The Great People's Assembly of the Serb People in Montenegro (Serbian: Велика народна скупштина српског народа у Црној Гори, romanized: Velika narodna skupština srpskog naroda u Crnoj Gori), commonly known as the Podgorica Assembly (Подгоричка скупштина, Podgorička skupština), was an ad hoc popular assembly convened in November 1918, after the end of World War I in the Kingdom of Montenegro. The assembly was organized by a committee supported by and coordinating with the government of the Kingdom of Serbia. The committee convened the assembly with the aim of facilitating an unconditional union of Montenegro and Serbia and removing king Nikola I of Montenegro from the throne. The unification preceded establishment of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes as a unified state of South Slavs by mere days. The unification was justified by the need to establish a single Serbian state for all Serbs, including Montenegro whose population as well as its king felt that it belonged to the Serbian nation and largely supported the unification.
The manner in which the Podgorica Assembly was elected and in which it made its resolutions on unification and removal of king Nikola from the throne were criticised as unlawful and illegitimate by the king, his government-in-exile situated in France at the time, and opponents of the unconditional union in the country known as the Greens. The Greens, earning that moniker after the colour of paper used to print Podgorica Assembly candidate lists containing pro-independist candidates, supported either full independence of Montenegro or a federation or a confederation with Serbia and other South Slavs where Montenegro would be an equal partner.
Following the resolutions on the unification and deposing of the king, the Greens resorted to insurrection to fight pro-unionist Whites (likewise named after the colour of the paper used to print Podgorica Assembly pro-unionist candidate lists. The ultimately unsuccessful insurrection became known as the Christmas Uprising. Some of the Greens continued political struggle for a federal common South Slavic state through establishment of the Montenegrin Federalist Party in 1923. The issue of legality and legitimity of the Podgorica Assembly has been debated since its convening. The resolution of the Podgorica Assembly was annulled by the Parliament of Montenegro following the breakup of Yugoslavia and 2006 Montenegrin independence referendum. In its resolution, the parliament declared the Podgorica Assembly unlawful and illegitimate. It described the unification resulting from the Podgorica Assembly as a coup d'état.
The Kingdom of Montenegro was an independent country in the Balkans until the World War I. It was ruled by the king Nikola who wielded practically absolutist powers.[1] King Nicholas thought of Montenegro as the remnant of the medieval Serbian Empire left unconquered following expansion of the Ottoman Empire in Europe. He believed the Montenegrins were free Serbian people who would eventually defeat the Ottomans in the context of resolution of the Eastern question and revive the Serbian medieval empire in the Balkans with him as the supreme leader of the South Slavs inhabiting the area. The king firmly believed that Montenegro and the Kingdom of Serbia should unite,[2] and a slim majority of the country population shared that view.[3] The prevailing view in the country was that Montenegro should lead the unification. Contemporary writers Simo Matavulj and Marko Car likened Montenegro's role in the South Slavic unification to the leading role of Piedmont in the Unification of Italy.[2] King Nikola's support to the unification was tempered by his desire to ensure continued rule of his Petrović-Njegoš dynasty and the desire to expand Montenegro before any unification. The latter was meant as the means to ensure a better negotiating position for Montenegro—as an equal partner to territorially significantly larger Serbia.[4]
Following the Assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand and subsequent July Crisis and the Austro-Hungarian declaration of war against Serbia, there was widespread popular support for Serbia in Montenegro. Prompted by this, Montenegro concluded a military treaty with Serbia on 4 August 1914, two days before Montenegro declared war on Austria-Hungary. Provisions of the treaty placed the Montenegrin Army under the command of the Royal Serbian Army's High Command with king Nikola remaining its supreme commander in name only. The treaty required two-thirds of the Montenegrin forces to deploy to Pljevlja in the north of the country, earmarked to support a Serbian offensive aimed at capture of Sarajevo, while the rest were to remain in the country and defend its borders. Furthermore, Serbia was to receive and distribute aid received from allied Entente powers.[5] Serbia stated its war aims in the Niš Declaration, expressing the need for post-war unification of the Serbs, the Croats and the Slovenes, marginalising Montenegro in the proposed state building process.[6] Montenegro unsuccessfully tried to obtain support of the Russian Empire for its desired expansion along the Adriatic Sea and its hinterland between the Mat and Neretva rivers, to Herzegovina, southern Dalmatia and the city of Shkodër in 1915.[7] The Entente pressured Montenegro to abandon efforts to define any war aims separate from those of Serbia.[6]
