputes the belief in liberal media bias, and suggests that over-correcting for this belief resulted in the opposite.[151]

Fact checking and fake news

Main article: Fake news

Conservative outlets like The Weekly Standard and Big Government have criticized fact checking of conservative content as a perceived liberal attempt to control discourse.[152] A 2019 study found that fake news sharing was less common than perceived, and that actual consumption of fake news was limited.[153] Another 2019 study found that older, more conservative people were more likely to have shared fake news during the 2016 election season than moderates, younger adults, or "super liberals".[154][155][156] An Oxford study has shown that deliberate use of fake news in the U.S. is primarily associated with the hard right.[157] According to a 2019 study of fake news on Twitter during the 2016 election season, 80% of "all content from suspect sources was shared by less than 1 percent of the human tweeters sampled... Those users were disproportionately politically conservative, older and more highly engaged with political news".[116][158]

The term "fake news" has been weaponized with the goal of undermining public trust in news media.[153] President Donald Trump seized on the term "fake news"[159][160] as a way of denigrating any story or outlet critical of him, even appearing to claim to have invented the term[161] and handing out so-called "Fake News Awards" in 2017.[162] Trump, followed by supporters such as Sean Hannity,[163] uses the term "fake news" to describe any media coverage that casts him in a negative light.[164] In 2018, Trump "described what he called the 'fake news' of the American press as 'The Enemy of the American people'",[165][166] a phrase similar to one used by Stalin[167] and other totalitarian leaders[168] that also was reminiscent of Richard Nixon's inclusion of journalists on his "enemies list".[169] In response, the United States Senate unanimously adopted a resolution which reaffirmed "the vital and indispensable role the free press serves" and was seen as a symbolic rebuke to Trump.[170][171]

Presidential elections

Main article: Political handicapping

This section has multiple issues. Please help improve it or discuss these issues on the talk page. (Learn how and when to remove these template messages) This section needs to be updated. Please help update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information. (August 2017) The neutrality of this section is disputed. Relevant discussion may be found on the talk page. Please do not remove this message until conditions to do so are met. (February 2018) (Learn how and when to remove this message) (Learn how and when to remove this message)
A study done by Mark D. Watts et al. found that very little liberal bias occurred during elections in the 1980s and 1990s but that public perceptions of bias are associated with media discussion of the issue of news bias.[172]

In the 19th century, many American newspapers made no pretense to lack of bias and openly advocated for a political party. Big cities would often have competing newspapers, supporting various political parties. To some extent, that was mitigated by a separation between news and editorial. News-reporting was expected to be relatively neutral or at least factual, but editorial was openly the opinion of the publisher. Editorials might also be accompanied by an editorial cartoon, which would frequently lampoon the publisher's opponents.[13]

In an editorial for The American Conservative, Patrick Buchanan wrote that reporting by "the liberal media establishment" on the Watergate scandal "played a central role in bringing down a president." Richard Nixon later complained, "I gave them a sword and they ran it right through me."[173] Nixon's Vice-president Spiro Agnew attacked the media in a series of speeches, two of the most famous being written by White House aides William Safire and Buchanan himself, as "elitist" and "liberal."[173] However, the media had also strongly criticized his Democratic predecessor, Lyndon Johnson, for his handling of the Vietnam War, which was a factor for him not seeking a second term.[174]

In 2004, Steve Ansolabehere, Rebecca Lessem, and Jim Snyder of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology analyzed the political orientation of endorsements by US newspapers. They found an upward trend in the average propensity to endorse a candidate, particularly an incumbent. In the 1940s and the 1950s, there was a clear advantage to Republican candidates, that advantage continuously eroded in subsequent decades to the extent that in the 1990s the authors found a slight Democratic lead in the average endorsement choice.[175]

Riccardo Puglisi of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology looked at the editorial choices of The New York Times from 1946 to 1997.[176] He found that the Times displays Democratic partisanship, with some watchdog aspects. During presidential campaigns the Times systematically gives more coverage to Democratic topics of civil rights, health care, labor and social welfare but only when the incumbent president is a Republican. Those topics are classified as Democratic ones because Gallup polls show that average US citizens think that Democratic candidates would be better at handling problems related to them. According to Puglisi, the Times since 1960 displays a more symmetric type of watchdog behavior just because during presidential campaigns, it also gives more coverage to the typically-Republican issue of defense when the incumbent president is a Democrat but less so when the incumbent is a Republican.

John Lott and Kevin Hassett of the conservative thinktank American Enterprise Institute studied the coverage of economic news by looking at a panel of 389 US newspapers from 1991 to 2004 and a subsample of the two ten newspapers and the Associated Press from 1985 to 2004.[177] For each release of official data about a set of economic indicators, the authors analyzed how newspapers decide to report on them, as reflected by the tone of the related headlines. The idea was to check whether newspapers display partisan bias, by giving more positive or negative coverage to the same economic figure, as a function of the political affiliation of the incumbent president. Controlling for the economic data being released, the authors find that there are 9.6–14.7% fewer positive stories when the incumbent president is a Republican.

According to Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting, a liberal watchdog group, the Democratic candidate John Edwards was falsely maligned and was not given coverage commensurate with his standing in presidential campaign coverage because his message questioned corporate power.[178][179]

A 2000 meta-analysis of research in 59 quantitative studies of media bias in American presidential campaigns from 1948 through 1996 found that media bias tends to cancel out, leaving little or no net bias. The authors concluded, "It is clear that the major source of bias charges is the individual perceptions of media consumers and, in particular, media consumers of a particularly ideological bent."[180]

It has also been acknowledged that media outlets have often used horse-race journalism with the intent of making elections more competitive.[181] That form of political coverage involves diverting attention away from stronger candidates and hyping so-called dark horse contenders who seem more unlikely to win when the election cycle begins.[181] Benjamin Disraeli used the term "dark horse" to describe horse racing in 1831 in The Young Duke: "a dark horse which had never been thought of and which the careless St. James had never even observed in the list, rushed past the grandstand in sweeping triumph."[181] The political analyst Larry Sabato stated in his 2006 book Encyclopedia of American Political Parties and Elections that Disraeli's description of dark horses "now fits in neatly with the media's trend towards horse-race journalism and penchant for using sports analogies to describe presidential politics."[181]

Often unlike national media, political science scholars seek to compile long-term data and research on the impact of political issues and voting in U.S. presidential elections, producing in-depth articles breaking down the issues.[citation needed]


Analysis of the coverage of the last few weeks of the 2000 US presidential election by the Pew Research Center's Project for Excellence in Journalism showed, "Al Gore [got] more negative coverage, but both candidates saw a deluge of negative stories."[182]

During the course of the election, some pundits accused the mainstream media of distorting facts in an effort to help Texas Governor George W. Bush win the election after Bush and Al Gore officially launched their campaigns in 1999.[183] Peter Hart and Jim Naureckas, two commentators for Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting, called the media "serial exaggerators" and argued that several media outlets were constantly exaggerating criticism of Gore,[184] such as by falsely claiming that Gore lied when he claimed he spoke in an overcrowded science class in Sarasota, Florida,[184] and giving Bush a pass on certain issues, such as the fact that Bush had wildly exaggerated how much money he signed into the annual Texas state budget to help the uninsured during his second debate with Gore in October 2000.[184] In the April 2000 issue of Washington Monthly, the columnist Robert Parry also argued that several media outlets exaggerated Gore's supposed claim that he "discovered" the Love Canal neighborhood in Niagara Falls, New York, during a campaign speech in Concord, New Hampshire, on November 30, 1999,[185] when he had claimed only that he "found" it after it was already evacuated in 1978 after chemical contamination.[185] The Rolling Stone columnist Eric Boehlert also argued that media outlets exaggerated criticism of Gore as early as July 22, 1999,[186] when Gore, known for being an environmentalist, had a friend release 500 million gallons of water into a drought-stricken river to help keep his boat afloat for a photo shoot.[186] Media outlets, however, exaggerated the actual number of gallons that were released to four billion.[186]


In the 2008 presidential election, media outlets were accused of discrediting Barack Obama's opponents in an effort to help him win the Democratic primary and later the general election. At the February debate, Tim Russert of NBC News was criticized for what some perceived as disproportionately-tough questioning of the Democratic presidential contender Hillary Clinton.[187] Among the questions, Russert had asked Clinton but not Obama to provide the name of the new Russian president, who was Dmitry Medvedev.[187] That was later parodied on Saturday Night Live.

