A rise in Welsh nationalism and political movements advocating for Welsh autonomy became more prominent in the late nineteenth century. The devolution of some administrative responsibilities began in the early twentieth century, as well as the passing of laws specific to Wales. Since World War II, various movements and proposals have advocated different models of Welsh devolution. In 1979, a referendum on devolution was rejected by 79% of voters amid regional divisions and cultural concerns, but by 1997 support for devolution had increased and was narrowly supported in a referendum. Laws were subsequently passed to establish the National Assembly for Wales and grant it secondary legislative powers over areas such as agriculture, education and housing. The third referendum in 2011 saw voters support full primary law-making powers for the National Assembly over specified areas of governance. After the Senedd and Elections (Wales) Act 2020, the National Assembly was renamed "Senedd Cymru" (in Welsh) and the "Welsh Parliament" (in English) (also collectively referred to as the "Senedd"), which was seen as a better reflection of the body's expanded legislative powers.
The Welsh Labour Party advocates for further Welsh devolution and "far-reaching federalism" with powers equal to those of Scotland and Northern Ireland, whilst the Welsh nationalist party, Plaid Cymru has described devolution as a stepping stone towards full Welsh independence.
Wales was conquered by England during the 13th century and the last native prince of Wales, Llywelyn the Last, was killed in an ambush by an English soldier in 1282.[2] The 1284 Statute of Rhuddlan caused Wales to lose its de factoindependence and formed the constitutional basis for it as a principality in the Realm of England.[3]
Owain Glyndŵr briefly restored Welsh independence in a national uprising that began in 1400. He convened Wales' first Senedd in Machynlleth in 1404, but the Welsh were defeated by the English by 1412.[4] The penal laws against the Welsh of 1401-02 passed by the English parliament made the Welsh second-class citizens. With hopes of independence ended, there were no further wars or rebellions against English rule and the laws remained on the statute books until 1624.[5]
The Sunday Closing (Wales) Act 1881 was the first legislation to acknowledge that Wales had a separate politico-legal character from the rest of the English state.[9] At the time, a majority of people in Wales belonged to noncomformists chapels despite members of the Church of England having legal and social privileges. The Sunday Closing Act was therefore celebrated in Wales as a significant step towards establishing equal status for the noncomformist chapels and disestablishing the Anglican church in Wales. Historian and former BBC Wales producer John Trefor suggests that the act "was a victory, not only for the chapels and the temperance leagues, but for Welsh identity. He goes on to say, "There was a sense that things could be done differently here. Wales-only Education and cemetery acts came soon after, and in many respects it established the principle on which devolution and the National Assembly are based."[10]
David Lloyd George, MP for Caernarfon at the time, was devoted to Welsh devolution early in his career, starting with the Church in Wales. He said in 1890; "I am deeply impressed with the fact that Wales has wants and inspirations of her own which have too long been ignored, but which must no longer be neglected. First and foremost amongst these stands the cause of religious liberty and equality in Wales. If returned to Parliament by you, it shall be my earnest endeavour to labour for the triumph of this great cause. I believe in a liberal extension of the principle of decentralisation."[11] In 1895, in a Church in Wales Bill which was ultimately unsuccessful, Lloyd George added an amendment in a discreet attempt at forming a sort of Welsh home rule, a national council for appointment of the Welsh Church commissioners.[12][13][14] The Welsh Church Act 1914 was passed giving the Church in Wales the freedom to govern its own affairs. After being suspended for the duration of the First World War, the Act came into effect from 1920.[15]
Home rule
In response to the Irish demand for "home rule", Liberal prime minister of the UK, William Gladstone proposed two bills on home rule for Ireland in 1886 and 1893, which both failed.[16] Although the idea of "home rule all round" had been around since the 1830s the idea became more popular in 1910 during the constitutional conference and on the brink of an Irish war during 1913–14.[17]
Llywelyn Williams set up the first Cymru Fydd branch on Welsh soil in Barry in 1891.[18]
