The first volume of the report was released on July 25, 2019, and the fifth and last volume was released to the public on August, 18, 2020.[1][2] The Senate Intelligence Committee's investigation extended more than three years, includes interviews of more than 200 witnesses, and reviews more than one million documents.[2]Marco Rubio, acting committee head,[a] said that "no probe into this matter has been more exhaustive.”[4] On the stature of the report, the Senate Intelligence Committee said the report is "the most comprehensive description to date of Russia's activities and the threat they posed".[5]
The Republican-led Senate Intelligence Committee submitted the first part of its five-volume report in July 2019 in which it concluded that the January 2017 intelligence community assessment alleging Russian interference was "coherent and well-constructed". The first volume also concluded that the assessment was "proper", learning from analysts that there was "no politically motivated pressure to reach specific conclusions". The final and fifth volume, which was the result of three years of investigations, was released on August 18, 2020,[6] ending one of the United States "highest-profile congressional inquiries."[7][8] The Committee report found that the Russian government had engaged in an "extensive campaign" to sabotage the election in favor of Donald Trump, which included assistance from some of Trump's own advisers.[7]
Like the Mueller report that preceded it, the report does not find a criminal conspiracy between Russia and the Trump campaign, but it does go further than the Mueller report in detailing the many suspicious links between Trump associates and Russian officials and spies. In particular, it describes Paul Manafort as "a grave counterintelligence threat". According to the report, "some evidence suggests" that Konstantin Kilimnik, to whom Manafort provided polling data, was directly connected to the Russian theft of Clinton-campaign emails.[9][10] In addition, while Trump's written testimony in the Mueller report stated that he did not recall speaking with Roger Stone about WikiLeaks, the Senate report concludes that "Trump did, in fact, speak with Stone about WikiLeaks and with members of his Campaign about Stone's access to WikiLeaks on multiple occasions".[11]
The report was completely released on August 18, 2020, when the fifth volume was released.[2] Much of the report is redacted, shown as .
Volume I: Russian Efforts Against Election Infrastructure
Volume I of the report is 67 pages long. In it, the committee describes "an unprecedented level of activity against state election infrastructure" by Russian intelligence in 2016.[12] The activity occurred in "all 50 states" and is thought by "many officials and experts" to have been "a trial run ... to probe American defenses and identify weaknesses in the vast back-end apparatus—voter-registration operations, state and local election databases, electronic poll books and other equipment" of state election systems.[13] The report warned that the United States "remains vulnerable" in the 2020 election.[12]
Of "particular concern" to the committee report was the Russians' hacking of three companies "that provide states with the back-end systems that have increasingly replaced the thick binders of paper used to verify voters' identities and registration status."
This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (August 2020)
Volume II: Russia’s Use of Social Media
Volume II of the report is 85 pages long.
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Volume III: U.S. Government Response to Russian Activities
Volume III of the report is 54 pages long.
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Volume IV: Review of the Intelligence Community Assessment
Volume IV of the report is 158 pages long.
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Volume V: Counterintelligence Threats and Vulnerabilities
Volume V of the report, with 966 pages, was released to the public on August 18, 2020, albeit heavily redacted.[14][15] The report concluded that "the Russian government engaged in an aggressive, multi-faceted effort to influence, or attempt to influence, the outcome of the 2016 presidential election".[14] The report investigated "many aspects of the counterintelligence threat posed by the Russian influence operation", which targeted both the Trump campaign and the election.[15]
Findings on the hack and leak of Democratic Party material
The committee described that Trump's presidential campaign "sought to maximize the impact of those leaks to aid Trump’s electoral prospects". The Trump campaign "created messaging strategies to promote and share" the material, and "encouraged further leaks". The Trump campaign tasked Trump associate Roger Stone to gather information about WikiLeaks' release of the material; Stone reported to Trump or senior campaign members.[17]
Findings on Paul Manafort and Konstantin Kilimnik
The Senate Intelligence Committee assessed that Trump campaign chairman Paul Manafort's "high-level access and willingness to share information with individuals closely affiliated with the Russian intelligence services" was a "grave counterintelligence threat".[15] The foremost individual was Manafort's employee Konstantin Kilimnik, a Russian.[15] The committee identified Kilimnik as a "Russian intelligence officer"; describing that Manafort and Kilimnik had a "close and lasting relationship" even through the 2016 election.[18] Manafort repeatedly tried to "secretly share internal Campaign information with Kilimnik", including "sensitive internal polling data or Campaign strategy".[18]
The Senate Intelligence Committee introduced a new allegation regarding Kilimnik, that he "may have been connected" to the Russian military intelligence's hack and leak of Democratic Party material. However, the report's discussions on this topic are redacted.[19] Manafort's connection with the Russian hack and leak operation is "largely unknown", but possible, given "two pieces of information" the committee found; the details of such information were also redacted.[18]
Findings on the Transition
