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Westrobothnian[citation needed]
bondska
måLe, må𝗹e, bonsk
Pronunciation[ˈmɔːɽɛ]
Native toSweden
RegionWestrobothnia
Dialects
Westrobothnian alphabet (Latin script)
Language codes
ISO 639-3
swe-vas
GlottologNone
This article contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Unicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, see Help:IPA.

Westrobothnian[citation needed] (Swedish: bondska)[1] is a number of closely related Norrland dialects (part of Scandinavian dialects) spoken natively in the countryside along the coast of the historical province of Västerbotten (also called "Westrobothnia") in co-existence with Finnish, Sami languages and Swedish. Westrobothnian borders the traditional Sami-speaking Lapland to the west and Finnish-speaking Torne Valley to the north. Like all Scandinavian languages, the different varieties of Westrobothnian are descendants of Proto-Norse and dialects of Old Norse.

Westrobothnian has three grammatical genders in most dialects, two plural forms of indefinite nouns, and broad usage of definite nouns. Nouns are also inflected differently in the dative and accusative case. Some adjectives can be serially joined with nouns and some have two plural forms. A pleonastic article is always used before names when referring to someone. In the vocative, a name may instead be declined similarly to how words for near kin decline in the vocative.

History

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Historical Westrobothnia and Sapmi 1796
Historical Westrobothnia and Sapmi 1796

Westrobothnian dialects, in their different forms, were historically the native tongues in Umeå and Skellefteå. In Kalix and Luleå, they coexisted with Kven before gradually becoming the majority language of the region. These two counties are now part of Norrbotten County but before 1810, they belonged to Westrobothnia and so their dialects are included in the Westrobothnian dialect continuum. The different dialects of Westrobothnian are also present in southern and central Lapland, where it was introduced in the late 17th century as the colonization of traditional Sami lands begun. Each person was promised 15 tax-free years and other state privileges for settling what was then referred to as Lappmarkerna, and many people from the coasts started moving up the river valleys to settle villages such as Arvidsjaur, Lycksele and as far north as Eastern Jokkmokk, which brought different dialects of Westrobothnian to the Lapland region that had until then spoken Sami. The main characteristics developed largely independently of Swedish for almost a millennium until 1850, when Standard Swedish began to become widely adopted in all parts of Sweden. At first, they co-existed peacefully but during the 1930s the repression of genuine dialects and non-North Germanic languages was at its peak. Children were prohibited from using their native languages in schools. Standard Swedish is mostly based on the dialects spoken in Svealand and Götaland and so differed considerably from Westrobothnian, moreso than the differences between Swedish and the neighbouring Norwegian and Danish languages. The cities soon became mostly Swedish-speaking while the rural dialects maintained a strong presence in rural areas. The rural dialects were gradually displaced through urbanization, and a dominance of Swedish in broadcast media, press and literature.

The term bondska (literally "peasant-ish") has played a big part in making the native tongues less attractive; it is widely used and causes a lot of misconceptions. The name was most likely not used by native speakers and should be considered pejorative[according to whom?] since the word bonde or bonnigt is either used pejoratively for denoting something uncultivated or to refer to the occupation of farming. But the name was implemented and eventually turned into a self-fulfilling prophecy as the city population gradually switched to Swedish and people from the villages were highly discouraged about using their native tongues when moving to the city.

Modern history

The Swedish school came to Westrobothnia in the 1850s, with the goal of teaching everyone to read, write, speak and understand standard Swedish with its grammar. This was, at first, a rather peaceful form of language education, but escalated under the early 1930s into a system where students were forbidden to speak all forms of local languages in the classrooms throughout Sweden. Similar laws existed in Scotland, where speakers of Scottish Gaelic were forbidden to use their language in schools as a result of the Education (Scotland) Act 1872, and in Wales after the Inquiry into the State of Education in Wales 1847 (commonly referred to as the "Treason of the Blue Books" in Wales). In Westrobothnia, parents were informed that "the Swedish standard language was the future", and that "children can only learn one language properly", and therefore local languages "will handicap them in a future society based solely on standard Swedish". These ideas have been proven well and truly wrong by later research into the field of multilingualism, but they had a huge influence on many relatively small societies like Umeå and Skellefteå where those living in Umeå today could be accused of speaking a dialect which is far more influenced by Standard Swedish than by the far purer Skellefteå dialect. The Westrobothnian dialect spoken in Skellefteå has maintained a lot of influence of Westrobothnian language in terms of pronunciation and certain words, but among the younger generation very few people know how to properly speak the Westrobothnian language or even understand it. The language still remains severely threatened with extinction.