Political movements supporting Welsh self-rule began in the late nineteenth century alongside a rise in Welsh nationalism.[19][20] In the same year as the first bill for Ireland was proposed, the Cymru Fydd (Wales To Be/Wales Will Be) movement was founded to further the home rule cause for Wales.[9] Lloyd George was one of the main leaders of Cymru Fydd which was an organisation created with the aim of establishing a Welsh Government[21] and a "stronger Welsh identity".[22] As such Lloyd George was seen as a radical figure in British politics and was associated with the reawakening of Welsh nationalism and identity, saying in 1880, "Is it not high time that Wales should have the powers to manage its own affairs".[23][24] Historian Emyr Price has referred to him as "the first architect of Welsh devolution and its most famous advocate’" as well as "the pioneering advocate of a powerful parliament for the Welsh people".[25] The first Cymru Fydd societies were set up in Liverpool and London in 1887 and in the winter the winter of 1886–7, the North and South Wales liberal federations were founded.[26] Lloyd George was also particularly active in attempting to set up a separate Welsh National Party which was based on Charles Stewart Parnell's Irish Parliamentary Party and also worked to unite the North and South Wales Liberal Federations with Cymru Fydd to form a Welsh National Liberal Federation.[27] The Cymru Fydd movement collapsed in 1896 amid personal rivalries and rifts between Liberal representatives such as David Alfred Thomas.[9][28] In 1898 however, David Lloyd George managed to form the Welsh National Liberal Council, a loose umbrella organisation covering the two federations.[29]
Support for home rule for Wales and Scotland amongst most political parties was strongest in 1918 following the independence of other European countries after the First World War, and the Easter Rising in Ireland, wrote Dr Davies.[30] Although Cymru Fydd had collapsed, home rule was still on the agenda, with liberal Joseph Chamberlain proposing "Home Rule All Round" for all nations of the United Kingdom, in part to meet Irish demands but maintain the superiority of the imperial parliament of Westminster. This idea which eventually fell out of favour after "southern Ireland" left the UK and became a dominion in 1921 and the Irish free state was established in 1922.[26] Home rule all round became official labour party policy, by he 1920s, but the Liberals lost interest because if a Welsh Parliament was formed they would not control it.[31]
In 1896, Education in Wales began to become distinct with the formation of the Central Welsh Board which inspected grammar schools in Wales and The Welsh Intermediate Education Act 1889 was brought about to "make further provision for the intermediate and technical education of the inhabitants of Wales and the county of Monmouth.", making the board responsible for inspection of secondary schools.[36][37] In 1907, the Welsh department of the Board of Education was formed and in the same year, a Welsh Inspectorate was established for inspection of primary and secondary schools in Wales.[38]
There had been discussions about the need for a "Welsh party" since the 19th century.[44] With the generation or so before 1922 there "had been a marked growth in the constitutional recognition of the Welsh nation", wrote historian Dr John Davies.[45] By 1924 there were people in Wales "eager to make their nationality the focus of Welsh politics".[46] In 1925 Plaid Genedlaethol Cymru ("the National Party of Wales") was founded; it was renamed Plaid Cymru – The Party of Wales in 1945. The party's principles defined in 1970 were (1) self government for Wales, (2) to safeguard the culture, traditions, language and economic position of Wales and (3) to secure membership for a self-governing Welsh state in the United Nations.[47]
Early members of the Independent Labour Party attempted to establish a South Wales Federation towards the end of the 19th century but the South Wales Regional Council of Labour was not established until 1937.[48] The UK Labour government elected in 1945 was strongly centrist, but in the same year, there were 15 UK Government departments established in Wales.[31][49] By 1947, a unified Welsh Regional Council of Labour became responsible for all Wales.[48] In 1959 the Labour council title was changed from "Welsh Regional council" to "Welsh council", and the Labour body was renamed Labour Party Wales in 1975.[48]
Welsh Labour backbenchers such as D. R. Grenfell, W. H. Mainwaring and James Griffiths supported the establishment of a Secretary of State post whereas Aneurin Bevan thought devolution would distract from "British mainstream politics". The UK Government compromised and agreed to the establishment of a Council for Wales and Monmouthshire. However, it was given no more than a responsibility to advise the UK government on matters of Welsh interest.[50]