The report in the Transition section of the report, mentions that "Russia took advantage of members of the Transition Team's relative inexperience in government, opposition to Obama Administration policies, and Trump's desire to deepen ties with Russia to pursue unofficial channels through which Russia could conduct diplomacy."[20][21]
Background on Page and Limitations on the Committee's Investigation
Inspector General of the Department of Justice found serious FBI errors applying for surveillance on Carter Page, a former Trump campaign aide, while concluding that Page's travels in Russia and his past connections with Russian intelligence officers justified the FBI's concern.[11][22] Despite Page producing electronic documents and sitting for an interview that lasted six and a half hours, "The Committee had significant challenges in its attempt to understand Page's activities, including his role as a foreign policy adviser to the Trump Campaign."[11][23]
The Steele Dossier: Its Origins and Handling
The report notes that the Steele dossier, a private intelligence report written by Christopher Steele, alleging a "well-developed conspiracy of co-operation" between the Trump campaign and the Russian government, "found that the tradecraft reflected in the dossier is generally poor relative to IC standards; the Department of Justice (DOJ) Office of the Inspector General (OIG) and many who the Committee spoke with at the FBI also found serious fault with Steele's tradecraft."[11][24]
Additional Views of Senators Risch, Rubio, Blunt, Cotton, Cornyn, and Sasse
The aforementioned Republican Senators stated:
"The committee found no evidence that then-candidate Donald Trump or his campaign colluded with the Russian government in its efforts to meddle in the election... After more than three years of investigation by this Committee, we can now say with no doubt, there was no collusion."[25][26]
Additional Views of Senators Heinrich, Feinstein, Wyden, Harris, and Bennet
The aforementioned Democratic Senators stated:
"It is our conclusion, based on the facts detailed in the Committee's Report, that the Russian intelligence services' assault on the integrity of the 2016 U.S. electoral process[,] and Trump and his associates' participation in and enabling of this Russian activity, represents one of the single most grave counterintelligence threats to American national security in the modern era."[27][28]
Reactions
This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (August 2020)
President Donald Trump
President Donald Trump, when asked about the report on August 18, 2020, said he "didn't read it".[29][30]
Democrats
Senate Minority LeaderChuck Schumer responded to the fifth volume release by saying "Despite nearly four years of repeated warnings from America’s national security officials, President Trump has failed to protect America’s elections and even opened the door for Vladimir Putin to again attack our country in the same insidious way."[31]
Russia
Russian state news service TASS responded to the release of the fifth volume on August 18, citing a statement by Dmitry Peskov, a spokesperson for Russian president Vladimir Putin, saying "The Kremlin regrets that as the U.S. presidential elections in November 2020 approach, more and more reports of alleged attempts by Russia to interfere in the electoral process will appear," such statements "have nothing to do with the truth."[32]
^The committee had been led by Senator Richard Burr (R-NC), until he stepped down from the chair position when the FBI began a probe of his stock-trading activities.[3]
^Bolton, Alexander (May 15, 2020). "Burr problem grows for GOP". The Hill. Archived from the original on February 15, 2021. Retrieved September 2, 2020.
^"Russian Efforts Against Election Infrastructure With Additional Views"(PDF). Report Of The Select Committee On Intelligence United States Senate On Russian Active Measures Campaigns And Interference In The 2016 U.S. Election (Report). Vol. 1. 2020. p. 67. Archived(PDF) from the original on 2019-07-27. Retrieved 2020-08-19.
^"(U) Russia took advantage of members of the Transition Team's relative inexperience in government, opposition to Obama Administration policies, and Trump's desire to deepen ties with Russia to pursue unofficial channels through which Russia could conduct diplomacy."
Counterintelligence Threats and Vulnerabilities"Archived 2021-01-22 at the Wayback Machine, p. xii
^"3663 (U) The Carter Page FISA order and renewals are examined in detail in the DOJ OIG FISA Report. While there were several problems with the FBI's FISA renewals for Page, the Committee assesses that Page's previous ties to Russian intelligence officers, coupled with his Russian travel, justified the FBI's initial concerns about Page."
"Volume V: Counterintelligence Threats and Vulnerabilities"Archived 2021-01-22 at the Wayback Machine, p. 555
^"The Committee found that the tradecraft reflected in the dossier is generally poor relative to IC standards; the Department ofJustice (DOJ) Office of the Inspector General (OIG)5651 and many who the Committee spoke with at the FBI also found serious fault with Steele's tradecraft. For example, FBI and DOJ OIG investigations discovered that Steele's sources were sometimes several steps removed from the information they provided, and Steele did not adequately convey that separation in the memos. Further, some information Steele logically would have known did not appear in the documents for unclear reasons, and the Committee found several opportunities for interested parties to insert disinformation."
"Volume V: Counterintelligence Threats and Vulnerabilities"Archived 2021-01-22 at the Wayback Machine, p. 846
^Blake, Aaron (August 19, 2020). "Analysis - Marco Rubio's curious summary of his committee's Russia report". The Washington Post. Retrieved May 26, 2022. In other words [Blake writes], it's not a report that treats this as a settled issue in any way. It seems to go out of its way to say precisely the opposite and raise the possibility of coordination. It repeatedly calls the Manafort-Kilimnik nexus the centerpiece of its investigation. It notes that we unfortunately have limited insight into these very significant events, but that some evidence does indeed point to the Trump campaign chairman's potential implication in Russia's efforts.
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