There are notable differences between the dialects since they have never been standardized but the lexical similarity and grammar is without a doubt far more similar than if one of them is compared to standard Swedish. A standardization of the different dialects would make it more attractive to learn and raise the awareness of them as the endangered native tongues that they indeed are.

There are no official signs with Westrobothnian names; Westrobothnian places like Uum, Schélett, Peeit, Leeul and Kôlis are written in cartographic Swedish as Umeå, Skellefteå, Piteå, Luleå and Kalix.

Documentation

While Westrobothnian was made a taboo subject in many ways by the Swedish educational system, and it thus lacks the historical documentation that the northernmost Westrobothnian dialect, the Kalix dialect can boast with. The Kalix dialect is, however, a bit different from the others and mutual intelligibility with more southern dialects is not very high. A large number of modern writers, artists and musicians use different forms of Westrobothnian on a daily basis. Several prominent Swedish writers have used Westrobothnian in their novels mixing the dialects with various degrees of standard Swedish, among them Sara Lidman, Nikanor Teratologen and Torgny Lindgren and a number of short stories and collections of idioms have been written.[2][3]

Furthermore, several different scholarly studies into different forms of Westrobothnian have been published over the years, among them a study of Norsjö Westrobothnian.[4]

A number of dictionaries exist to aid the speakers and learners of Westrobothnian as well. A dictionary documenting the language spoken in Vännäs, a municipality in southern Westrobothnia was published in 1995 after 8 years of studies[5] and the speakers of Skellefteå Westrobothnian have published a number of different grammars and dictionaries.[6][7]

Germanic dialect continuum

Westrobothnian is part of a Germanic dialect continuum on the Scandinavian Peninsula, and more locally along the coastline of the Bothnian Bay. As such all forms of Westrobothnian are more or less related to the languages spoken in Jämtland and Ångermanland and to a smaller extent with the dialects spoken in the Swedish speaking Ostrobothnia.

Distinctions to the west and south

There are still more or less certain borders between lects, such as the Westrobothnian complete loss of a final vowel in some long-stem words such as in /²fjʉːk/[8] 'blow around, snow lightly' versus the Angermannian and Iemtian mostly preserved vowel in /²fyːkʰə/.[8] Another example is a vowel-balance split, such as the rounded vowel in Westrobothnian /²tʰɑːɽɐ/~/²tʰɒːɽɐ/~/²tʰoːɽɐ/ versus the unrounded Angermannian and Iemtian vowel /²tʰäʰːɽɐ/~/²tʰæːɽɐ/ 'to speak'. The softening of intermediary consonants before front vowels is also different in /²tʰɞjːe/~/²tʰɛjːɪ/~/²tʰäjːɪ/~/tʰui̯/ and /²tʰeːɣe/~/²tʰɛɣːɪ/ ’taken.’ Generally, Westrobothnian did not partake is the western vowel-assimilations of the type vikuvuku, hitahata, lesalasa, sofasovo, etc., but rather retained the vowels of viku, hita, *lisa,[9] *sufa, with some seeming quality change only due to secondary lengthening; e.g. /lɪsɐ̃//²lɪːsɐ/.

Intermediary examples can be found in Nordmaling, where bånut, bånat 'pregnant', is bånet, which is also the (northern) Angermannian form.

Distinctions to the east

Westrobothnian always apocopes long-stem words, never short-stem words, while Ostrobothnian can have apocope in any word. Another difference is that Westrobothnian regularly differentiates feminine definite forms, depending on whether the word ends in a vowel or a consonant, while Ostrobothnian inflection can be more generalised. Westrobothnian has short-stem nouns viku, viko def. -n ’week,’ sögu, sögo, def. -n ’saw, story,’ long-stem skir def. -a ’magpie,’ kvissel def. kvissla ’blister,’ while Ostrobothnian has corresponding vik(å), def. -on, sag, def. -on, skjår, skjorå, def. -on, kvisel, def. kvislon.[1]

Grammar

Most forms of Westrobothnian have an extensive inflection, with many characteristics similar to the German language.

Gender

Westrobothnian has three grammatical genders: masculine, feminine, and neuter.

Adjectives mostly decline in neuter, adding -t or changing -i(n) for -e, although the variation in -in versus -i may represent the older masculine and feminine forms. Adjectives not ending in -i(n) sometimes have masculine declension, as in st(å)orer stöɽing(j)en “a big boy”, alternating with n st(å)or( n )stöɽing. Some words more commonly express -er than others. More common than -er is -e, which is used in all genders: häile ättermeda(je)n (masculine) “all afternoon”; st(å)ore f(å)ola (feminine) “a great lot”; häile hvärve (neuter) “the whole set of clothes”. The -e can also express emphasis: he var st(å)ore h(e)use “there was such a large house there”/“it was really a big house”.