The proposal to set up a Council for Wales and Monmouthshire was announced in the House of Commons on 24 November 1948. Its inaugural meeting was in May 1949, and its first business meeting the following month. Its terms of reference were:
to meet from time to time and at least quarterly for the interchange of views and information on development and trends in the economic and cultural fields in Wales and Monmouthshire; and
to ensure the government is adequately informed of the impact of government activities on the general life of the people of Wales and Monmouthshire.[51]
The Council for Wales and Monmouthshire had 27 appointed members. Of these, 12 were nominated by Welsh local authorities; there were also nominees from the Joint Education Committee, the University of Wales, the National Eisteddfod Council, the Welsh Tourist and Holidays Board, and from both management and union sides of Welsh industry and agriculture.[52] The chairman was Huw T. Edwards, a trade union leader.[53] The Council met in private, a further source of controversy.[54] It set up various panels and committees to investigate issues affecting Wales, including a Welsh Language Panel to study and report upon the present situation of the language; a Government Administration Panel; an Industrial Panel; a Rural Development Panel; a Transport Panel; and a Tourist Industry Panel.[51]
In the 1950s, the deterioration of the British Empire removed a sense of Britishness and there was a realisation that Wales was not as prosperous as south-east England and smaller European countries. Successive Conservative Party victories in Westminster led to suggestions that only through self-government could Wales achieve a government reflecting the votes of a Welsh electorate. The Tryweryn flooding was opposed by 125 local authorities and 27 of 36 Welsh MPs voted against the second reading of the bill with none voting for it. At the time, Wales had no Welsh office (introduced in 1964) or any devolution.[55] John Davies adds that the representatives of Wales were powerless under the political structure of the time, a core message of Plaid Cymru.[56] The Epynt clearance in 1940 has also been described as a "significant - but often overlooked - chapter in the history of Wales".[57]
Those in favour of a Welsh parliament paraded in Machynlleth (the place of Owain Glyndŵr's last Senedd) on 1 October 1949. Speakers and entertainment were also at the event.[58] From 1950 to 1956, Parliament for Wales campaign brought devolution back onto the political agenda. A cross-party campaign was led by Lady Megan Lloyd George, daughter of former Prime minister and campaigner for Welsh devolution, David Lloyd George who had passed away in 1945.[38][59] The Campaign for a Welsh parliament (Ymgyrch Senedd i Gymru) was formally launched on 1 July 1950, at a rally in Llandrindod. This event lead to the creation of a petition of 240,652 names calling for the establishment of a Welsh parliament, which was presented to the House of Commons by Megan Lloyd George in 1956.[58] This was rejected by the UK government. Petitions were also presented to the House of Commons for a Secretary of State for Wales which were also rejected.[59]
In the first half of the 20th century, a number of politicians had supported the creation of the post of Secretary of State for Wales as a step towards home rule for Wales. A post of Minister of Welsh Affairs was created in 1951 under the home secretary and was promoted to minister of state level in 1954.[20] In 1964, the UK Labour government formed a new office of the Secretary of State for Wales and in 1965 the Welsh Office was created which was run by the Secretary of State for Wales and which was responsible for implementing UK government policies in Wales.[20] In 1999 the Welsh Office made way for the National Assembly for Wales and staff from the Welsh office moved into the National Assembly.[60]
The first official flag of Wales was created in 1953 for the coronation of Queen Elizabeth II. This "augmented" flag including the Royal badge of Wales was criticised in 1958 by "Gorsedd y Beirdd", a national Welsh group comprising Welsh literary figures and Welsh people of note. In 1959, likely in response to criticism, the Welsh flag was changed to a red Welsh dragon on a green and white background that remains the current flag of Wales today.[61]
1908 banner used by Cardiff & District Women's Suffrage Society