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Main article: Montenegrin campaign |
From the start of the war, Montenegro was suffering from shortages of equipment and food.[8] The first conflict of interests between Montenegro and Serbia in the war ccame in June 1915 when king Nikola ordered the army to capture Shkodër. While Serbian government was displeased with the move, it chose not to confront king Nikola as the move might increase Montenegrin population's support for the king. After Serbia's military defeat in the 1915 Serbian campaign, the Royal Serbian Army lost significant part of its strength, becoming comparable in size to the Montenegrin forces. In order to prevent the Montenegrin allies from becoming senior Entente-allied fighting force in the area, Serbia sought to similarly weaken the Montenegrin army. For this purpose, the Royal Serbian Army's High Command ordered the bulk of the Montenegrin forces move to the north of Montenegro, concentrating around the Sandžak region. That left the southern border at the Lovćen Mountain, between the Austro-Hungarian Bay of Kotor and the Montenegrin capital, thinly defended.[9]
In November–December 1915, while the Montenegrin forces protected the Royal Serbian Army during its Great Retreat from Serbia through Montenegro and Albania to Greece, the Austro-Hungarian forces advanced across Lovćen in the Montenegrin campaign. In late December, the king, government and members of parliament, representatives of the Serbian High Command and foreign embassies were evacuated from the nation's capital of Cetinje to Podgorica, expecting the city to be lost quickly.[8] The king and most of the government left the country on 19 January.[10] Acting against king's instructions, the government ministers who remained in the country declared themselves the new government and surrendered to Austria-Hungary. Subsequently, they blamed the surrender on the king's departure.[11] Accusations over the surrender were traded by members of the government-in-exile and the king as well. Prime minister Lazar Mijušković resigned his post after one such clash, voicing support for union with Serbia over preservation of Montenegrin independence. The king appointed Andrija Radović to fill the position.[12]
Throughout the war, most Entente powers did not trust Montenegro as an ally completely because of persistent rumours of covert diplomatic arrangements.[13] The rumours were encouraged by Serbia, including by use of a forged agreement alleged to have been concluded by Montenegro and Austria-Hungary.[14] Instead of confronting king Nikola for fear that might push Montenegro to the opposing camp, the Central Powers, they chose to work to channel their support through Serbia.[13] The Kingdom of Italy, even though it belonged to the Entente, supported Montenegrin independence. Italy saw the prospective unified South Slavic state as a threat to its interests in the Balkans and the Adriatic and used the so-called Montenegrin question as a way to extract concessions from Serbia.[15] The United States did not proactively engage in the issue of Montenegrin independence before 1919 and the Paris Peace Conference.[16] Failing to obtain international support for restoraton of Montenegro's independence, king Nikola shifted approach to Yugoslavism by 1918. He first advocated a Yugoslav federation and then a confederation as the common South Slavic state with Montenegro as one of its constitutive elements.[17] In an interview in the final days of the war, the king expressed his hope that US President Woodrow Wilson would ensure independent Montenegrin political future.[18]
In August 1916, Radović drafted a memorandum to the king on proposed unification of Montenegro and Serbia, arguing that independent Montenegro cannot continue to exist after victory of the Entente.[19] Radović proposed the king a plan whereby he would renounce his throne in favour of Prince Regent Aleksandar of Serbia who would be in turn succeeded by Nikola's son, Danilo, Crown Prince of Montenegro. The plan envisaged alternation of rulers from Serbian and Montenegrin royal dynasties at the throne of the proposed union state. King Nikola hesitated at first before receiving encouragement by Italy (whose king Victor Emmanuel III was his son-in-law) to decline the offer.[20]