The articles used are äin (n) for masculine words, äi(n) ([i]n) for feminine, äitt (i) for neuter, and in plural (äin)a for all genders. In a construction like “a big house”, the article is doubled: i st(å)ort i h(e)us; but is lacking in “the big house”, where adjective and noun merge: st(å)orh(e)use. Pronouns are also declined: ann hvorn dag “every other day”, annar hvor bjerk “every other birch”, anne hvort h(e)us “every other house”.

Noun paradigms

All nouns have an indefinite and a definite singular and plural form, and definite dative singular and plural forms. The declinations are slightly different depending on original syllable length.

In addition to the patterns below, long monosyllabic masculine words ending in a vowel, like snjö “snow”, also have the dative ending -(r)no(m), and feminine words of the same type may have that dative form in plural. These type of words are also often unchanged in the indefinite plural. Another quirk is that monosyllabic masculine and feminine nouns that are rarely or not at all used in plural have grave accent in the dative rather than acute, e.g.; mjɒ́ɽka “the milk”, but mjɒ̀ɽken “the milk (dat.)”, and krɒ́ppen “the body”, but krɒ̀ppo(m) “the body (dat.)”; this does not affect the neuter dative form as it always has the grave accent. Rarely indefinite dative forms are found, and only in the singular (unless one instead sees the def. and indef. dat. pl. forms as identical in form): mö̀rn’ “morning”. In these examples, the sign ’ in final position marks where grave accent within a single syllable forms circumflex accent due to apocope of long syllable, and the combination rn represents /ɳ/ and kj /t͡ɕ/.

Typical short monosyllabic declensions
Gender Singular Def. sing. Dat. sing. Plural Def. plur. Dat. plur. Meaning
Masculine dág dá(je)n dán, dágo(m) dɒ̀ga dɒ̀ga(r)n(a) dɒ̀go(m) “day”
Feminine fɒ́r fɒ́ra fɒ́rn fɒ̀ra fɒ̀ra(r)n(a) fɒ̀ro(m) “furrow”
Neuter fát fáte fàte(r)n fát fáta fàto(m) “plate”
Typical short duosyllabic declensions
Gender Singular Def. sing. Dat. sing. Plural Def. plur. Dat. plur. Meaning
Masculine stèga stègan stèga(r)no(m) stèga stèga(r)n(a) stègo(m) “ladder”
Feminine vö̀ru, vö̀ro vö̀ru(r)n, vö̀ro(rn) vö̀run, vö̀ron vö̀ru, vö̀ri vö̀run(a), vö̀r(j)in(a) vö̀r(j)o(m) “ware”
Neuter - - - - - -
Typical long monosyllabic declensions
Gender Singular Def. sing. Dat. sing. Plural Def. plur. Dat. plur. Meaning
Masculine bǻt bǻtn bǻto(m) bå̀t’ bå̀ta([r]n) bå̀to(m) “boat”
Feminine bjérk bjérka bjérken bjèrk’ bjèrk(j)e(r)n bjèrk(j)o(m) “birch”
Neuter h(e)ús h(e)úse h(e)ùse(r)n h(e)ús h(e)úsa h(e)ùso(m) “house”
Typical long duosyllabic declensions
Gender Singular Def. sing. Dat. sing. Plural Def. plur. Dat. plur. Meaning
Masculine fàrg’ fàrgen fàrgo(m) fàrg’ fàrga([r]n) fàrgo(m) “boar”
Feminine fèrg’ fèrga fèrgen fèrg’ fèrg(j)e(r)n fèrgo(m) “colour”
Neuter sèt’ sète sète(r)n sèt’ sèta sèto(m) “bench; haycock”

Definite and indefinite nouns

The definite noun form is used in a broader sense than in other Scandinavian languages, which is typical in all dialects spoken in northern Scandinavia.[10] Most typically, wordings like “made of wood” or “I like bread” would have “wood” and “bread” in their definite forms in Westrobothnian, while Danish, Swedish and Norwegian would use the indefinite forms.

Case

Westrobothnian has around three to five cases, depending on definition.

Nominative and accusative usually take the same form, except in pronouns where there are doublets such as vor and vånn “our, masc.”, m(y)in and m(y)i “my/mine, fem.”, männ and määnn “my/mine, masc.”