On 21 December 1955, the Lord Mayor of Cardiff announced to a crowd that Cardiff was now the official capital of Wales following a vote the previous day by Welsh local authority members. Cardiff won the vote with 136 votes and Caernarfon came in second place with 11 votes. A campaign for Cardiff to become the capital city had been ongoing for 30 years prior to the vote. Historian James Cowan outlined some reasons why Cardiff was chosen which included; being the largest city in Wales with a population of 243,632, buildings in Cathays park such as City Hall and the National Museum of Wales among other reasons. Dr Martin Johnes, lecturer at Swansea University suggested that following the formation of the National Assembly for Wales in 1999, Cardiff became "a capital in a meaningful way, as the home of the Welsh government, whereas before, its capital status was irrelevant, it was just symbolic".[62]
The leader of Plaid Cymru, Gwynfor Evans won the party's first-ever seat in Westminster in Carmarthen in 1966, which "helped change the course of a nation" according to Dr Martin Johnes of Swansea University. This, paired with the SNP's Winnie Ewing's winning a seat in Hamilton, Scotland in 1967 may have contributed to pressure on Labour prime minister Harold Wilson to form the Kilbrandon Commission.[63][64] This event may have also contributed to the passing of the Welsh Language Act 1967.[64] This act repealed a provision in the Wales and Berwick Act 1746 that the term "England" should include Wales, thus defining Wales to be a separate entity from England within the UK.[65][66] The legislation permitted the use of Welsh including in courts of law. The act was in part based upon the Hughes Parry Report from 1965. While the Welsh Courts Act in 1942 had previously allowed limited use of Welsh if defendants or plaintiffs had limited knowledge of English, the 1967 act was far more robust. While the act itself was quite limited, it had large symbolic importance.[66] In 1966, Emlyn Hooson convinced a majority of delegates to merge both the Welsh liberal federations into a single entity, forming the Welsh Liberal Party. The new party had far more authority, and gradually centralised the finances and policy of the party in Wales.[67]
The UK Labour government introduced separate devolution bills for Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland in 1977 following the support for a Scottish parliament by the Kilbrandon Commission.[68] On St David's Day (March 1), 1979 Welsh devolution referendum was held on a National Assembly for Wales but came at the end of the Winter of Discontent in addition to "tribalism" divisions within Wales. According to John Morris, people in southern Wales were persuaded that the Assembly would be dominated by "bigoted Welsh-speakers from the north and the west" whilst in the northern Wales, people were persuaded that the Assembly would be dominated by Glamorgan County Council “Taffia”.[69]Richard Wyn Jones also suggests that suspicions of a secret elite of a "Taffia" or "crachach" may have affected the referendum results,“There was a perception amongst anti-devolutionists that devolution was some sort of plot by the establishment, by the crachach. Their [the anti-devolutionists’] idea that they were standing up for ‘the people’ was reinforced by 1979.” [70] Welsh voters voted against forming an Assembly, with 79.7% voting against and 20.3% who voting Yes. Meanwhile, Scotland had narrowly voted in favour of a Scottish parliament with 51.6% in favour.[68]
The Welsh Language Act 1993 provided a new law for public organisations in Wales to have bilingual schemes, which would be supervised by the Welsh Language Board. Some private sector companies including British Telecoms (BT) and British Gas had already included Welsh language schemes in company policies before this Act.[71]
In the 1980s, economic restructuring and market reforms by Margaret Thatcher are described as having brought social dislocation to parts of Wales, which was formerly described as having "the largest public sector west of the Iron Curtain".[72] A succession of non-Welsh ConservativeSecretaries of State after 1987 was portrayed by opponents as 'colonial' and indicative of a 'democratic deficit'.[72]
In the early 1990s, Labour became committed to devolution to both Scotland and Wales, and in 1997 it was elected with a mandate to hold referendums on a Scottish Parliament and a Welsh Assembly.[72] The political climate was very different from that of 1979 Welsh devolution referendum which resulted in a no vote, with a new generation of Welsh MPs in Westminster and a broad consensus on the previously divisive issue of the Welsh language.[72] In the 1997 Welsh devolution referendum, a majority of the Welsh electorate vote in favour of establishing a National Assembly for Wales by 50.3 per cent, on a 50.2 per cent turnout.[73]