In October 2007, liberal commentators accused Russert of harassing Clinton over the issue of supporting drivers' licenses for illegal immigrants.[188]

On April 16, 2008, ABC News hosted a debate in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. The moderators Charles Gibson and George Stephanopoulos were criticized by viewers, bloggers and media critics for the poor quality of their questions.[187][188] Many viewers said they considered some of the questions to be irrelevant compared to the importance of the faltering economy or the Iraq War. Included in that category were continued questions about Obama's former pastor, Clinton's assertion that she had to duck sniper fire in Bosnia more than a decade earlier, and Obama's failure to wear an American flag pin.[187] The moderators focused on campaign gaffes, and some believed that they focused too much on Obama.[188] Stephanopoulos defended their performance by claiming that "Senator Obama was the front-runner" and that the questions were "not inappropriate or irrelevant at all."[187][188]

In an op-ed published on April 27, 2008, in The New York Times, Elizabeth Edwards wrote that the media covered much more of "the rancor of the campaign" and "amount of money spent" than "the candidates' priorities, policies and principles."[189] Author Erica Jong commented that "our press has become a sea of triviality, meanness and irrelevant chatter."[190] A Gallup poll released on May 29, 2008, also estimated that more Americans felt the media was being harder on Clinton than they were on Obama.[191]

In a joint study by the Joan Shorenstein Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy at Harvard University and the Project for Excellence in Journalism, the authors found disparate treatment by the three major cable networks of the Republican and Democratic candidates during the earliest five months of presidential primaries in 2007: "The CNN programming studied tended to cast a negative light on Republican candidates—by a margin of three-to-one. Four-in-ten stories (41%) were clearly negative while just 14% were positive and 46% were neutral. The network provided negative coverage of all three main candidates with McCain faring the worst (63% negative) and Romney faring a little better than the others only because a majority of his coverage was neutral. It is not that Democrats, other than Obama, fared well on CNN either. Nearly half of the Illinois Senator's stories were positive (46%), vs. just 8% that were negative. But both Clinton and Edwards ended up with more negative than positive coverage overall. So while coverage for Democrats overall was a bit more positive than negative, that was almost all due to extremely favorable coverage for Obama."[192]

A poll of likely presidential election voters released on March 14, 2007, by Zogby International reported that 83 percent of those surveyed believed in media bias, with 64 percent of respondents of the opinion the bias to favor liberals and 28 percent of respondents believing the bias to be conservative.[193] In August 2008, the ombudsman of The Washington Post wrote that it had published almost three times as many front-page stories about Obama than it had about McCain since Obama won the Democratic party nomination that June.[194] In September 2008 a Rasmussen poll found that 68 percent of voters believed that "most reporters try to help the candidate they want to win," and 49 percent of respondents stated that the reporters were helping Obama to get elected, but only 14 percent said the same about McCain. A further 51 percent said that the press was actively "trying to hurt" Republican vice presidential nominee Sarah Palin with negative coverage.[195] In October 2008, Washington Post media correspondent Howard Kurtz reported that Palin was again on the cover of Newsweek "but with the most biased campaign headline I've ever seen."[196]

After the election was over, the ombudsman Deborah Howell reviewed the coverage of the Post and concluded that it had been slanted toward Obama.[197] "The Post provided a lot of good campaign coverage, but readers have been consistently critical of the lack of probing issues coverage and what they saw as a tilt toward Democrat Barack Obama. My surveys, which ended on Election Day, show that they are right on both counts." Over the course of the campaign, the Post printed 594 "issues stories" and 1,295 "horse-race stories." There were more positive opinion pieces on Obama than McCain (32 to 13) and more negative pieces about McCain than Obama (58 to 32). Overall, more news stories were dedicated to Obama than McCain. Howell said that the results of her survey were comparable to those reported by the Project for Excellence in Journalism for the national media. (That report, issued on October 22, 2008, found that "coverage of McCain has been heavily unfavorable," with 57% of the stories issued after the conventions being negative and only 14% being positive. For the same period, 36% of the stories on Obama were positive, 35% were neutral or mixed, and 29% were negative.[198][199]) She rated the biographical stories of the Post to be generally quite good, she concluded, "Obama deserved tougher scrutiny than he got, especially of his undergraduate years, his start in Chicago and his relationship with Antoin 'Tony' Rezko, who was convicted this year of influence-peddling in Chicago. The Post did nothing on Obama's acknowledged drug use as a teenager."[197]

Various critics, particularly Hudson, have shown concern over the link between the news media's reporting and what they see as the trivialised nature of American elections. Hudson[200] argued that America's news media elections coverage damages the democratic process. He argues that elections are centered on candidates, whose advancement depends on funds, personality and sound-bites, rather than serious political discussion or policies offered by parties. His argument is that it is on the media which Americans are dependent for information about politics (this is of course true almost by definition) and that they are therefore greatly influenced by the way the media report, which concentrates on short sound-bites, gaffes by candidates, and scandals. The reporting of elections avoids complex issues or issues which are time-consuming to explain. Of course, important political issues are generally both complex and time-consuming to explain, so are avoided.

Hudson blames this style of media coverage, at least partly, for trivialised elections:

"The bites of information voters receive from both print and electronic media are simply insufficient for constructive political discourse ... candidates for office have adjusted their style of campaigning in response to this tabloid style of media coverage... modern campaigns are exercises in image manipulation.... Elections decided on sound bites, negative campaign commercials, and sensationalised exposure of personal character flaws provide no meaningful direction for government."[201]


See also: Media coverage of the 2016 United States presidential election

Studies have shown that all other 2016 candidates received vastly less media coverage than Donald Trump.[202][203] Trump received more extensive media coverage than Ted Cruz, John Kasich, Hillary Clinton, and Bernie Sanders combined when they were the only primary candidates left in the race.[204] The Democratic primary received substantially less coverage than the Republican primary.[202][205] Sanders received the most positive coverage of any candidate overall, but his opponent in the Democratic primary, Hillary Clinton, received the most negative coverage.[202][203][206] Among the general election candidates, Trump received inordinate amounts of coverage on his policies and issues and on his personal character and life, but Clinton's emails controversy was a dominant feature of her coverage and earned more media coverage than all of her policy positions combined.[207][208][209]

Foreign policy

See also: United States news media and the Vietnam War and Cambodian genocide denial

How many deaths does it take for a disaster in different continents to receive news coverage (in major US networks)

In addition to philosophical or economic biases, there are also subject biases, including criticism of media coverage about US foreign policy issues as being overly centered in Washington, DC. Coverage is variously cited as being "beltway centrism," framed in terms of domestic politics and established policy positions,[210] following only Washington's 'Official Agendas',[211] and mirroring only a "Washington Consensus."[212] According to Amnon Cavari, other factors that can influence news coverage about a foreign country include: "historical-cultural heritage", diplomatic status with the US and that said country's political stance.[213][better source needed] According to a 2001 study, the percentage of foreign news stories have declined along with the number of reporters and foreign bureaus has declined in the US; which is a trend that has been mirrored in other Western countries.[214][better source needed][needs update]

Ryan Chittum wrote in a 2003 version of the Columbia Journalism Review, that "No news subject generates more complaints about media objectivity than the Middle East in general and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in particular."[215][needs update]

Arab–Israeli conflict

Main article: Media coverage of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict

Further information: Arab lobby in the United States and Israel lobby in the United States

Stephen Zunes wrote that "mainstream and conservative Jewish organizations have mobilized considerable lobbying resources, financial contributions from the Jewish community, and citizen pressure on the news media and other forums of public discourse in support of the Israeli government."[216]

According to the professor of journalism Eric Alterman, debate among Middle East pundits "is dominated by people who cannot imagine criticizing Israel." In 2002, he listed 56 columnists and commentators who can be counted on to support Israel "reflexively and without qualification." Alterman identified only five pundits who consistently criticize Israeli behavior or endorse pro-Arab positions.[217] Journalists described as pro-Israel by Mearsheimer and Walt include The New York Times' William Safire, A.M. Rosenthal, David Brooks, and Thomas Friedman; The Washington Post's Jim Hoagland, Robert Kagan, Charles Krauthammer, and George Will;[218] and the Los Angeles Times' Max Boot, Jonah Goldberg, and Jonathan Chait.

The 2007 book The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy argued that there is a media bias in favor of Israel. It stated that a former spokesman for the Israeli consulate in New York said, "Of course, a lot of self-censorship goes on. Journalists, editors, and politicians are going to think twice about criticizing Israel if they know they are going to get thousands of angry calls in a matter of hours. The Jewish lobby is good at orchestrating pressure."[219]

The journalist Michael Massing wrote in 2006, "Jewish organizations are quick to detect bias in the coverage of the Middle East, and quick to complain about it. That's especially true of late. As The Forward observed in late April [2002], 'rooting out perceived anti-Israel bias in the media has become for many American Jews the most direct and emotional outlet for connecting with the conflict 6,000 miles away.'"[220]

The Forward related how one individual felt:

"'There's a great frustration that American Jews want to do something,' said Ira Youdovin, executive vice president of the Chicago Board of Rabbis. 'In 1947, some number would have enlisted in the Haganah,' he said, referring to the pre-state Jewish armed force. 'There was a special American brigade. Nowadays you can't do that. The battle here is the hasbarah war,' Youdovin said, using a Hebrew term for public relations. 'We're winning, but we're very much concerned about the bad stuff.'"[221]

A 2003 Boston Globe article on the Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting in America media watchdog group by Mark Jurkowitz argued, "To its supporters, CAMERA is figuratively—and perhaps literally—doing God's work, battling insidious anti-Israeli bias in the media. But its detractors see CAMERA as a myopic and vindictive special interest group trying to muscle its views into media coverage."[222]

Iraq War

Main article: Media coverage of the Iraq War

A FAIR study found that in the lead up to the Iraq War, most sources were overwhelmingly in favor of the invasion.