Dative is separated from the accusative and nominative case, in that it differs from the two others, which are identical. Whenever a dative is used, the dative suffix -åm or -o(m) is added to masculine nouns, to some -(r)nåm or -no(m), whereas the suffix -(e)n is added to feminine nouns, and -e(r)n (rarely -[r]n) to neuters. In all cases, the plural ending is identical to masculine singular, although the accent may still differentiate masculine singular and plural; e.g. stǽino(m) “stone” stæ̀ino(m) “stones”; this is less common for words that mostly are only used in singular; e.g. krɒ̀ppo(m) “body/bodies”; and some forms retain grave accent by having other distinctions: sk(å)òjo(m) “the forest” vs. sk(å)ògo(m) “the forests”. Some plurals also display -nåm/-no(m). For the pronouns männ “mine”, dänn “thine”, sänn “himself/herself/itself”, the respective dative forms are m-/d-/s- -i(r)no(m), -ännar, -i(r)ne, and plural all cases -i(r)no(m). Examples in masculine singular: nom./acc. vájen mä́nn “my road”, dat. (opp)a vàjom mìrnom “(up)on my road”. Note that -i- becomes -öy- and -äi- in the northernmost dialects, where also -o is used for -om, so e.g. mi(r)nom is möyno or mäino.

A traditional genitive case is mostly unused, but rather the dative has taken over most roles of the genitive, while genitive forms serve other purposes, such as forming compounds or derivations, or have specified meanings; e.g. års “year’s,” indef. gen. sg. of år “year,” is used to form compounds, such as för-års-korn “two years old grain,” while the def. gen. sg. årsens is used as a separate word meaning “that of this year,” usually meaning the harvest of the past year. An example of doublet forms is vatn “water,” which uses the form vötu for regular compounds; e.g. vötumonn “mouthful of water,” while the form vass is used to form nouns denoting residents of placenames ending in -vatn(e), such as Mjövassa “inhabitants of Mjövatne (a village.) Some traditional use of genitive does occur; e.g. grannars gåln “the neighbour’s estate.”

Vocative is by nature typically restricted to nouns referring to living beings; e.g. stinta “girl!”, stinte “girls!”, pajk(e) “boy!”, pajkar “boys!”, fåre “sheep!”, Erke “Eric!”, Janke “John!”, måmme “mom!”, fare “father!”. Typically a suffix along with duosyllabic accent is used for all vocative forms. Rarely other words take vocative form; e.g. kärä “[my] dear,” = “please!”

Verbs

Verbs are conjugated in singular and plural in present, past, and imperative, usually also past subjunctive and sometimes present subjunctive, and the prefix o- is used with perfect participles to denote that something has not happened yet, e.g. h(e)u hav ofyri “she hasn't left yet”, literally “she has un-gone”. No suffix marks the present tense except for the words /fa “receive, give” /ga “walk, go” and stå/sta “stand”, which display -r in singular.

A common pattern is that the present and imperative singular is a monosyllabically accented or shorter version of the infinitive, and that the plural present is identical to the infinitive, e.g.; kåma “come” has singular present and imperative kåm, plural present kåma. The imperative plural tends to appear as the root form or supine form plus -e(r)n, e.g.; supine kömi “(has) come” + -en = köm(j)e(r)n! “(you) come!”. Likewise, sl(j)ɒ “beat, mow” has supine slæije and plural imperative slæije(r)n “(you) beat, mow!”. Since the infinitive is already monosyllabic with monosyllabic accent, the present singular and imperative are unchanged. Weak verbs like l(j)ès “lock” (Old Norse læsa) has singular present and imperative l(j)és, plural present l(j)ès, plural imperative l(j)èse(r)n.

Strong and pseudo-strong conjugation

Some strong paradigms such as fara, fer, for, fyri[11] are preserved, though often there is a generalisation of the singular present or infinitive and plural present, thus fara, far, or fera, fer. Due to vowel-balance, even with a generalised paradigm there can be a vowel difference between /²fɑːrɐ/ and /fæːr/.[11] This also leads to pseudo-strong conjugation of formally weak verbs such as /²hɑːʋɐ/, /hæːʋ/, pret. /²hædː/, sup. /hædː/[11] ’to have.’

Adjectives

Adjectives and adverbs can be joined with nouns, e.g. fleenonga – the crying children and liislpajtjen – the little boy.

Pleonastic article

The pleonastic article is widespread among languages in the area, as far north as Troms.[12] A pleonastic article, marking the opposite of the vocative, is put before people's names, pets' names, and words denoting the immediate family. The masculine form is n, and the feminine form is a. For example; “father is home” is n far jär hæ̀im’. In dative, n becomes om or o, e.g. ɒt om Jɒ̀nk’ “to John”.