The Commission on the Powers and Electoral Arrangements of the National Assembly for Wales (the Richard Commission) was formed in 2002. This commission made a series of recommendations in 2004. These included an increased number of members, legally separating executive and legislative acts and the devolution of primary law-making powers. A large majority of these findings were used by the UK government to introduce the Government of Wales Act 2006, describing the powers and responsibilities of the devolved authorities for legislating, decision-making and policy-making.[38] In March 2011, a referendum was held on whether full primary law-making powers should be given to the National Assembly in the twenty subject areas where it held jurisdiction. The referendum concluded with 63.5% of voters supporting the transfer of full primary law-making powers to the Assembly.[76]
Official country and language status
In 2011, the International Standards Organisation officially changed the status of Wales to country after the term "principality" was used in error. This came about following lobbying from Plaid Cymru AM (Assembly Member) Leanne Wood. Legally Wales had ceased to be a principality since the period that the Statue of Rhuddlan was implemented from 1284 to 1542.[77] The governments of the United Kingdom and of Wales almost invariably define Wales as a country.[78][79] VisitWales.com states that "Wales is not a Principality. Although we are joined with England by land, and we are part of Great Britain, Wales is a country in its own right."[80][81]
The Welsh Language (Wales) Measure 2011 modernised the 1993 Welsh Language Act and gave Welsh an official status in Wales for the first time, a major landmark for the language. Welsh is the only official de jure language of any country in the UK. The Measure was also responsible for creating the post of Welsh Language Commissioner, replacing the Welsh Language Board.[82] Following the referendum in 2011, the Official Languages Act became the first Welsh law to be created in 600 years, according to the First Minister at the time, Carwyn Jones. This law was passed by Welsh AMs (assembly members) only and made Welsh an official language of the National Assembly.[83]
Further powers
The UK Government also formed the Commission on Devolution in Wales (the Silk Commission). The commission published part 1 of its report in 2012, recommending new financial powers for Wales including borrowing and taxation, which came into force in the Wales Act 2014.[38] The Tax Collection and Management (Wales) Act 2016 was passed by the National Assembly to facilitate the financial powers of the Wales Act 2014.[38] The Land Transaction Tax (replacing Stamp Duty) and the Landfill Disposal Tax were the very first two devolved taxes. In 2019, over £2 billion of income tax was devolved to the Senedd.[38]
Hall and oriel of the Senedd building.
The Wales Act 2017 defined the National Assembly and devolved institutions to be a permanent component of the UK constitution, and any abolition of such institutions would require a referendum. The act also changed the model of operation of the devolved institutions from a "conferred powers model" to a "reserved powers model".[38] This allowed the Assembly to legislate on any matter that is not expressly reserved from its competence.[84] The Assembly was also given the power to decide its own name and voting system of members.[38] In May 2020, the Senedd and Elections (Wales) Act 2020, the National Assembly for Wales was renamed "Senedd Cymru" or "the Welsh Parliament", commonly known as the "Senedd" in both English and Welsh, to reflect increased legislative powers.[85] The Act for the first time in Wales allowed 16 and 17-year-olds the right to vote, beginning with the 2021 Senedd election.[86]
Plaid Cymru proposed two bills to the UK parliament in the 2021-22 parliamentary session which ultimately did not gain royal assent. A Crown Estate (Devolution to Wales) Bill - A bill to devolve the Crown Estate's management and assets in Wales to the Welsh Government was sponsored by Liz Saville Roberts.[87]Shared Prosperity Fund (Wales) Bill - A bill which would require the Secretary of State to report to Parliament on the merits of devolving management and administration of the money allocated to Wales via the Shared Prosperity Fund to the Welsh Government, was sponsored by Ben Lake.[88]
The Government of Wales Act 1998 allowed the creation of the National Assembly for Wales (now Senedd Cymru / Welsh Parliament) and also describes devolved powers given to the Senedd. These powers include most of the powers previously held by the Secretary of State for Wales and powers over multiple national institutions such as:
The Government of Wales Act 2006 separated the Welsh Assembly Government and the National Assembly for Wales and gives the assembly the power to create legislation on devolved matters in the following "fields":
Agriculture, fisheries, forestry & rural development
Ancient monuments & historic buildings
Culture
Economic development
Education & training
Environment
Fire and rescue services & promotion of fire safety
Legislate devolved taxes. These revisions to devolution are added to Part 4A of the Government of Wales Act 2006.