Fairness & Accuracy in Reporting released a 2003 study arguing that the network news disproportionately focused on pro-war sources (64%) and left out many anti-war sources (10%). The study stated that "viewers were more than six times as likely to see a pro-war source as one who was anti-war; with U.S. guests alone, the ratio increases to 25 to 1."[223] A 2004 study by FAIR found that current or former government or military officials accounted for 76 percent of all 319 sources for news stories about Iraq that aired on network news channels.[224]

News sources

..."balanced" coverage that plagues American journalism and which leads to utterly spineless reporting with no edge. The idea seems to be that journalists are allowed to go out to report, but when it comes time to write, we are expected to turn our brains off and repeat the spin from both sides. God forbid we should... attempt to fairly assess what we see with our own eyes. "Balanced" is not fair, it's just an easy way of avoiding real reporting... and shirking our responsibility to inform readers.

Ken Silverstein in Harper's Magazine, 2007.[225][226]

A widely cited public opinion study[227] documented a correlation between news source and certain misconceptions about the Iraq War. Conducted by the Program on International Policy Attitudes in October 2003, the poll asked Americans whether they believed statements about the Iraq War that were known to be false. Respondents were also asked for their primary news source: Fox News, CBS, NBC, ABC, CNN, "print sources", or NPR. By cross-referencing the respondents to their primary news source, the study showed that more Fox News watchers held the misconceptions about the Iraq War. The director of Program on International Policy (PIPA), Stephen Kull, said, "While we cannot assert that these misconceptions created the support for going to war with Iraq, it does appear likely that support for the war would be substantially lower if fewer members of the public had these misperceptions."[227]


See also: List of TV and films with critiques of Chinese Communist Party

In November 2018, Senator Chris Coons joined Senators Elizabeth Warren, Marco Rubio, and a bipartisan group of lawmakers in sending a letter to the Trump administration raising concerns about China's undue influence over US media outlets and academic institutions: "In American news outlets, Beijing has used financial ties to suppress negative information about the CCP. In the past four years, multiple media outlets with direct or indirect financial ties to China allegedly decided not to publish stories on wealth and corruption in the CCP. In one case, an editor resigned due to mounting self-censorship in the outlet's China coverage."[228]

Accusations of underreporting

Jeff Bachman and Esther Brito Ruiz argue the Yemeni civil war received less coverage than it should in the U.S. media.[229]

Accusations between competitors

Jonathan M. Ladd, who has conducted intensive studies of media trust and media bias, concluded that the primary cause of widespread popular belief in media bias is media telling their audience that other particular media are biased. People who are told that a medium is biased tend to believe that it is biased, and this belief is unrelated to whether that medium is actually biased or not. The only other factor with as strong an influence on belief that media is biased is extensive coverage of celebrities. A majority of people see such media as biased, while at the same time preferring media with extensive coverage of celebrities.[110]

Kenneth Kim, in Communication Research Reports, argued that the overriding cause of popular belief in media bias is a media vs. media worldview. He used statistics to show that people see news content as neutral, fair, or biased based on its relation to news sources that report opposite views. Kim labeled this phenomenon HMP (hostile media phenomenon). His results show that people are likely to process content in defensive ways based on the framing of this content in other media.[230]

Watchdogs and ranking groups

Reporters Without Borders has said that the US media lost a great deal of media freedom between the 2004 and 2006 indices, citing the Judith Miller case and similar cases and laws restricting the confidentiality of sources as the main factors.[231] They also cite the fact that reporters who question the American-led so called war on terror are sometimes regarded as suspicious.[232] They ranked the US as 53rd out of 168 countries in freedom of the press, comparable to Japan and Uruguay, but below all but one European Union country (Poland) and below most OECD countries (those that accept democracy and free markets). In the 2008 ranking, the U.S. moved up to 36, between Taiwan and Macedonia, but still far below its ranking in the late 20th century as a world leader in having a free and unbiased press.[citation needed] The U.S. briefly recovered in 2009[233] and 2010,[234] rising to 20th place, but declined again and has maintained a position in the mid-40s from 2013 to 2018.[235][236][237][238][239][240]

The Pew Research Center produced a 2014 guide to the political leanings of readers of several news outlets[241] as part of a larger report on political polarization in the United States.[242] Ad Fontes Media and AllSides have assessed ideological biases of online sources to produce media bias charts, and presents similar stories from different perspectives.[243][244] Accuracy in Media and Media Research Center have a conservative bent while Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting (FAIR) and Media Matters for America work from a progressive viewpoint.[citation needed] Groups such as FactCheck argue that the media frequently get the facts wrong because they rely on biased sources of information.[245] That includes using information provided to them from both parties.[non-primary source needed]

