From 1 July to 5 August 1969, ten Crimean Tatar civil rights activists frequently dubbed the "Tashkent Ten" were tried in the Tashkent City Court under Articles 190-1 of the RSFSR Criminal Code and similar codes of other Soviet republics for activities the prosecutor Boris Berezovsky described as "being actively involved in solving the so-called Crimean Tatar issue [sic]" and "engaging in the production and distribution of various kinds of documents containing deliberately false fabrications that discredit the Soviet state". In line with standard practice at the time, the inditement and prosecution documents consistently labeled the ethnicity of the defendants not at Crimean Tatar but called them "persons of Tatar nationality who previously lived in Crimea" and as such intentionally avoided acknowledging Crimean Tatars to be a distinct ethnic group, using degrading phrases like "so-called Crimean Tatars" to mock the defendants use of the ethnonym "Crimean Tatar", which the defendants in turn denounced during the proceedings.[43]
In 1968, Svetlana Ametova, Munire Khalilova, and Reshat Bayramov met with Sergey Tokarev, scientific secretary of the Institute of Ethnography, who agreed with their statements that the term "Tatar" is not a national origin but a label historically used by Russians to refer to many unrelated non-Russian peoples, and was stuck in use as an adjective for certain peoples on a random basis.[44]
Lawyer Nikolai Safonov represented Reshat Bayramov and Ayder Bariev.
Laywers Nikolai Monakhov, Vladimir Zaslavsky.
Prosecuter demanded 3-year sentences for Bayramov, Bariev, Khairov, and Kadyev; 1.5 year sentences for Umerov and Gafarov; 1-year sentences for Ametova, Khalilova, and Yasydzhiev, and year of corrective labor for Eminov.[45] All ten defendants were found guilty. Bayramov and Kadyev were sentenced to three years in general regime prisons; Bariev and Khairov were sentenced to 1.5 years in general regime prisons; Yazydzhiev was sentenced to one year in a general regime prison and 15% wage deduction; Gafarov was sentenced to one year in a general regime prison; Eminov was sentenced to six months corrective labor and a 15% wage deduction; Umerov was released with two years of probation; Ametova and Khalilova who were in detention since September 1968, were released on time served. (pgs 680-681)
Ever since being universally deported from Crimea in 1944 and exiled mostly to the Uzbek SSR (and some to the Mari ASSR) in 1944, the Crimean Tatars were officially dubbed "persons of Tatar nationality formerly living in the Crimea", not Crimean Tatars, and were lumped into Tatars in censuses; although other major ethnic groups accused of treason and deported to Central Asia during World War II such as the Chechens, Ingush, Kalmyks, Balkars, and Karachays were always recognized as distinct ethnic groups even in exile and were universally allowed to return to their homelands in the Khrushchev era, where their titular national republics restored, the Crimean Tatars had no such rights. Such was the case that the very same decree that rehabilitated those peoples in 1956 took on a genocidal tone towards Crimean Tatars, urging "national reunification" in the distant Tatar ASSR belonging to the distant but confusingly named Volga Tatars in lieu of restoration of the Crimean ASSR for Crimean Tatars who sought a national republic, which was described as "inexpedient".
When pressed on the issue by outsiders, the government insisted that Crimean Tatars had equal rights and most simply did not want to return to Crimea, but maintained starkly different policy in practice; when Crimean Tatars tried to move to Crimea they were almost always denied the required propiska and could then be deported again, while non-Tatar migrants to Crimea faced no such barriers to getting permission to live in Crimea and were frequently encouraged to move there. In Uzbekistan, where most Crimean Tatars lived, those who expressed desire to move to Crimea were chastised, belittled, and reminded that Crimea was closed to them. However, desire to return to Crimea and to retain Crimean Tatar identity remained: eventually after being sent numerous petitions demanding Crimean Tatar rehabilitation, the government relented to allowing some of the smaller demands in a limited scope such allowing the creation Haytarma ensamble some Crimean Tatar language classes after many years of no Crimean Tatars attending schooling in their native language.
At first, in the early 1950's, there was a sense of hope among the Crimean Tatar civil rights movement that they would soon be fully rehabilitated in the same manner that other deported peoples were; sentiments were hopeful and most felt that the deportation and other repressive measures mistake that would soon be reversed. However, time passed and the numerous petitions and delegations led by respected Crimean Tatar members of the Communist Party begging for the government to adhere to Leninist national policy towards Crimean Tatars frequently went quite poorly and were received with indifference at best and often hostility. Eventually the mass petition movement died down, and delegations to Moscow became less frequent and with reduced optimism. With no one central leader, regional "initiative groups" based in different cities of the Uzbek SSR formed, all pushing for the common goal of right of return and restoration of the Crimean ASSR. While some of the less active members just occasionally signed petitions and aired grievances at meetings, others took to researching the history of the Crimean ASSR in the Lenin era and self-publishing their lists of grievances and suggestions for how rehabilitation should be carried out.