This Act also allows the Senedd to set income tax rates for Wales.
Welsh Ministers’ borrowing powers. This includes powers to borrow funds and meet current expenditure (Welsh income tax vs forecast receipts).
The power for borrowing in order to fund capital spending (with the consent of UK Treasury). This sum was increased from £500 million to £1 billion.
Other provisions include:
Increasing the Senedd term from 4 to 5 years
no restriction on standing as a Senedd constituency member and Senedd regional member
Prevents someone from being both an MP and MS
Welsh Assembly Government renamed Welsh Government
Local Government and Housing Act 1989: limits on housing debts incurred by local housing authorities in Wales with a Housing Revenue Account
Law Commission to provide advice and assistance to Welsh Ministers & Welsh ministers to report how Law Commission recommendations are implemented in Wales[92]
Wales Act 2017: Reserved Powers Model
The reserved powers model sets out the UK reserved powers that the Senedd are not permitted to apply an Act of Senedd to change. These are set out in the Wales Act 2017.
Powers not devolved
Schedule 7A - Reserved Matters
The following subject headings are listed in the new Schedule 7A which contains all of the matters that are reserved to the UK Parliament.
Part 1 – General Reservations
The Constitution
Public service
Political parties
Single legal jurisdiction of England and Wales
Tribunals
Foreign affairs etc.
Defence
Part 2 – Specific Reservations
Head A – Financial and Economic Matters
Section A1 – Fiscal, economic and monetary policy
Section A2 – The currency
Section A3 – Financial services
Section A4 – Financial markets
Section A5 – Dormant accounts
Head B – Home Affairs
Section B1 – Elections
Section B2 – Nationality and immigration
Section B3 – National security and official secrets
Section B4 – Interception of communications, communications data and surveillance
Section B5 – Crime, public order and policing
Section B6 – Anti-social behaviour
Section B7 – Modern slavery
Section B8 – Prostitution
Section B9 – Emergency powers
Section B10 – Extradition
Section B11 – Rehabilitation of offenders
Section B12 – Criminal records
Section B13 – Dangerous items
Section B14 – Misuse of and dealing in drugs or psychoactive substances
Section B15 – Private security
Section B16 – Entertainment and late night refreshment
Section B17 – Alcohol
Section B18 – Betting, gaming and lotteries
Section B19 – Hunting
Section B20 – Scientific and educational procedures on live animals
Section B21 – Lieutenancies
Section B22 – Charities and fund-raising
Head C – Trade and Industry
Section C1 – Business associations and business names
Section C2 – Insolvency and winding up
Section C3 – Competition
Section C4 – Intellectual property
Section C5 – Import and export control
Section C6 – Consumer protection
Section C7 – Product standards, safety and liability
Section C8 – Weights and measures
Section C9 – Telecommunications and wireless telegraphy
Section C10 – Post
Section C11 – Research Councils
Section C12 – Industrial development
Section C13 – Protection of trading and economic interests
Section C14 – Assistance in connection with exports of goods and services
Section C15 – Water and sewerage
Section C16 – Pubs Code Adjudicator and the Pubs Code
Section C17 – Sunday trading
Head D – Energy
Section D1 – Electricity
Section D2 – Oil and gas
Section D3 – Coal
Section D4 – Nuclear energy
Section D5 – Heat and cooling
Section D6 – Energy conservation
Head E – Transport
Section E1 – Road transport
Section E2 – Rail transport
Section E3 – Marine and waterway transport etc.