See also



  1. ^ a b Lichter, S. Robert; Rolfe-Redding, Justin (August 31, 2015). "Media Bias". Communication. Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/obo/9780199756841-0111. ISBN 9780199756841. While the fields of communication and political science have traditionally hosted investigations of media bias, economics has become a relatively recent addition to the scholarly conversation, generating work on new measures of bias and the role that audience preferences may play in producing slanted news.
  2. ^ Lichter, S. Robert (2018). "Theories of Media Bias". In Kenski, Kate; Jamieson, Kathleen Hall (eds.). The Oxford Handbook of Political Communication. Oxford Handbooks Online. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press. p. 412. doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199793471.013.44. ISBN 9780199984350. OCLC 959803808. ...much popular media criticism has posited that journalists' personal attitudes produce a liberal tilt in their coverage. Most scholarly studies have failed to support this conclusion, however, and the increasing public perception of liberal media bias has been linked to audience biases and strategic efforts by conservative elites. However, recent studies have rekindled this debate, while attributing biased coverage to economic incentives rather than journalists' mindsets.
  3. ^ Edward S. Herman and Noam Chomsky. "Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media". Vintage Books London. Retrieved June 16, 2024.
  4. ^ Stephens, Mitchell. "History of Newspapers". Collier's Encyclopedia. Archived from the original on May 16, 2008. Retrieved March 28, 2007.
  5. ^ Walter Isaacson, Benjamin Franklin: An American Life, (2004) p 66
  6. ^ a b Hemmer, Nicole (February 29, 2020). "Attacking the press for liberal bias is a staple of Republican campaigns -- and it all began in 1964". CNN. Retrieved August 7, 2022.
  7. ^ Walter Berns, "Freedom of the Press and the Alien and Sedition Laws: A Reappraisal." The Supreme Court Review 1970 (1970): 109–159.
  8. ^ Harvey G. Zeidenstein, "White House Perceptions of News Media Bias," Presidential Studies Quarterly 13#3 (1983), pp. 345–356; quotes at p 345. online
  9. ^ Jennifer Weber, "Lincoln's Critics: The Copperheads." Journal of the Abraham Lincoln Association 32.1 (2011): 33–47.
  10. ^ "Executive Order—Arrest and Imprisonment of Irresponsible Newspaper Reporters and Editors". May 18, 1864 – via The American Presidency Project, University of California, Santa Barbara.
  11. ^ Mitchell, Elizabeth (October 6, 2020). "Opinion: How Abraham Lincoln Confronted—and Helped Spread—Political Misinformation". Time.
  12. ^ a b c Allcott, Hunt; Gentzkow, Matthew (2017). "Social Media and Fake News in the 2016 Election". Journal of Economic Perspectives. 31 (2): 211–236. doi:10.1257/jep.31.2.211.
  13. ^ a b W. David Sloan (Editor), Lisa Mullikin Parcell (Editor), American Journalism: History, Principles, Practices (2002), ISBN 978-0-7864-1371-3
  14. ^ Daniel, Dominique (April 3, 2019). "Elusive Stories: Collecting and Preserving the Foreign-Language Ethnic Press in the United States". Serials Review. 45 (1–2): 7–25. doi:10.1080/00987913.2019.1610148. ISSN 0098-7913. S2CID 196203000.
  15. ^ Hanno Hardt. "The Foreign‐Language Press in American Press History." Journal of communication 39.2 (1989): 114–131.
  16. ^ W. Joseph Campbell, Yellow journalism: Puncturing the myths, defining the legacies (Greenwood, 2001).
  17. ^ David Nasaw (2013). The Chief: The Life of William Randolph Hearst. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. p. 171. ISBN 978-0547524726.
  18. ^ Richard A. Hogarty (2001). Leon Abbett's New Jersey: The Emergence of the Modern Governor. American Philosophical Society. p. 57. ISBN 9780871692436.
  19. ^ "'Muckraker: 2 Meanings", The New York Times, April 10, 1985.
  20. ^ Lynne Olson, Those Angry Days: Roosevelt, Lindbergh, and America's Fight Over World War II (2013) pp 375–92.
  21. ^ Richard Breitman (2013). FDR and the Jews. Harvard University Press. p. 188. ISBN 9780674073654.
  22. ^ Olson, Those Angry Days p 125.
  23. ^ Greenberg, David. "America's Forgotten Pogroms". Politico. On the other hand, the Depression brought forth ugly resentments that took anti-Semitic form, including toward President Franklin Roosevelt, whom anti-Semites called "Rosenfeld" and whose policies they called the "Jew Deal."
  24. ^ "American Nazism and Madison Square Garden". The National WWII Museum | New Orleans. April 14, 2021. Retrieved February 6, 2023.
  25. ^ Louis Pizzitola, Hearst Over Hollywood, (quoting William Randolph Hearst) "Lindburg makes a still graver charge when he says that the 'greatest danger' to this country lies in the 'ownership' and 'influence' of the radio, motion pictures, and 'our government'." (Quoting Douglas Fairbanks) "He [Joe Kennedy] apparently threw the fear of god into many of our producers and executives by telling them that the Jews were on the spot, and that they should stop making anti-Nazi pictures ...", Columbia University Press, 2002, ISBN 0-231-11646-2
  26. ^ a b Jonathan M. Ladd, Why Americans Hate the Media and How It Matters, Princeton University Press, 2011, ISBN 978-0691147864
  27. ^ Gene Roberts and Hank Klibanoff, The Race Best: The Press, the Civil Rights Struggle, and the Awakening of a Nation, Vintage, 2007, ISBN 978-0679735656.
  28. ^ Nichelle Nichols, Beyond Uhura: Star Trek and Other Memories, Berkley, 1995, ISBN 1-57297-011-1 ISBN 978-1-57297-011-3
  29. ^ M. J. Heale (1990). American Anti-Communism: Combating the Enemy Within, 1830–1970. JHU Press. pp. 16, 21, 31, 60, 188. ISBN 9780801840517.
  30. ^ "8148. Spiro T Agnew, US Vice President. Simpson's Contemporary Quotations. 1988". Archived from the original on November 25, 2006. Retrieved March 28, 2007.
  31. ^ "Obama: Fox News 'Point of View' Is 'Destructive'". The Atlantic. September 28, 2010.
  32. ^ Mitchell, Amy; Gottfried, Jeffrey; Kiley, Jocelyn; Eva Matsa, Katerina (October 21, 2014). "Political Polarization & Media Habits". Pew Research Center. Retrieved September 19, 2018.
  33. ^ "The (almost) complete history of 'fake news'". BBC News. January 22, 2018.
  34. ^ Borchers, Callum (October 26, 2017). "Trump falsely claims (again) that he coined the term 'fake news'". The Washington Post.
  35. ^ Bondarenko, Veronika. "Trump keeps saying 'enemy of the people' — but the phrase has a very ugly history". Business Insider. Retrieved February 20, 2022.
  36. ^ Collins, Brian Stelter and Kaitlan (May 9, 2018). "Trump's latest shot at the press corps: 'Take away credentials?'". CNNMoney. Retrieved February 20, 2022.
  37. ^ Anand, Bharat N. (January 5, 2017). "The U.S. Media's Problems Are Much Bigger than Fake News and Filter Bubbles". Harvard Business Review. ISSN 0017-8012. Retrieved November 9, 2023.
  38. ^ a b Siegfried, Evan (July 29, 2018). "Opinion | Media bias against conservatives is why no one trusts the news now". NBC News (Opinion). Retrieved March 20, 2024.
  39. ^ "Americans: Much Misinformation, Bias, Inaccuracy in News". June 20, 2018. Retrieved March 20, 2024.
  40. ^ Bolsen, Toby; Palm, Risa (January 1, 2022), Bolsen, Toby; Palm, Risa (eds.), "Chapter Five - Politicization and COVID-19 vaccine resistance in the U.S.", Progress in Molecular Biology and Translational Science, Molecular Biology and Clinical Medicine in the Age of Politicization, 188 (1), Academic Press: 81–100, doi:10.1016/bs.pmbts.2021.10.002, PMC 8577882, PMID 35168748
  41. ^ Bauder, David (February 15, 2023). "Study shows 'striking' number who believe news misinforms". AP News. Retrieved March 20, 2024.
  42. ^ Brenan, Megan (October 18, 2022). "Americans' Trust In Media Remains Near Record Low". Gallup, Inc. Retrieved March 20, 2024.
  43. ^ Anand, Bharat N. (January 5, 2017). "The U.S. Media's Problems Are Much Bigger than Fake News and Filter Bubbles". Harvard Business Review. ISSN 0017-8012. Retrieved November 13, 2023.
  44. ^ Schwartz, Nelson D. (April 17, 2014). "University of Chicago Economist Who Studies Media Receives Clark Medal". The New York Times.
  45. ^ Haselmayer, M., Wagner, M., & Meyer, T. M., Partisan Bias in Message Selection: Media Gatekeeping of Party Press Releases, p. 371, Political Communication, 34(3), 367–384. 2017
  46. ^ "Upset about Political Bias in the Media? Blame Economics". Knowledge at Wharton. Retrieved March 9, 2023.
  47. ^ Gal-or, Esther; Geylani, Tansev; Yildirim, Tuba Pinar (February 2012). "The Impact of Advertising on Media Bias". Journal of Marketing Research. 49 (1): 92–99. doi:10.1509/jmr.10.0196. ISSN 0022-2437. S2CID 167776239.