The king finally refused to endorse the memorandum in January 1917 and Radović resigned his position. He then became the most vocal proponent of the unification. Radović announced his intention to do everything he could to turn Montenegrins against king Nikola to Serbia's ambassador to Paris Milenko Radomar Vesnić. Subsequently, Radović established the Montenegrin Committee for Unification in cooperation with Serbia. Its inaugural proclamation was sent for approval to Serbia's prime minister Nikola Pašić who instructed Radović to omit any reference to Yugoslavia as the new state and suggested use of the term "other Serbian lands" in its place.[19] The committee initially consisted of former government ministers Pero Vučković, Danilo Gatalo, and Janko Spasojević, and district court member Miloš Ivanović.[21]
In September 1918, the Entente powers commenced their advance north at the Salonica front gradually pushing the Central Powers north and recapturing the territory of the occupied Kingdom of Serbia from them. On insistence of General Louis Franchet d'Espèrey the Royal Serbian Army was placed on the western flank of the advance once Skopje was reached. The move was designed to allow the force to reach Montenegro before supporters of king Nikola or Italian forces.[22] The latter were seen as a threat by Serbia because Italy demanded the Entente to establish an Italian condominium in Montenegro excluing Serbian presence.[23]
The Royal Serbian Army contigent tasked Colonel Dragutin Milutinović with taking control of Montenegro. Milutinović's force became known as the Scutari Troops (Skadarske Trupe, named after the city of Shkodër) and later renamed the Adriatic Troops (Jadranske Trupe).[22] The Adriatic Troops were drawn from the Yugoslav Division (consisting of soldiers from Austro-Hungarian lands) and Serbian paramilitaries from Kosovo region led by Kosta Pećanac.[24] Milutinović received instructions from Prince Regent Aleksandar to prevent return of king Nikola to Montenegro by all means. Milutinović was accompanied by Spasojević as a Montenegrin Committee member and Svetozar Tomić as the head of the Montenegrin section of the Serbian Foreign Ministry. The two set up the Central Executive Committee for the Unification of Serbia and Montenegro in Berane on 28 October. The committee consisting of the two of them plus Spasojević and Berane mayor Milosav Raičević was tasked with setting up a popular assembly and the rules for election of assembly delegates.[22]
In the second half of October, while the Adriatic Troops were in Berane, Montenegrin insurgents (komite) led by Jovan Radović gained control of much of the countryside. The Adriatic Troops advanced to Podgorica, defeating an Austro-Hungarian force on the city outskirts on 30–31 October. Two days later, Radović's insurgents captured Nikšić. Austro-Hungarian forces abandoned the Montenegrin capital and left the country on 4 November, two days before the Adriatic Troops reached Cetinje. After securing Cetinje, they proceeded to Nikšić, Kolašin, and Bar. Tense atmosphere at political rallies promoting unification prompted Milutinović to request reinforcements to pacify Montenegro during the election.[25] Milutinović ordered disbanding of the insurgents on 12 November.[26]
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Legality and legitimacy of the election rules written by Tomić and the election have been the central issue of debate between unionists and independentists in Montenegro. The latter deem the rules unlawful because they were not written by any Montenegrin legislative body and because they were incompatible with existing laws and Constitution of Montenegro. They also deemed them illegitimate because they allowed only few days for preparation, provided no oversight of voter registers or election results, and required no minimum voter turnout. The unionists viewed the process and the popular assembly as a form of plebiscite legitimizing the new assembly.[27] At the time, the move was justified by the fact that two-fifths of pre-war parliamentarians were refugees abroad.[28] Critics complained that the ad hoc institute of the great national assembly as a form of a popular assembly was taken over from Article 129 of the 1903 Constitution of Serbia.[29] Montenegrin ambassador to the United States Anto Gvozdenović complained at the Paris Peace Conference that the election rules did not ensure proportional representation of population.[30]
The election rules adopted in Berane on 7 November 1918 called for the election of the popular assembly and prescribed that the elected delegates to the assembly would meet in Podgorica a week later to decide on constitutional and legal status of Montenegro and appoint an executive body to implement decisions adopted by the assembly. The rules required the delegates to have no criminal record and be over the age of 25. The election was to be carried out by selecting a slate of electors in each province (also called captaincy, kapetanija), municipality (srez) and town. Each slate of electors would then elect a predefined number of assembly delegates. Towns larger than five thousand inhabitants elected twice as many electors and delegates as the smaller towns.[31] In total, 165 delegates were to be elected.[32] Podgorica was selected as the venue of the assembly because the committee members considered the capital Cetinje the stronghold of king Nikola loyalists which they could not control.[33]