At the start of the wave of petitions, in July 1957 a cordial letter to Khrushchev requesting a meeting to discuss the issue of Crimean Tatar rehabilitation; the brief letter was co-signed by 26 highly respected Crimean Tatars, consisting of party members and veterans, including Amet-khan Sultan, Shamil Alyadin, and Midat Selimov. No meeting was given, but the Central Committee Department of Party Organs took note of the rising petition movement among Crimean Tatars.[47] Eventually on 18 March 1958 a group of Crimean Tatar activists secured a meeting with Anastas Mikoyan,
Ablyaz Kerimov | |
---|---|
Native name | Абляз Хаирович Керимов |
Born | 1919 Köpürliköy, Qarasuvbazar region, RSFSR |
Died | 1998 Crimea, Ukraine |
Allegiance | Soviet Union |
Service/branch | Cavalry |
Rank | Senior lieutenant |
Awards | Order of the Red Banner |
Ablyaz Khairovich Kerimov (Russian: Абляз Хаирович Керимов; 1919 – 1998) was a Crimean Tatar cavalry officer and squadron commander in the Red Army during World War II who was nominated for the title Hero of the Soviet Union for his bravery in the battle for the Oder river. [48][49][50][51][52]
Ismail Umerovich Chaylak (Russian: Исмаил Умерович Чайлак; 1900 – 16 February 1986) was a Crimean Tatar scout in the Red Army who was nominated for the title Hero of the Soviet Union.[53] [54] [55] [56]
Emir Lyumanov (Russian: Эмир Люманов; 1911 – 5 September 1941) was a senior lieutenant in the Red Army during World War II. Killed in action during the battle for Yelnya, he became the first Crimean Tatar nominated for the title Hero of the Soviet Union when his commander posthumously nominated him for the title. However, the nomination was later downgraded and he was only awarded the Order of Lenin.[57][58][59]
Fazil Assanovich Azizov (Russian: Фазил Ассанович Азизов; 1917 – 1 November 1944)[60][61]
Vasvi Abduraimov | |
---|---|
Born | 18 October 1954 |
Citizenship | USSR → Ukraine → Russia |
Awards | Medal of the Order "For Merit to the Fatherland" |
Vasvi Ennanovich Abduraimov (Russian: Васви Эннанович Абдураимов, Crimean Tatar: Vasvi Ennan oğlu Abduraimov; born 18 October 1954) is the chairman of New Milliy Fırqa. As a strong opponent of the Mejlis, supporter of the 2014 annexation of the peninsula, and critic of the Ukrainian government, he is universally considered to be part of the pro-Russia faction in Crimea; however, his staunch opposition to the controversial "Crimean Rose" Russian settlement project, demolitions of Crimean Tatar houses, certain bans on rallies, and other measures against the Crimean Tatars has been a subject of disagreement with others in the Russian government.