  48. ^ Hayes, Danny (2005). "Candidate Qualities through a Partisan Lens: A Theory of Trait Ownership". American Journal of Political Science. 49 (4): 908–923. doi:10.2307/3647705. ISSN 0092-5853. JSTOR 3647705.
  49. ^ a b Edward S. Herman and Noam Chomsky (1988), Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media, Pantheon Books, ISBN 0-679-72034-0.
  50. ^ Mark Achbar; Jennifer Abbott & Joel Bakan (2003). "About the Film". The Corporation (film). Big Picture Media Corporation. Retrieved November 12, 2013.
  51. ^ The Corporation [17/23] Unsettling Accounts", YouTube video, February 11, 2007. Retrieved November 12, 2013.
  52. ^ George Orwell, "The Freedom of the Press" The New York Times October 8, 1972
  53. ^ "Why Progressive TV Is DOA — FAIR: Fairness & Accuracy In Reporting". February 22, 1999. Retrieved November 12, 2013.
  54. ^ "ABC memo of Air America Blackout Oct 25/31 2006" (PDF). FAIR. October 25, 2006. Retrieved August 10, 2010.
  55. ^ Noam Chomsky, Language and Politics, Black Rose Books, 1988, ISBN 978-0-921689-34-8
  56. ^ Hedges, Chris (May 20, 2013). Rise Up or Die. Moyers & Company, Perspectives. Retrieved August 12, 2013.
    • "More than 100 million Americans — one-third of the population — live in poverty or a category called "near poverty." Yet the stories of the poor and the near poor, the hardships they endure, are rarely told by a media that is owned by a handful of corporations — Viacom, General Electric, Rupert Murdoch's News Corp., Clear Channel and Disney. The suffering of the underclass, like the crimes of the power elite, has been rendered invisible."
  57. ^ Zinn, Howard. A People's History of the United States. New York: Harper Perennial Modern Classics, 2005. p. 671 ISBN 0060838655
    • "All of these groups, and the people they represented — the homeless, the struggling mothers, the families unable to pay their bills, the 40 million without health insurance and the many more with inadequate insurance — were facing an enormous barrier of silence in the national culture. Their lives, their plight was not being reported in the major media, and so the myth of a prosperous America, proclaimed by powerful people in Washington and Wall Street, persisted."
  58. ^ "What is Media Bias and Where Does it Come From?". WiseGeek. Retrieved November 19, 2014.
  59. ^ Scott McClellan, What Happened: Inside the Bush White House and Washington's Culture of Deception, PublicAffairs, 2008, ISBN 978-1-58648-556-6.
  60. ^ Labor Almost Invisible on TV Talk. Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting. August 28, 2014.
  61. ^ a b Carl Bernstein (October 20, 1977). "CIA and the Media". Rolling Stone.
  62. ^ Frances Goldin, Debby Smith, Michael Smith (2014). Imagine: Living in a Socialist USA. Harper Perennial. ISBN 0062305573 p. 189:
    • "Twenty years ago, thirty corporations controlled 90 percent of the media. Today, it is a grand total of six mega-corporations – Rupert Murdoch's News Corporation, Disney, Viacom, Time Warner, CBS and Comcast. Besides accumulating their own profits, the media are daily trumpets for the rest of the corporate world's advertising."
  63. ^ Lutz, Ashley, "These six Corporations Control 90% Of The Media In America". Business Insider. June 14, 2012.
  64. ^ a b Eric Alterman (2004), What Liberal Media?: The Truth About Bias and the News, Basic Books, ISBN 0-465-00177-7.
  65. ^ Zinn, Howard. A People's History of the United States. New York: Harper Perennial Modern Classics, 2005. p. 671 ISBN 0060838655
  66. ^ Hedges, Chris (2009). Empire of Illusion: The End of Literacy and the Triumph of Spectacle. Nation Books. ISBN 1568586132 p. 146.
  67. ^ Hedges, Chris (2013). "The Day That TV News Died". Truthdig. Retrieved February 1, 2014.
  68. ^ Scammell, Margaret; Semetko, Holli (November 22, 2017). The Media, Journalism, and Democracy (1st ed.). London: Routiedge. p. 482. ISBN 9781351747110.
  69. ^ Nibert, David, ed. (2017). Animal Oppression and Capitalism. Praeger Publishing. p. xv. ISBN 978-1440850738.
  70. ^ Kathleen Jamieson and Karlyn Kohrs Campbell (2000), The Interplay of Influence: News, Advertising, Politics, and the Internet, Wadsworth, 362 pages, ISBN 0534533647.
  71. ^ Kalyani Chadha & Anandam Kavoori (July 2000). "Media imperialism revisited: some findings from the Asian case". Media, Culture & Society. 22 (4): 415–432. doi:10.1177/016344300022004003. S2CID 154757214.
  72. ^ "Cultural and Linguistic Imperialism", Algirdas Makarevicius, Al's Lectures. Retrieved July 28, 2014.
  73. ^ Romer, Daniel; Jamieson, Kathleen H; de Coteau, Nicole J. (June 1998). "The treatment of persons of color in local television news: Ethnic blame discourse or realistic group conflict?". Communication Research. 25 (13): 286–305. doi:10.1177/009365098025003002. S2CID 145749677.
  74. ^ Alexander, Michelle (2011). The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness. New York: The New Press. pp. 52–53.
  75. ^ Richardson, Valerie. "Ferguson-like attack in Utah escapes media notice; race bias seen". The Washington Times. Retrieved March 1, 2015.
  76. ^ Sastry, Anjuli; Bates, Karen Grigsby (April 26, 2017). "When LA Erupted In Anger: A Look Back At The Rodney King Riots". NPR. Retrieved January 17, 2021.
  77. ^ Watts, Paul R. (June 1, 2010). "Mapping narratives: the 1992 Los Angeles riots as a case study for narrative-based geovisualization". Journal of Cultural Geography. 27 (2): 203–227. doi:10.1080/08873631.2010.494401. ISSN 0887-3631. S2CID 145367456.
  78. ^ Balkaran, Stephen (March 19, 1995). "Mass Media and Racism". Archived from the original on November 24, 2011. Retrieved November 12, 2013. Race was the visible catalyst, not the underlying cause, as media portrayed it to be. The portrayal of this individual event encouraged the perception that the black community was solely responsible for the riots and disturbances. According to reports, of those arrested, only 36% were black and of those arrested, more than a third had full-time jobs and most had no political affiliation. Some 60% of the rioters and looters were made up of Hispanics and whites. Yet the media did not report this underlying fact. The media portrayal of this event along with other race riots has again inflicted negative charges and scorn on black awareness.
  79. ^ a b Min, Seong-Jae; Feaster, John C. (2010). "Missing Children in National News Coverage: Racial and Gender Representations of Missing Children Cases". Communication Research Reports. 27 (3): 207–216. doi:10.1080/08824091003776289. S2CID 145060673.
  80. ^ Bioethics, Center for; Justice, Social (October 25, 2021). "Counting Women of Color: Being angry about "missing white woman syndrome" is not enough". MSU Bioethics. Retrieved March 13, 2023.
  81. ^ "The Long American History of "Missing White Woman Syndrome"". The New Yorker. October 8, 2021. Retrieved March 13, 2023.
  82. ^ "Gabby Petito and one way to break media's 'missing white woman syndrome'". Los Angeles Times. October 4, 2021. Retrieved March 13, 2023.
  83. ^ Robertson, Katie (September 22, 2021). "News Media Can't Shake 'Missing White Woman Syndrome,' Critics Say". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved March 13, 2023.
  84. ^ "Long Beach Hate Crime" Archived August 9, 2014, at the Wayback Machine by Kate Coe. LA Weekly. January 4, 2007. Retrieved 9/16/09.
  85. ^ "What is a hate crime?" By Howard Witt. Chicago Tribune. June 10, 2007. Retrieved 9/16/09.
  86. ^ "'Hate Crimes' and Double Standards" By Stuart Taylor, Jr. The Atlantic. May 29, 2007. Retrieved 9/16/09.
  87. ^ "Politically correct editors leave the reader hanging". Carolina Journal. March 23, 2011.
  88. ^ Jan, Tracy (December 13, 2017). "News media offers consistently warped portrayals of black families, study finds". The Washington Post. ISSN 0190-8286. Retrieved December 14, 2017.
  89. ^ "Report: A Dangerous Distortion of our Families". Retrieved December 14, 2017.
  90. ^ Bleich, Erik; Van Der Veen, A. Maurits (2018). "Media portrayals of Muslims: a comparative sentiment analysis of American newspapers, 1996–2015". Politics, Groups, and Identities. 9: 1–20. doi:10.1080/21565503.2018.1531770. S2CID 150352731.
  91. ^ Slakoff, Danielle C. (2020). "The representation of women and girls of color in United States crime news". Sociology Compass. 14: e12741. doi:10.1111/soc4.12741. ISSN 1751-9020.
  92. ^ Rohrbach, Tobias; Fiechtner, Stephanie; Schönhagen, Philomen; Puppis, Manuel (October 2020). "More Than Just Gender: Exploring Contextual Influences on Media Bias of Political Candidates". The International Journal of Press/Politics. 25 (4): 692–711. doi:10.1177/1940161220912694. ISSN 1940-1612. S2CID 216478125.