| Number of Podgorica Assembly electors and delegates per constituency type[31] | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| Constituency type | Electors | Delegates | Notes |
| Province | 10 | 2 | Located in pre-First Balkan War territory |
| Municipality | 15 | 3 | Located in territories won in the First Balkan War |
| Towns over 5000 inhabitants | 10 | 2 | Cetinje, Đakovica, Peć, Pljevlja, Podgorica |
| Towns under 5000 inhabitants | 10 | 1 | Bar, Berane, Bijelo Polje, Kolašin, Ulcinj |
The election saw two camps. Unionists supported unconditional and immediate union with Serbia, while the opposing camp, the independents, were against the manner in which the union was proposed. They proposed establishment of a union where Montenegro was an equal partner, i.e. a constitutive element of the union state rather than a province of Serbia. The unionists' call to the unconditional unifiacation was presented as a test of patriotism and morality required to fulfill ancient state-building objectives.[34] The unionists were financially supported by Serbia.[35] Candidate lists were visually distinguished by having them printed on diffeent types of paper, white for the unionists and green for the independists. This led to adoption of monikers: the Whites (bjelaši) and the Greens (zelenaši) respectively.[29] This division built upon existing division in the political spectrum of Montenegron gathered around the People's Party (nicknamed the klubaši) and the True People's Party (nicknamed the pravaši) respectively. Each group enjoyed various degrees of support in different parts of the country. Urban population predominantly supported the Whites, except in Cetinje. The Whites also had greater support than the Greens among the people with higher education, youth, craftsmen, tradesmen, and administration staff.[36]
The election was held on 19 November and the result was a large majority for the Whites in the newly elected assembly.[36] There were complaints that the Royal Serbian Army was preventing supporters of independence from returning from abroad and thereby interfering with the election process.[27] Similarly, the French prevented king Nikola from returning to Montenegro from his exile in Neuilly-sur-Seine.[23] Voting did not take place in the town of Ulcinj, nearby village of Vladimir, and the regions of Skadarska Krajina and Mrkojevići.[37]
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The Great People's Assembly convened in the hall of the Tobacco Monopoly in Podgorica on 24 November 1918. The body first elected Savo Cerović and Lazar Damjanović its president and vice-president. The following day, the assembly appointed a twenty-strong committee and tasked it with preparation of a draft resolution for the assembly to discuss and adopt even though a draft of the resolution was already prepared by Tomić and distributed to the delegates. At the same time, the assembly formulated the unification of Montenegro and Serbia as its main objective.[38]
On 26 November, the assembly moved to read the porposed resolution despite individual complaints about lack of debate about the resolution. The draft was read aloud with occasional cheering and singing of the national anthem of Serbia. The text of the resolution consisted of four points. In the first point, it stated that king Nikola and Petrović-Njegoš dynasty are removed from the Montenegrin throne. The second point of the resolution specifie that Montenegro and Serbia are to be united under the Serbia's ruling Karađorđević dynasty. It also specified that thus united state will join the common state of "three-named people" (Serbs, Croats and Slovenes). The third point of the resolution called for election of a five-strong executive committee to coordinate the unification work. The final point of the resolution foresaw sending notices of the resolution to the former king, the Serbian government, as well as allied and neutral countries.[39] The decision was adopted unanimously, with three delegates being absent from the vote.[36]
In four further sessions held by 29 November, the assembly appointed Damjanović along with vojvoda Stevo Vukotić (brother of queen consort Milena), Marko Daković, Spasoje Piletić, and Risto Jojić as the executive committee members, debated the committee's tasks and appointed a fifteen-strong delegation led by bishop Gavrilo Dožić and tasked with travelling to Belgrade and presenting the resolution to Prince Regent Aleksandar. There was also a discussion on the fate of property of the king and the Montenegrin Orthodox Church,[39] which was confiscated in the immediate aftermath of the assembly meetings.[40] Finally the assembly decided to confiscate king's property and prohibit his family from returning to Montenegro. The assembly met once again on 29 April 1919 in Podgorica to dismiss the executive committee and transfer its powers to Ivo Pavićević as the Serbian administrator for Montenegro.[39]
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See also: Creation of Yugoslavia |