Abduraimov was born on 18 October 1954 in Hamza village in the Fergana valley of the Uzbek SSR, where his parents had been deported to in 1944. Because Crimean Tatars were not allowed the full right of return until 1989,[62] long after other deported peoples were allowed to return to their homelands,[63] he grew up in exile and attended school in the Uzbek SSR; there, he graduated from the Faculty of Physics and Technology of the Fergana State Pedagogical Institute in 1976. Subsequently he briefly served in the Soviet Army before returning to an engineering career in 1977; until 1981 he worked as lead engineer of the research department at the Fergana State Pedagogical Institute. He then attended graduate school at the Leningrad Physics and Technology Institute named after V.I. Ioffe of the Soviet Academy of Sciences.[64]
[65][66][67][68][69][70][71][72]
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Crimean Mountain Tats, also referred to as Highlanders or Mountain-dwellers are one of the main Crimean Tatar subethnos, descending almost entirely from the pre-Horde Crimean peoples, with roots tracing back to old Greek, Genoese, Gothic, Anatolian, Alanian, and Armenian peoples of Crimea.[1] The word "Tat", which is also applied to various other ethnic groups that adopted Islam, was originally used as a derogatory connotation, and became their ethnonym by being referred to as Tats by Nogays to denote that they were subjects.[2][3] Their dialect is the "middle" dialect of the Crimean Tatar language.[4] Traditional Tat houses were typically covered in foliage and often built into the sides of cliffs or mountains so they only had to build three walls.[2]
The mountains provided an environment that cultivated the ethnogenesis of the Crimean Tatar nation as it provided a space for Crimean peoples to congregate while providing protection from steppe invasions, leading to the development of the slowly Tatarized and unified nation.[5] Although they converted to Islam much later than the Steppe Crimeans, the Mountain Tats were heavily Tatarized before the coastal Yaliboylu were.[1] Nevertheless, the Tats were recognized as a separate and distinct ethnic group by the Crimean Khanate, which appointed a separate minister for governing them, the Tat-ağası ("Lord of the Tats").[6] The social differences between them and other Crimea Tatar subethnoses gradually declined from the 1800s, and have since largely merged into the single Crimean Tatar nation, although awareness of being part of a particular ethnos remains along with some differences in customs and dialect have survived the exile.[7]
The Yalıboylu (Crimean Tatar: sg. Yalıboylu, Template:Plural form; lit. 'coastal dwellers', Russian: Южнобережцы) are a subethnos of Crimean Tatars who traditionally lived along the southern shore (Yalı boyu) of the Crimean Peninsula.
The roots of the Yaliboylu people traces back to many populations that settled in Crimea in ancient times. The Pontic Greeks, Goths, Genoese, Venetians, Circassians who inhabited the south coastal strip, as well as small groupings of 8th century fishermenand Mediterranean settlers that immigrated from Ancient Anatolia of Pontus Kingdom in 10th century B.C. are the ancestors of the Yaliboylu.[8]
Initially they lived under Ottoman rule, but went on to live under the Crimean Khanate for less than a decade from 1774 to 1783, and then their homeland was annexed by the Russian Empire. As with other Crimean Tatars, they lost their traditional settlements during the 1944 deportation of the Crimean Tatars, which radially changed their culture. The southern coastal strip of Crimea is now largely inhabited by Russians.[9]
Unlike other Crimean Tatar peoples, the Yaliboylu consumed fish in large quantities as a staple of their diet before exile to landlocked Central Asia.[10] They were also renowned for their gardening and agriculture skills, growing tobacco and grapes for wine among other crops.[11][9]
The Southern dialect of Crimean Tatar is of a West Oghuz dialect and is relatively closer to the Turkish language than other dialects of Crimean Tatar. According to Soviet anthropologist Boris Kuftin, some south coast villages spoke "almost pure southern-Turkish".[12][13]
The Yaliboylu people were Orthodox Christians until the 14th century A.D. before largely being converted to Sunnism by the Noghai Khans. They retained many Christian traditions until their forced exile to Central Asia. This included praying at the cemeteries of their Christian ancestors, observing Christian festivals, and baking flatbread with the shape of a crucifix imprinted in it.[14][15]
The Steppe dwellers or Nogays (Crimean Tatar: noğaylar) of Crimea are one of the three main subethnoses of the Crimean Tatars. Their ethnogenesis took place in the steppes of Crimea to the north of the mountains and Southshore. Their culture was close to that of the Nogays of the North Caucuses and Stravpol.
The exact origin of the Steppe Crimeans is debated. One theory is that they are a unification of many Kipchak tribes that lived in the Crimean Steppe.[16] The other theory holds that they are largely descendants of the Nogays of the Caucuses, who are descendants of the Manghud.[17]
In contrast to the Tats subjugated by the Khan, the nomadic Nogays were prolific horseback riders and as such dominated Crimean military and politics. In addition to providing cavalry for the khan, they also conducted raids without the permission of the Khan or Sancakbey, and even killed Mehemed Giray I when he tried to control their lands.[18]Cite error: The opening <ref>
tag is malformed or has a bad name
Eventually by the 18th century most Nogays had abandoned their nomadic lifestyle and settled in villages, where they mostly engaged in animal husbandry and some turned to growing grain. Most of the Crimean Tatars who emigrated from Crimea under the Russian Empire to Turkey were Steppe Crimeans.[18][19]
Until the 20th century, the Crimean Nogays retained many of their tribal traditions (such as wearing their tamga), exogamy, and fosterage. A part of their oral tradition included competitive singing of short impromptu songs by children in festivals. Certain songs are used to celebrate certain events, such as weddings and moving to a new house.[20] Their dialect of Crimean Tatar is a Kipchak language.[16]