  93. ^ Armstrong, Cory L.; Boyle, Michael P. (February 28, 2011). "Views from the Margins: News Coverage of Women in Abortion Protests, 1960–2006". Mass Communication and Society. 14 (2): 153–177. doi:10.1080/15205431003615901. ISSN 1520-5436. S2CID 145637639.
  94. ^ Higgs, Catriona T.; Weiller, Karen H.; Martin, Scott B. (2003). "Gender Bias in the 1996 Olympic Games". Journal of Sport and Social Issues. 27: 52–64. doi:10.1177/0193732502239585. S2CID 27528542.
  95. ^ Shor, Eran; van de Rijt, Arnout; Fotouhi, Babak (September 3, 2019). "A Large-Scale Test of Gender Bias in the Media". Sociological Science. 6: 526–550. doi:10.15195/v6.a20. hdl:1814/68715. ISSN 2330-6696. S2CID 202625899.
  96. ^ Kavanagh, Jennifer; Marcellino, William; Blake, Jonathan S.; Smith, Shawn; Davenport, Steven; Tebeka, Mahlet G. (2019). "News in a Digital Age". Retrieved August 20, 2019.
  97. ^ Greenslade, Roy (August 25, 2016). "Why media commentary is so crucial when opinions displace facts". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved August 20, 2019.
  98. ^ Bauder, David (August 16, 2018). "As our media environment blurs, confusion often reigns". Associated Press. Retrieved August 20, 2019.
  99. ^ Hamborg, Felix; Donnay, Karsten; Gipp, Bela (November 16, 2018). "Automated identification of media bias in news articles: an interdisciplinary literature review". International Journal on Digital Libraries. 20 (4): 391–415. doi:10.1007/s00799-018-0261-y. ISSN 1432-1300.
  100. ^ "Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting". Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved August 14, 2022.
  101. ^ a b Weaver, David H.; Willnat, Lars; Wilhoit, G. Cleveland (2019). "The American Journalist in the Digital Age: Another Look at U.S. News People". Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly. 96: 101–130. doi:10.1177/1077699018778242. S2CID 150287375.
  102. ^ "Just 7 percent of journalists are Republicans. That's far fewer than even a decade ago". The Washington Post. May 6, 2014.
  103. ^ "Survey: 7 percent of reporters identify as Republican". Politico. May 6, 2014.
  104. ^ a b "The American Journalist In The Digital Age" (PDF). Indiana University. May 2014.
  105. ^ "Do The Media Hate Trump? Yes, And From The Very Start Of His Presidency, New Survey Shows". Investor's Business Daily (Editorial). October 3, 2017. Retrieved March 20, 2024.
  106. ^ Grieco, Amy Mitchell, Jeffrey Gottfried, Galen Stocking, Katerina Eva Matsa and Elizabeth (October 2, 2017). "3. A comparison to early coverage of past administrations". Pew Research Center's Journalism Project. Retrieved March 20, 2024.((cite web)): CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  107. ^ Hassell, Hans J. G.; Holbein, John B.; Miles, Matthew R. (2020). "There is no liberal media bias in which news stories political journalists choose to cover". Science Advances. 6 (14): eaay9344. Bibcode:2020SciA....6.9344H. doi:10.1126/sciadv.aay9344. ISSN 2375-2548. PMC 7112764. PMID 32270038.
  108. ^ Nadler, Anthony M.; Taussig, Doron (April 13, 2022). "Conservatives feel blamed, shamed and ostracized by the media". The Conversation. Retrieved August 25, 2022.
  109. ^ Ingram, Mathew (August 8, 2019). "The myth of social media anti-conservative bias refuses to die". Columbia Journalism Review. Retrieved August 13, 2019.
  110. ^ a b Jonathan M. Ladd, Why Americans Hate the Media and How It Matters, "This leads us to the two most likely sources of the public's increasing antipathy toward the media: tabloid coverage and elite opinion leadership.", p. 126, "... Democratic elite criticism and Republican elite criticism (of the media) can reduce media confidence across a broad spectrum of the public.", p. 127, "... the evidence also indicates that little of the decline (in media trust) can be explained by direct reaction to news bias." p. 125, Princeton University Press, 2012, ISBN 978-0-691-14786-4.
  111. ^ Tiffany, Kaitlyn (April 28, 2022). "Why Hunter Biden's Laptop Will Never Go Away". The Atlantic. Retrieved June 2, 2022.
  112. ^ "Opinion: Hunter Biden laptop confirmation proves Big Tech's bias". Washington Examiner. May 31, 2022. Retrieved June 2, 2022.
  113. ^ Laura Hazard Owen (July 27, 2018). "Twitter's not "shadow banning" Republicans, but get ready to hear that it is". Nieman Lab. Retrieved February 13, 2019.
  114. ^ Grynbaum, Michael M. (June 14, 2017). "Fox News Drops 'Fair and Balanced' Motto". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved August 20, 2019.
  115. ^ a b "Study: Breitbart-led right-wing media ecosystem altered broader media agenda". Columbia Journalism Review. Retrieved August 20, 2019.
  116. ^ a b c d e Benkler, Yochai (2018). Network propaganda : manipulation, disinformation, and radicalization in American politics. New York, NY. ISBN 9780190923624. OCLC 1045162158.((cite book)): CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  117. ^ Wagner, Michael W.; Collins, Timothy P. (November 2, 2014). "Does Ownership Matter?". Journalism Practice. 8 (6): 758–771. doi:10.1080/17512786.2014.882063. ISSN 1751-2786. S2CID 154147566.
  118. ^ Grafton, Carl; Permaloff, Anne (March 1, 2005). "Liberal and conservative dissensus in areas of domestic public policy other than business and economics". Policy Sciences. 38 (1): 45–67. doi:10.1007/s11077-005-1811-x. ISSN 1573-0891. S2CID 153342744.
  119. ^ Heft, Annett; Mayerhöffer, Eva; Reinhardt, Susanne; Knüpfer, Curd (n.d.). "Beyond Breitbart: Comparing Right-Wing Digital News Infrastructures in Six Western Democracies". Policy & Internet. 12 (1): 20–45. doi:10.1002/poi3.219. ISSN 1944-2866. S2CID 203110947.
  120. ^ a b c Faris, Robert; Roberts, Hal; Etling, Bruce; Bourassa, Nikki; Zuckerman, Ethan; Benkler, Yochai (August 1, 2017). "Partisanship, Propaganda, and Disinformation: Online Media and the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election". Berkman Klein Center Research Publication. Rochester, NY. SSRN 3019414.
  121. ^ a b DellaVigna, Stefano; Kaplan, Ethan (August 1, 2007). "The Fox News Effect: Media Bias and Voting". The Quarterly Journal of Economics. 122 (3): 1187–1234. CiteSeerX doi:10.1162/qjec.122.3.1187. ISSN 0033-5533. S2CID 16610755. The conservative Fox News Channel.
  122. ^ a b Martin, Gregory J.; Ali, Yurukoglu (2017). "Bias in Cable News: Persuasion and Polarization" (PDF). American Economic Review. 107 (9): 2565–2599. doi:10.1257/aer.20160812. ISSN 0002-8282. S2CID 152704098.
  123. ^ a b Clinton, Joshua D.; Enamorado, Ted (October 1, 2014). "The National News Media's Effect on Congress: How Fox News Affected Elites in Congress". The Journal of Politics. 76 (4): 928–943. doi:10.1017/S0022381614000425. ISSN 0022-3816. S2CID 31934930.
  124. ^ a b Schroeder, Elizabeth; Stone, Daniel F. (June 1, 2015). "Fox News and political knowledge". Journal of Public Economics. 126: 52–63. doi:10.1016/j.jpubeco.2015.03.009.
  125. ^ Hopkins, Daniel J. (March 11, 2014). "The Consequences of Broader Media Choice: Evidence from the Expansion of Fox News". Quarterly Journal of Political Science. 9 (1): 115–135. doi:10.1561/100.00012099. ISSN 1554-0626.
  126. ^ MOCKAITIS, TOM (2023). "Contemporary America is modeling the worst of Depression-era Germany". The Hill.
  127. ^ Petersen, Alexander Michael; Vincent, Emmanuel M.; Westerling, Anthony LeRoy (August 13, 2019). "Discrepancy in scientific authority and media visibility of climate change scientists and contrarians". Nature Communications. 10 (1): 3502. Bibcode:2019NatCo..10.3502P. doi:10.1038/s41467-019-09959-4. ISSN 2041-1723. PMC 6692310. PMID 31409789.
  128. ^ "Media Creates False Balance on Climate Science, Study Shows | Newsroom". University of California, Merced. Retrieved August 17, 2019.
  129. ^ Labaton, Stephen; Lorne Manly; Elizabeth Jensen (May 2, 2005). "Republican Chairman Exerts Pressure on PBS, Alleging Biases". The New York Times. Retrieved March 28, 2007.
  130. ^ Labaton, Stephen (November 16, 2005). "Broadcast Chief Violated Laws, Inquiry Finds". The New York Times. Retrieved March 28, 2007.
  131. ^ Eggerton, John (November 27, 2005). "Moyers Has His Say". Broadcasting & Cable. Archived from the original on November 12, 2013. Retrieved November 12, 2013.
  132. ^ a b Tim Grieve (October 31, 2003). "Fox News: The inside story". Salon. Archived from the original on August 6, 2011. Retrieved November 12, 2013.
  133. ^ Sullivan, Andrew (December 17, 2010). "The Propaganda Channel". The Atlantic. Retrieved November 12, 2013.
  134. ^ de la Merced, Michael J.; Fandos, Nicholas (May 3, 2017). "Fox's Unfamiliar but Powerful Television Rival: Sinclair". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved August 20, 2019.
