Mirza Ali Aqa Tabrizi | |
|---|---|
ثقة الاسلام میرزا علی آقا تبریزی | |
 Jurist | |
| Title | Thiqa tul-Islam |
| Personal | |
| Born | January 19, 1861 |
| Died | December 31, 1911 (aged 50) Tabriz, Iran |
| Resting place | Mausoleum of Poets |
| Religion | Islam |
| Nationality | Iranian |
| Parent | Haj Mirza Sahfie Sadr (father) |
| Jurisprudence | Twelver Shia Islam |
Mirza Ali-Aqa Tabrizi, (Persian: میرزا علی آقا تبریزی) known as Thiqat-ul-Islam Tabrizi (Persian: ثقة الاسلام تبریزی; January 19, 1861 - December 31, 1911) was an Iranian nationalist who lived in Tabriz, Iran, during the Iranian Constitutional Revolution and was a reformist Shia cleric. He was hanged by Russian troops with 12 other Iranians in Bagh-e Shomal at the age of 50 during Russian Invasion of Tabriz, 1911. He is buried in Mausoleum of Poets, Tabriz.
He was born in Tabriz in 1861. His father Haj Mirza Sahfie Sadr, Thiqa tul-Islam of Tabriz, was a dominant figure in the Tobacco Protest. Ali Aqa studied in Tabriz, Najaf, and Karbala. After the death of his father he was given the title of Thiqa tul-Islam by the king Mozaffar ad-Din Shah Qajar.
He was one of the influential intellectuals among the people of Tabriz. During the first democratic revolution of Asia, the Constitutional Revolution of Iran, one major concern of Akhund Khurasani and other pro-democracy Marja's was to familiarize the public with the idea of a democratic nation-state (Persian: اتحاد دولت و ملت) and modern constitution.[1][2] The enlightened Thiqa tul-islam from Tabriz, wrote a treatise “Lalan”(Persian: لالان).[3] In his essays, Thiqat al-Islam Tabrizi mentions his sermons that he was delivering in Tabriz to explain the core concepts of democracy, that helped the junior clerics increase their knowledge about modern statehood and plan their speeches.[4]
Thiqat-ul-Islam showed unwavering support for modern knowledge and technology, and saw it necessary means to avoid colonial takeover of Iran. He said:
is it not necessary to acquire the same material and moral weapons as the adversary, as recommended by this noble verse: 'Make ready for them all you can of force and horse tethered'? For the moment, these are what give rise to the dominance and the influence of the adversary. Is it not necessary for schools to be built? In accordance with this verse: 'Be hostile to anyone who is hostile towards you, in the measure in which he is hostile to you', we must acquire wealth, the technologies necessary for daily life, political science and knowledge. These are what will allow us to no longer be dependent on foreigners, and this dependence is the primary means by which infidels dominate the land of Islam. Therefore, we must fight them using the same methods that they have used against us.[5]
Thiqa tul-Islam saw democratic freedom and liberty as God's special gift. He said:
this freedom is like that which the benevolent creator offered to the sons of Israel to free them from Pharaoh.[6]
He saw freedom of press and of personal expression as the instruments for obeying the Quranic command of enjoining the good and forbidding the evil.[7]
When Fazlullah Nouri tried to get a veto power for his Tehran based mullah-comrades under the banner of Jurist Council, Mirza Ali Aqa opposed the idea saying that only the opinion of the sources of emulation is worthy of consideration in the matters of faith.[8] He wrote:
He who wins his own soul, protects his religion, is against following his desires and is obedient to the command of his Master; that is the person whom the people should take as their model.[3]
And
Let us consider the idea that the constitution is against Sharia law: all oppositions of this kind are in vain because the hujjaj al-islam of the atabat, who are today the models (marja') and the refuge (malija) of all Shiites, have issued clear fatwas that uphold the necessity of the Constitution. Aside from their words, they have also shown this by their actions. They see in Constitution the support for splendour of Islam.[3]
He firmly opposed the idea of a supervisory committee of Tehran's clerics censoring the conduct of the parliament, and said that:
this delicate subject shall be submitted to the atabat, . . . we don't have the right to entrust government to a group of four or five mullahs from Tehran.[3]
During the period of “Lesser Despotism”, he played a key role in bringing the people of Tabriz together in support of democracy and tried to minimize bloodshed. Akhund Khurasani wrote a personal letter of support to him, praising his efforts to preserve religious values, educating the public about core national interests, bringing the people and the leadership closer and opposing foreign exploitation.[9]
He was the first one to use the term Ayatullah for the sources of emulation in Najaf.[3]
After the conclusion of the Tabriz Siege by Russian forces a conflict between the Russian forces and the revolutionaries broke out on December 21, 1911. The Russians insisted that he should sign a letter confirming the responsibility of revolutionaries in starting the conflict. He refused, and Russians hanged him with twelve others on the day of Ashura, December 31, 1911. The Russians continued to kill the constitutional revolutionaries of Tabriz and their relatives en masse and many civilians of Tabriz as well. The total number of executions is estimated to have been about 1,200.[10]
The original photography of his hanging is currently shown in Azerbaijan Museum.
His life was depicted in the TV-series Seghatolislam by Hojjat Ghasem-Zadeh-Asl, produced by Sahar TV (also see the fr:Sahar TV French page).