The unification of Serbia and Montenegro performed on te basis of the assembly's resolution strengthened political position of Serbia shortly before proclamation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (later renamed Yugoslavia) on 1 December 1918. The method of operation of the assembly was later criticised by some unionists as too heavy-handed.[41] A month later, king Nikola expressed wish that Montenegro may preserve its autonomy and customs in the new state, reiterating his call for a Yugoslav confederation.[42] The Montenegrin government-in-exile rejected the assembly resolutions arguing that the resolutions were unlawful and the body itself illegitimate. At first, the Entente powers generally ignored the passing of the resolutions tacitly allowing Serbia to secure the new status quo.[43]
The fate of Montenegro was discussed at the Paris Peace Conference where the government-in-exile and king Nikola did not participate in decision-making.[43] The conference only invited a representative of the government-in-exile to present the government position to the conference,[30] at the insistencce of king Nikola. This was because, even though Montenegro was formally given a chair at the conference, it remained empty because there was no agreement on selection of its representative. Namely, Montenegrin government-in-exile proposals were rejected by Serbia supported by France.[44] In early 1919, Montenegro was divided into the French, British, Italian, US, and Serbian occupation zones, but by the middle of the year, entire Montenegro was left under control of the Serbian forces, renamed the Yugoslav Occupational Forces in Montenegro.[40] France severed diplomatic relations with Montenegro on 20 December 1920 following the Constitutional Assembly election in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. The United Kingdom and the United States did the same in January 1921 and thus Montenegro ceased to exist in international affairs.[44]
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Main article: Christmas Uprising |
A portion of Montenegro's population was dissatisfied with the political developments in the aftermath of the Podgorica Assembly sufficiently to start an insurrection in January 1919. The ultimately unsuccessful rebellion, set off by the Greens, became known as the Christmas Uprising. It was led by Krsto Popović and Jovan Plamenac. At the time, it was estimated by the British Military Mission to Montenegro that about one-fifth of the population supported the rebels.[45] Historian Ivo Banac assessed that the Greens enjoyed support of a larger proportion of the population, but were comparably poorly organised, irresolute, and politically divided.[46] While some fought for full independence and return of king Nikola to the country, others were supportive of a union with Serbia, objecting only to the inequal status of Montenegro in such union.[47] Contemporary Western media reported heavy fighting.[48] The Entente occupation troops in Montenegro acted in pursuit of individual national interests and policies. The French gave Serbia free hand, while Italian troops supported the rebels.[49] Namely, Italy supported the Montenegrin government-in-exile while it negotiated with borders with the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes within the framework of resolution of the Adriatic question. As soon as the issue was settled by the 1920 Treaty of Rapallo, Italy agreed to withdraw its support.[50] In 1923, some of the Greens established the Montenegrin Federalist Party led by Sekula Drljević switching to political struggle, and advocating Montenegrin statehood within the proposed Yugoslav federation.[51]
Following the collapse of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in the World War II and subsequent establishment of the Communist-ruled federal Yugoslavia in 1945, People's Republic of Montenegro was established as one of its constituent elements. According to a decision of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, all citizens of the People's Republic of Montenegro were to be recorded by censuses as Montenegrins even though most of the population thought of themselves as both Montenegrins and Serbs. The decision resulted in accusations against Montenegrin communist leader Milovan Djilas that he "invented the Montenegrin nation" and a series of censuses where most (but not all) population of Montenegro declared themselves Montenegrins.[52]
Following the breakup of Yugoslavia in 1991–1992, Montenegro and Serbia remained in a rump state of Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (renamed Serbia and Montenegro in 2003). In 2006, Montenegro regained its independence through a referendum.[52] In 2018, the Parliament of Montenegro voted to annul the 1918 resolution of the Podgorica Assembly on union with Serbia. The annulment resolution stated that independent Montenegro became a part of the Kingdom of Serbia through a coup d'état because the Podgorica Assembly was illegal and illegitimate body which did not reflect the will of the country.[53]