  135. ^ Fortin, Jacey; Bromwich, Jonah Engel (April 2, 2018). "Sinclair Made Dozens of Local News Anchors Recite the Same Script". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331.
  136. ^ Fessler, Leah. "John Oliver exposes the Breitbart-like right wing media giant that's taking over your local news". Quartz. Retrieved August 1, 2017.
  137. ^ Nevins, Jake (July 3, 2017). "John Oliver: Sinclair Broadcasting brings 'troubling' rightwing bias to local news". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved August 1, 2017.
  138. ^ "Here's what happened the last time Sinclair bought a big-city station". The Washington Post. Retrieved May 9, 2017.
  139. ^ Ember, Sydney (May 12, 2017). "Sinclair Requires TV Stations to Air Segments That Tilt to the Right". The New York Times. Retrieved May 13, 2017.
  140. ^ Channick, Robert (August 28, 2020). "WGN America to launch 'News Nation' on Tuesday, aiming to transform the house that Bozo built into the next CNN". Chicago Tribune. Retrieved March 16, 2021.
  141. ^ Robertson, Katie (March 7, 2021). "Journalists Rebel at NewsNation, a Newcomer in Cable News". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved March 16, 2021.
  142. ^ Littleton, Cynthia (March 10, 2021). "Nexstar's NewsNation Faces Turmoil, Staff Departures Amid Conservative Bias Concerns". Variety. Retrieved March 16, 2021.
  143. ^ "Column: How the 'propaganda feedback loop' of right-wing media keeps more than a quarter of Americans siloed". Los Angeles Times. November 7, 2018. Retrieved August 17, 2019.
  144. ^ Wanless, Alicia (June 21, 2019). "Computational & Network Propaganda: A Practitioner's Review of Two Books". Journal of Communication. 69 (5): E18–E21. doi:10.1093/joc/jqz020. ISSN 0021-9916.
  145. ^ a b c Pyo, Yeahin. "Network Propaganda: Book review". International Journal of Communication. 13 (2019): 426–462.
  146. ^ a b DeCook, Julia Rose (June 1, 2019). "Book Review: Network Propaganda: Manipulation, Disinformation, and Radicalization in American Politics". Convergence. 25 (3): 568–572. doi:10.1177/1354856519855568. ISSN 1354-8565.
  147. ^ "'Network Propaganda' takes a closer look at media and American politics". The Harvard Gazette. October 25, 2018. Retrieved August 17, 2019.
  148. ^ Toobin, Jeffrey (August 28, 2018). "A New Book Details the Damage Done by the Right-Wing Media in 2016". The New Yorker. ISSN 0028-792X. Retrieved August 17, 2019.
  149. ^ "Pitching Softballs Why are journalists going easy on Bush?", Jeff Cohen, San Jose Mercury News, March 25, 2001
  150. ^ Hart, Peter (June 1, 1998). "Examining the "Liberal Media" Claim". Retrieved June 1, 2013.
  151. ^ Eric Alterman (December 13, 2007). "Eric Alterman – The Book on Bush: How George W. (Mis)Leads America (2004)". Archived from the original on December 13, 2007. Retrieved November 12, 2013.
  152. ^ "The problem for the fact checkers". The Washington Post. Retrieved August 20, 2019.
  153. ^ a b Egelhofer, Jana Laura; Lecheler, Sophie (April 3, 2019). "Fake news as a two-dimensional phenomenon: a framework and research agenda". Annals of the International Communication Association. 43 (2): 97–116. doi:10.1080/23808985.2019.1602782. ISSN 2380-8985.
  154. ^ "Gallup/Knight Poll: Americans' concerns about media bias deepen, even as they see it as vital for democracy". Knight Foundation. Retrieved November 13, 2023.
  155. ^ Tucker, Joshua; Nagler, Jonathan; Guess, Andrew (January 1, 2019). "Less than you think: Prevalence and predictors of fake news dissemination on Facebook". Science Advances. 5 (1): eaau4586. Bibcode:2019SciA....5.4586G. doi:10.1126/sciadv.aau4586. ISSN 2375-2548. PMC 6326755. PMID 30662946.
  156. ^ Borenstein, Seth. "Elderly, conservatives far more likely to have shared fake news on Facebook in 2016: study". Chicago Tribune. Retrieved August 20, 2019.
  157. ^ "Hard right dominates use of fake US news, Oxford study finds". Financial Times. Archived from the original on December 11, 2022. Retrieved August 20, 2019.
  158. ^ "How conservative 'supersharers' drove fake news in the 2016 election". PBS NewsHour. January 24, 2019. Retrieved August 20, 2019.
  159. ^ Acosta, Jim. "How Trump's 'fake news' rhetoric has gotten out of control". CNN. Retrieved August 20, 2019.
  160. ^ Carson, James (November 14, 2017). "Fake news: What exactly is it – and how can you spot it?". The Daily Telegraph. ISSN 0307-1235. Archived from the original on January 12, 2022. Retrieved August 20, 2019.
  161. ^ Coll, Steve (December 3, 2017). "Donald Trump's 'Fake News' Tactics". The New Yorker. ISSN 0028-792X. Retrieved August 20, 2019.
  162. ^ Wendling, Mike (January 22, 2018). "The (almost) complete history of 'fake news'". BBC. Retrieved August 20, 2019.
  163. ^ "How the Far Right Is Rationalizing the Latest Mueller Bombshell". Vanity Fair. Retrieved August 22, 2019.
  164. ^ Cillizza, Chris. "Donald Trump just accidentally revealed something very important about his 'fake news' attacks". CNN. Retrieved August 22, 2019.
  165. ^ "Half of Republicans say the news media should be described as the enemy of the American people". The Washington Post. April 26, 2018. Retrieved February 13, 2020.
  166. ^ Marvin Kalb, Enemy of the People: Trump's War on the Press. the new McCarthyism, and the Threat to American Democracy, The Brookings Institution Press, 2018, ASIN: B0797ZLRTT
  167. ^ Hunt, Albert R. (December 30, 2018). "No, Mr. Trump, the Press Is Only the Enemy of Lies". Bloomberg News. Retrieved August 22, 2019.
  168. ^ Graham-Harrison, Emma (August 3, 2018). "'Enemy of the people': Trump's phrase and its echoes of totalitarianism". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved August 22, 2019.
  169. ^ "Opinion: Calling The Press The Enemy Of The People Is A Menacing Move". NPR. Retrieved August 22, 2019.
  170. ^ Reiss, Jaclyn (August 16, 2018) "US Senate unanimously passes resolution affirming the press 'is not the enemy of the people'" The Boston Globe
  171. ^ 2018 Congressional Record, Vol. 164, Page S5681 (August 16, 2018)
  172. ^ Watts, M. D., Domke, D., Shah, D. V., Fan, D. P. (1999). Elite cues and media bias in presidential campaigns: Explaining public perceptions of a liberal press Archived June 11, 2010, at the Wayback Machine. Communication Research, 26
  173. ^ a b Buchanan, Patrick J. (February 14, 2005). "Richard Nixon's Revenge". The American Conservative. Retrieved March 28, 2007.
  174. ^ Robert Dallek, Lyndon B. Johnson: Portrait of a President, Oxford University Press, 2005, ISBN 978-0-19-515921-9, "... the terrible problems he had had with the media, newspapers, and television ..." p. 358.
  175. ^ Stephen Ansolabehere. "The Political Orientation of Newspaper Endorsements in U.S. Elections, 1940–2002". Archived from the original on September 1, 2006. Retrieved November 12, 2013.
  176. ^ Puglisi, Riccardo (September 27, 2004). "Being the New York Times: The Political Behaviour of a Newspaper". SSRN 573801.
  177. ^ Lott, John R. and Hassett, Kevin A. (October 19, 2004) Is Newspaper Coverage of Economic Events Politically Biased? SSRN 588453
  178. ^ "USA Today Squeezes Edwards Out of Race — FAIR: Fairness & Accuracy In Reporting". February 22, 1999. Retrieved November 12, 2013.
  179. ^ "Fairness & Accuracy In Reporting (FAIR): USA Today Squeezes Edwards Out of Race". December 21, 2007. Archived from the original on August 11, 2014. Retrieved November 12, 2013.
  180. ^ d'Alessio, Dave; Allen, Mike (2000). "Media Bias in Presidential Elections: A Meta-Analysis". Journal of Communication. 50 (4): 133–156. doi:10.1111/j.1460-2466.2000.tb02866.x.
  181. ^ a b c d Larry Sabato & Howard R. Ernst (2007) [2006]. Encyclopedia of American Political Parties and Elections. Facts On File. p. 90. ISBN 978-0816058754. ISBN 9780816058754 (2006 version).
  182. ^ "Tone of Coverage for Gore and Bush". Pew Research Center's Project for Excellence in Journalism. October 31, 2000. Archived from the original on September 10, 2013. Retrieved May 17, 2010.
  183. ^ [dead link]
  184. ^ a b c "Serial Exaggerators: Media's double standard on political lying". Archived from the original on April 14, 2012.
  185. ^ a b ""He's No Pinocchio" by Robert Parry". Washington Monthly. Archived from the original on May 10, 2000. Retrieved November 12, 2013.
  186. ^ a b c Rolling Stone, Eric Boehlert, December 6, 2001, "The Press v. Al Gore"
  187. ^ a b c d e Steinberg, Jacques (April 18, 2008). "Who Lost the Debate? Moderators, Many Say". The New York Times. Retrieved April 18, 2008.
  188. ^ a b c d Kurtz, Howard (April 18, 2008). "The Backlash Against ABC". The Washington Post. Retrieved April 18, 2008.