Section E4 – Air transport
Section E5 – Transport security
Section E6 – Other matters
Head F – Social Security, Child Support, pensions and Compensation
Section F1 – Social security schemes
Section F2 – Child Support
Section F3 – Occupational and Personal Pensions
Section F4 – Public sector compensation
Section F5 – Armed forces compensation etc.
Head G – Professions
Section G1 – Architects, auditors, health professionals and veterinary surgeons
Head H – Employment
Section H1 – Employment and industrial relations
Section H2 – Industrial training boards
Section H3 – Job search and support
Head J – Health, Safety and Medicines
Section J1 – Abortion
Section J2 – Xenotransplantation
Section J3 – Embryology, surrogacy and genetics
Section J4 – Medicines, medical supplies, biological substances etc.
Section J5 – Welfare foods
Section J6 – Health and safety
Head K – Media, Culture and Sport
Section K1 – Media
Section K2 – Public lending right
Section K3 – Government Indemnity Scheme
Section K4 – Property accepted in satisfaction of tax
Section K5 – Sports grounds
Head L – Justice
Section L1 – The legal profession, legal services and claims management services
Section L2 – Legal aid
Section L3 – Coroners
Section L4 – Arbitration
Section L5 – Mental capacity
Section L6 – Personal data
Section L7 – Information rights
Section L8 – Public sector information
Section L9 – Public records
Section L10 – Compensation for persons affected by crime and miscarriages of justice
Section L11 – Prisons and offender management
Section L12 – Family relationships and children
Section L13 – Gender recognition
Section L14 – Registration of births, deaths and places of worship
Head M – Land and Agricultural Assets
Section M1 – Registration of land
Section M2 – Registration of agricultural charges and debentures
Section M3 – Development and buildings
Head N – Miscellaneous
Section N1 – Equal opportunities
Section N2 – Control of weapons
Section N3 – Ordnance Survey
Section N4 – Time
Section N5 – Outer space
Section N6 – Antarctica
Section N7 – Deep sea bed mining
Schedule 7B: Restrictions
Schedule 7B sets out certain restrictions on the Senedd’s powers. For example, Acts of the Senedd:
must not generally modify the law on reserved matters;
must not modify private law (such as contract, tort, property) unless it is for a devolved purpose,
must not modify certain criminal offences (such as serious offences against the person and any sexual offences) and must not modify certain rules around criminal law (such as the age a person can commit a criminal offence and the meaning of dishonesty);
must not modify certain enactments such as the Human Rights Act 1998 and the Civil Contingencies Act 2004;
must not modify any of the 2006 Act unless an exception applies;
must not confer or impose functions on reserved authorities (such as Ministers of the Crown, the Crown Prosecution Service and the Health & Safety Executive) without the consent of the UK Government.
The following options have been proposed as a systematic and constitutional change to autonomy in Wales by The Independent Commission on the Constitutional Future of Wales.