Writing systems orthography and phonology

In early scientific literature, a phonetic alphabet landsmålsalfabetet (LMA), developed by Johan August Lundell was used to write most northern dialects, while the most widely used informal form of writing is based on the Latin alphabet with a few added symbols, including the letters å, ä, ö, a capitalised L or bolded 𝗹, apostrophe for marking long or diacritic accents, etc. Since no formal standard has been developed, slight differences can be found among different writers. The lack of a standardized writing system has made the dialects drift more and more towards the standard language, and many short stories written in Westrobothnian have been influenced by standard Swedish to various degrees.

Some published writings use dotted letters for some common phonemes ( for /ɖ/, for /e̞/, for /ɽ/, for /ɳ/, for /ʂ/, for /ʈ/.)

Pehr Stenberg uses his own particular orthography, with two new letters and some special consonant combinations to denote certain Westrobothnian sounds.


Consonants

The consonants of Westrobothnian include retroflex consonants derived from consonant clusters. Examples include /ɽ/ from Old Norse rð and /ʈ/ from Old Norse rt, examples /gɑːɽ/ meaning yard, from Old Norse garðr, and /stʊʈː/ meaning big (neuter) which comes from Old Norse stórt.

Westrobothnian also features alveolo-palatal affricates, at least in some dialects, which are /t͡ɕ/ and /d͡ʑ/ which in standard Swedish have become fricatives, for example standard Swedish /jœmːa/ but Skellefteå westrobothnian /d͡ʑâmː/, both meaning ”to hide”.

Vowels

The vowels vary more between dialects than the consonants.

In the southern part of Västerbotten county (specifically Ume dialect), the vowels are roughly like this:

a /ɑ/, â /a/, å /o/, ô /ɞ/, o /u/, u /ʉ/, y /y/, i /i/, ö or ø /ø/, e /e/, ä or æ /æ/ or /ɛ/.

In the Skellefteå region Ume å /o/ corresponds to a /ɑ/, and Ume ô /ɞ/ corresponds to å /o/.

All vowels can be short or long, and the short vowels may be slightly lower than their long counterparts.

There are also diphthongs in most dialects of Westrobothnian, either retained from Old Norse or developed later. For example, the word meaning wet, from Old Norse blautr, is /bɽœyt/ in Umeå, /bɽait/ in Skellefteå and /bɽœut/ in Piteå. Generally speaking, the further north you go the more secondary diphthongs you will find. Umeå has none, Skellefteå has ei and öi from i and y, while Piteå has ei, oi, åo and eu from í, ý, ó and ú.

Westrobothnian also features pitch accent, just like standard Swedish and Norwegian. Unlike Swedish though, monosyllabic words can have accent 2 (which is called circumflex in monosyllabic words and is actually a rising tone) if the word historically had a vowel at the end. For example, /vâːɽ/ ”to become” from old Swedish varþa VS /vaːɽ/ ”roots in ground” from old Swedish varþ(er).

Notes

1.^ Ostrobothnian examples taken from Rietz.

References

  1. ^ "Västerbotten" [Westrobothnia]. Swedish Institute for Language and Folklore. Archived from the original on 5 February 2007. Retrieved 22 December 2017 – via Internet Archive.
  2. ^ "Archived copy". opac.v8biblioteken.se. Archived from the original on 17 July 2012. Retrieved 3 February 2022.((cite web)): CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
  3. ^ "Archived copy". opac.v8biblioteken.se. Archived from the original on 13 July 2012. Retrieved 3 February 2022.((cite web)): CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
  4. ^ "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2011-07-19. Retrieved 2011-05-01.((cite web)): CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
  5. ^ "LIBRIS - Vännäsmålet". Libris.kb.se. Retrieved 22 December 2017.
  6. ^ "LIBRIS - Skelleftemålet". Libris.kb.se. Retrieved 22 December 2017.
  7. ^ "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2012-10-18. Retrieved 2011-05-01.((cite web)): CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
  8. ^ a b Rietz, Johan Ernst, Svenskt dialektlexikon : ordbok öfver svenska allmogespråket, 1862-1867, pg. 141
  9. ^ Svenska landsmål och Svenskt folkliv, 1891, pg. 88
  10. ^ Dahl, Östen (2010). Grammaticalization in the North: Noun Phrase Morphosyntax in Scandinavian Vernaculars. Stockholm: Institutionen för lingvistik vid Stockholms universitet. ISBN 978-91-978304-1-6. Retrieved 2011-04-10.
  11. ^ a b c Valfrid Lindgren, Jonas, Orbok över Burträskmålet, 1940, pg. 39 ’fara’, pg. 60 ’hava’
  12. ^ An introduction to Norwegian dialects, Olaf Husby (red), Tapir Akademic Press, Trondheim 2008