  189. ^ Elizabeth Edwards (April 28, 2008). "Op-ed: Bowling 1, Health Care 0". The New York Times.
  190. ^ Jong, Erica (May 5, 2008). "Inspiration Versus Degradation". HuffPost.
  191. ^ "Public Says Media Harder on Clinton Than Obama, McCain". May 29, 2008. Retrieved July 17, 2011.
  192. ^ "Research & Publications – Joan Shorenstein Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on July 7, 2012. Retrieved November 12, 2013.
  193. ^ "Zogby Poll: Voters Believe Media Bias is Very Real". Zogby International. March 14, 2007. Retrieved March 28, 2007.
  194. ^ Deborah Howell, "Obama's Edge in the Coverage Race," The Washington Post, August 17, 2008 (access August 18, 2008)
  195. ^ Carney, Brian M "What Sarah Knows" The Wall Street Journal, September 7, 2008 (access September 7, 2008)
  196. ^ Howard Kurtz, "Media Notes," The Washington Post, October 6, 2008 (accessed October 6, 2008)
  197. ^ a b Deborah Howell, "An Obama Tilt in Campaign Coverage," The Washington Post, November 9, 2008; Page B06
  198. ^ "WINNING THE MEDIA CAMPAIGN: How the Press Reported the 2008 Presidential General Election," Project for Excellence in Journalism, Pew Research Center, October 22, 2008 (pdf version Archived November 9, 2008, at the Wayback Machine)
  199. ^ Michael Calderone, "Study: McCain coverage mostly negative," Politico, October 22, 2008
  200. ^ Hudson, American Democracy in Peril: Eight Challenges to America's Future (Washington, D.C., CQ Press, 2004)
  201. ^ Hudson, pp. 195–96
  202. ^ a b c John Sides; Michael Tesler; Lynn Vavreck (2018). Identity Crisis. Princeton University Press. pp. 8, 62, 99, 104–107. ISBN 978-0-691-17419-8. Archived from the original on November 14, 2019. Retrieved December 8, 2019.
  203. ^ a b Thomas E. Patterson (June 13, 2016), Pre-Primary News Coverage of the 2016 Presidential Race: Trump's Rise, Sanders' Emergence, Clinton's Struggle, archived from the original on November 27, 2019, retrieved December 1, 2019
  204. ^ Bitecofer, Rachel (2018). The Unprecedented 2016 Presidential Election. Palgrave. pp. 36–38, 48. doi:10.1007/978-3-319-61976-7. ISBN 978-3-319-61975-0.
  205. ^ Thomas E. Patterson (July 11, 2016), News Coverage of the 2016 Presidential Primaries: Horse Race Reporting Has Consequences, retrieved January 3, 2020, Over the course of the primary season, Sanders received only two-thirds of the coverage afforded Clinton. Sanders' coverage trailed Clinton's in every week of the primary season.
  206. ^ Colleen Elizabeth Kelly (February 19, 2018), A Rhetoric of Divisive Partisanship: The 2016 American Presidential Campaign Discourse of Bernie Sanders and Donald Trump, Lanham, Maryland: Lexington Books, pp. 6–7, ISBN 978-1-4985-6458-8
  207. ^ "Don't blame the election on fake news. Blame it on the media". Columbia Journalism Review. Retrieved December 7, 2017.
  208. ^ "News Coverage of the 2016 National Conventions: Negative News, Lacking Context". Shorenstein Center. September 21, 2016. Retrieved December 7, 2017.
  209. ^ "Partisanship, Propaganda, and Disinformation: Online Media and the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election | Berkman Klein Center". Retrieved December 7, 2017.
  210. ^ Vicki O'Hara, quoting columnist William Pfaff, Reaction to the Greater Middle East Initiative, NPR/Morning Edition, March 23, 2004
  211. ^ "Fairness & Accuracy In Reporting — The national media watch group". FAIR. Retrieved November 12, 2013.
  212. ^ "Marda Dunsky (biographical details)". January 27, 2009. Archived from the original on November 12, 2013. Retrieved November 12, 2013.
  213. ^ Cavari, Amnon (Spring 2017). "Foreign News on US Media: A Longitudinal Analysis of News Coverage of Israel". Israel Studies. 22 (1): 499–515. doi:10.2979/israelstudies.22.1.02. JSTOR 10.2979/israelstudies.22.1.02. Retrieved April 15, 2024 – via JSTOR. Not all countries receive equal attention by the America media-often a country becomes newsworthy when their activities affect Americans or US interests. Considerations of historical-cultural heritage, international diplomacy, and national military and government politics often determine international news coverage.
  214. ^ Halton, Dan (Summer 2001). "International News in the North American Media". International Journal. 56 (3): 495–515. doi:10.2307/40203580. JSTOR 40203580. Retrieved April 15, 2024 – via JSTOR.
  215. ^ Chittum, Ryan (November 8, 2013). "The Other War: A Debate". Columbia Journalism Review. Archived from the original on November 20, 2008. Retrieved November 12, 2013.
  216. ^ Stephen Zunes, The Israel Lobby: How Powerful is it Really?, Foreign Policy in Focus, May 16, 2006, from Internet Archive, accessed 23 July 2010.
  217. ^ Mearsheimer and Walt (2007), p170, The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy, Farrar, Straus and Giroux, New York, 496 pages, ISBN 0-374-53150-1
  218. ^ Mearsheimer and Walt (2007), p170-1
  219. ^ Mearsheimer, John J.; Walt, Stephen M. (September 4, 2007). The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy – John J. Mearsheimer, Stephen M. Walt – Google Books. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. ISBN 9781429932820. Retrieved November 12, 2013.
  220. ^ Michael Massing, The Israel Lobby, The Nation, June 10, 2002, accessed August 27, 2006.
  221. ^ Rachel Donadio, For U.S. Jews, the Media Is the (Biased) Message, The Forward, April 26, 2002, accessed via August 27, 2006
  222. ^ Mark Jurkowitz, Blaming the Messenger Archived February 13, 2009, at the Wayback Machine, Boston Globe Magazine February 9, 2003: 10, History News Network (George Mason University) April 24, 2006.
  223. ^ Steve Rendall & Tara Broughel (2003). "Amplifying Officials, Squelching Dissent". Extra!.
  224. ^ Whiten, Jon (February 2004). "If News From Iraq Is Bad, It's Coming From U.S. Officials". Retrieved March 28, 2007.
  225. ^ Quoted in Silverstein, Ken (May 8, 2007). "The Question of Balance: Revisiting the Missouri Election Scandal of 2004". Harper's Magazine. ISSN 0017-789X. Retrieved August 26, 2011.
  226. ^ Silverstein, Ken, "Turkmeniscam: How Washington Lobbyists Fought to Flack for a Stalinist Dictatorship," 2008.
  227. ^ a b "Misperceptions, the Media and the Iraq War". World Public Opinion. October 2, 2003. Archived from the original on May 27, 2010. Retrieved August 10, 2010.
  228. ^ "Sen. Coons, colleagues, raise concerns over potential threat of Chinese attempts to undermine U.S. democracy". Public Domain This article incorporates text from this source, which is in the public domain.
  229. ^ Bachman, Jeff; Ruiz, Esther Brito (August 3, 2023). "Headlines and Front Lines: How US News Coverage of Wars in Yemen and Ukraine Reveals Bias in Recording Civilian Harm". American University. Retrieved March 11, 2024.
  230. ^ Kim, K. The Hostile Media Phenomenon: Testing the Effect of News Framing on Perceptions of Media Bias, Communication Research Reports, 2019, 36(1), 35–44
  231. ^ "United States – Annual report 2006". Reporters Without Borders. Archived from the original on September 30, 2007. Retrieved March 28, 2007.
  232. ^ "North Korea, Turkmenistan, Eritrea the worst violators of press freedom". Reporters Without Borders. 2006. Archived from the original on March 6, 2009. Retrieved March 28, 2007.
  233. ^ World Press Freedom Index 2009 Archived January 28, 2012, at the Wayback Machine, Reporters Without Borders
  234. ^ World Press Freedom Index 2010 Archived November 24, 2010, at the Wayback Machine, Reporters Without Borders
  235. ^ World Press Freedom Index 2018, Reporters Without Borders
  236. ^ World Press Freedom Index 2017, Reporters Without Borders
  237. ^ World Press Freedom Index 2016, Reporters Without Borders
  238. ^ World Press Freedom Index 2015, Reporters Without Borders
  239. ^ World Press Freedom Index 2014 Archived February 14, 2014, at the Wayback Machine, Reporters Without Borders
  240. ^ World Press Freedom Index 2013 Archived February 15, 2013, at the Wayback Machine, Reporters Without Borders
  241. ^ "Where News Audiences Fit on the Political Spectrum". Pew Research Center. October 21, 2014. Retrieved December 17, 2019.
  242. ^ Mitchell, Amy; Gottfried, Jeffrey; Kiley, Jocelyn; Matsa, Katerina Eva (October 21, 2014). "Political Polarization & Media Habits". Pew Research Center. Retrieved December 17, 2019.
  243. ^ Sheridan, Jake (May 18, 2021). "Should you trust media bias charts?". Poynter.
  244. ^ Evangelista, Benny (August 26, 2012). "AllSides compiles varied political views". SF Gate.
  245. ^ "About Us". Archived from the original on June 17, 2009. Retrieved November 12, 2013.