Among calls for specific matters to be devolved to Wales are powers over; Broadcasting,[95] the Crown Estate in Wales[96] and natural resources,[97] Shared Prosperity Fund,[98] bank holidays,[99] energy firm taxation & regulation,[100] gender self-identification,[101] the justice system,[102] rail infrastructure,[103] setting rates and bands of all income tax,[104] welfare system and full taxation powers.[105]
Restrictions by UK government
The UK Parliament passed the UK Internal Market Act in 2020 which "directly constrains devolution" according to the Scottish Government. The actions of the Act are described in a report by Scottish MSP, Michael Russell, Cabinet Secretary for Constitution, Europe and External Affairs; The act allows goods sold in one part of the UK to be automatically accepted in the rest of the UK, despite differing devolved rules. The act can also cause the regulation of service in one part of the UK to be recognised across the whole UK. The act allows UK ministers to spend on devolved policies without the approval of the devolved parliament.[106]
The Welsh Government has voiced concerns over the United Kingdom Internal Market Act 2020, passed by the UK Parliament, describing its passing as an "attack on its competence". It launched a request for judicial review of the act, which was rejected on the ground of being premature by the divisional court. As of February 2022, the Welsh government awaited an appeal of the divisional court's decision.[107]
Assessment of devolution
Ron Davies, former secretary of state for Wales and described as the architect of devolution said in 2022, "One thing which I know is lacking is an overarching sense of wanting to create a better way, of wanting to shape our own destiny. I don't see that." His deputy, Peter Hain said "We need to do what we all say we want to do, which is create a more vibrant, competitive, successful Wales economically. But it does mean some pretty tough decisions." Former leader of Plaid Cymru, Dafydd Wigley stated "We have yet to see the election in Wales, changing the colour of a government. And democracy in Wales will not have been properly tested until that happens." Originally the leader of the No campaign in the 90s, Conservative Nick Bourne now supports more members for the Senedd "We need more members. It's got expanded powers, it's the settled will of the people that we have a Welsh parliament, and that's got to be effective, so by all means, be concerned about value for money, we should be, as any political party should be, but in terms of is it a good idea then the personal view is we need more members."[108]
In 2005, Plaid Cymru leader Ieuan Wyn Jones suggested that the lack of tax varying powers in Wales was a major reason why Wales did not have its own Celtic Tiger and that growth strategy should not be focused only on cities.[111] Plaid Cymru have also argued that economic dividend can only be achieved with Welsh independence.[112]
Jonathan Bradbury and Andrew Davies published an article in the National Institute Economic Review in January 2023 criticising both the Welsh government and UK government economic policies for Wales. They note that Wales had one of the weakest economies of the UK prior to devolution. They also noted views that the UK government remained in control of macro-economic powers; lacked regional economic policy; and a lack of devolution to the Welsh government to make a real difference. They also note the view of some that the historic exploitation of Wales and its treatment as an economic periphery plays have implications today. They added that Wales' economic performance has not progressed under devolution with weakness in Welsh government strategy and policy and that the dissolution of the Wales Development Agency remains a topic of debate.[112]
Using Welsh Election Study (WES) data in a report "British Politics after Brexit".
Brexit should not be used as an excuse to undermine the Senedd VS The UK Government is right to remove powers from the Senedd if it is necessary to maximise Brexit benefits
If there was a referendum tomorrow on abolishing the Senedd (Welsh Parliament) and this was the question, how would you vote? Should Wales abolish the Senedd (Welsh Parliament)?
If there was a referendum tomorrow on the transferring of more powers to the Senedd (Welsh Parliament), including control of tax and welfare, but excluding defence and foreign affairs, how would you vote? Should more powers be transferred to the Senedd (Welsh Parliament)?
55:12
41:15
40:39
32:43
40 (59)
28 (41)
20
10
3
Polls in the absence of devolution, by political party
^Doe, Norman (January 2020). "The Welsh Church Act 1914: A Century of Constitutional Freedom for the Church in Wales?". Ecclesiastical Law Journal. 22 (1): 2–14. doi:10.1017/S0956618X19001674. S2CID213980589.
^Jones, J G. (1 January 1990). "Alfred Thomas's National Institution (Wales) Bills of 1891-92". Welsh History Review. 15 (1): 218–239. ProQuest1310503225.
^Records of the Welsh Department and successors. Board of Education, Board of Education, Welsh Department, Department of Education and Science, Education Office for Wales, Department of Education and Science, Welsh Education Office, Education Department, Ministry of Education, Welsh Department. 1880–1983.((cite book)): CS1 maint: others (link)
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^"Countries within a country". 10 Downing Street website. 10 Downing Street. 10 January 2003. Archived from the original on 9 September 2008. Retrieved 5 November 2010. The United Kingdom is made up of four countries: England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland.
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