The economics of happiness or happiness economics is the theoretical, qualitative and quantitative study of happiness and quality of life, including positive and negative affects, well-being,[1] life satisfaction and related concepts – typically tying economics more closely than usual with other social sciences, like sociology and psychology, as well as physical health. It typically treats subjective happiness-related measures, as well as more objective quality of life indices, rather than wealth, income or profit, as something to be maximized.

The field has grown substantially since the late 20th century, for example by the development of methods, surveys and indices to measure happiness and related concepts,[2] as well as quality of life. Happiness findings have been described as a challenge to the theory and practice of economics.[3] Nevertheless, furthering gross national happiness, as well as a specified Index to measure it, has been adopted explicitly in the Constitution of Bhutan in 2008, to guide its economic governance.

Subject classifications

The subject may be categorized in various ways, depending on specificity, intersection, and cross-classification. For example, within the Journal of Economic Literature classification codes, it has been categorized under:


Given its very nature, reported happiness is subjective.[6] It is difficult to compare one person's happiness with another's.[2] It can be especially difficult to compare happiness across cultures.[2] However, many happiness economists believe they have solved this comparison problem. Cross-sections of large data samples across nations and time demonstrate consistent patterns in the determinants of happiness.[2]

Happiness is typically measured using subjective measures – e.g. self-reported surveys – and/or objective measures. One concern has always been the accuracy and reliability of people's responses to happiness surveys.[7] Objective measures such as lifespan, income, and education are often used as well as or instead of subjectively reported happiness, though this assumes that they generally produce happiness, which while plausible may not necessarily be the case. The terms quality of life or well-being are often used to encompass these more objective measures.

Micro-econometric happiness equations have the standard form: .[2] In this equation is the reported well-being of individual at time , and is a vector of known variables, which include socio-demographic and socioeconomic characteristics.[2]

Macro-econometric happiness has been gauged by some as Gross National Happiness, following Sicco Mansholt's 1972 introduction of the measure,[8] and by others as a Genuine Wealth index. Anielski in 2008 wrote a reference definition on how to measure five types of capital: (1) human; (2) social; (3) natural; (4) built; and (5) financial.[9]

Happiness, well-being, or satisfaction with life, was seen as unmeasurable in classical and neo-classical economics. Van Praag was the first person who organized large surveys in order to explicitly measure welfare derived from income. He did this with the Income Evaluation Question (IEQ). This approach is called the Leyden School. It is named after the Dutch university where this approach was developed. Other researchers included Arie Kapteyn and Aldi Hagenaars.[10]

Some scientists claim that happiness can be measured both subjectively and objectively by observing the joy center of the brain lit up with advanced imaging,[7] although this raises philosophical issues, for example about whether this can be treated as more reliable than reported subjective happiness.



Typically national financial measures, such as gross domestic product (GDP) and gross national product (GNP), have been used as a measure of successful policy. There is a significant association between GDP and happiness, with citizens in wealthier nations being happier than those in poorer nations.[citation needed] In 2002, researchers argued that this relationship extends only to an average GDP per capita of about $15,000.[11] In the 2000s, several studies have obtained the opposite result, so this Easterlin paradox is controversial.[12]

Individual income

Historically, economists have said that well-being is a simple function of income. However, it has been found that once wealth reaches a subsistence level, its effectiveness as a generator of well-being is greatly diminished.[13] Happiness economists hope to change the way governments view well-being and how to most effectively govern and allocate resources given this paradox.[14]

In 2010, Daniel Kahneman and Angus Deaton found that higher earners generally reported better life satisfaction, but people's day-to-day emotional well-being only rose with earnings until a threshold annual household pre-tax income of $75,000.[15] This particular study by Kahneman and Deaton showed the relationship between experienced happiness and the maximum amount of income at $75,000. Experienced happiness is the happiness received on a daily basis-"the frequency and intensity of experiences of joy, fascination, anxiety, sadness, anger, and affection that make one's life pleasant or unpleasant." The other finding from Kahneman and Deaton is there is no evidence supporting a maximum income to what is called reflective happiness. This data is supported by the use of the Cantrill Ladder, which revealed that there is a direct relationship between income and reflective happiness. This can conclude, to a point, that money does buy happiness.

Other factors have been suggested as making people happier than money.[7] A short term course of psychological therapy is 32 times more cost effective at increasing happiness than simply increasing income.[16][17]

Scholars at the University of Virginia, University of British Columbia and Harvard University released a study in 2011 after examining numerous academic papers in response to an apparent contradiction: "When asked to take stock of their lives, people with more money report being a good deal more satisfied. But when asked how happy they are at the moment, people with more money are barely different than those with less." The study included the following eight general recommendations:

In their "Unhappy Cities" paper, Edward Glaeser, Joshua Gottlieb and Oren Ziv examined the self-reported subjective well-being of people living in American metropolitan areas, particularly in relation to the notion that "individuals make trade-offs among competing objectives, including but not limited to happiness." The researchers findings revealed that people living in metropolitan areas where lower levels of happiness are reported are receiving higher real wages, and they suggest in their conclusion that "humans are quite understandably willing to sacrifice both happiness and life satisfaction if the price is right."[20]

Social security

Ruut Veenhoven claimed that social security payments do not seem to add to happiness. This may be due to the fact that non-self-earned income (e.g., from a lottery) does not add to happiness in general either.[citation needed] Happiness may be the mind's reward for a useful action. However, Johan Norberg of CIS, a free enterprise economy think tank, presents a hypothesis that as people who think that they themselves control their lives are happier, paternalist institutions may decrease happiness.[21][22]

An alternative perspective focuses on the role of the welfare state as an institution that improves quality of life not only by increasing the extent to which basic human needs are met, but also by promoting greater control of one's life by limiting the degree to which individuals find themselves at the mercy of impersonal market forces that are indifferent to the fate of individuals. This is the argument suggested by the U.S. political scientist Benjamin Radcliff, who has presented a series of papers in peer-reviewed scholarly journals demonstrating that a more generous welfare state contributes to higher levels of life satisfaction, and does so to rich and poor alike.[23][24][25]


Generally, the well-being of those who are employed is higher than those who are unemployed.[26] Employment itself may not increase subjective well-being, but facilitates activities that do (such as supporting a family, philanthropy, and education). While work does increase well-being through providing income, income level is not as indicative of subjective well-being as other benefits related to employment.[27] Feelings of autonomy and mastery, found in higher levels in the employed than unemployed, are stronger predictors of subjective well-being than wealth.[27]

When personal preference and the amount of time spent working do not align, both men and women experience a decrease in subjective well-being.[28] The negative effect of working more or working less than preferred has been found across multiple studies, most finding that working more than preferred (over-employed) is more detrimental, but some found that working less (under-employed) is more detrimental.[29][30] Most individuals' levels of subjective well-being returned to "normal" (level previous to time mismatch) within one year. Levels remained lower only when individuals worked more hours than preferred for a period of two years or more, which may indicate that it is more detrimental to be over-employed than under-employed in the long-term.[28]

Employment status effects are not confined to the individual. Being unemployed can have detrimental effects on a spouse's subjective well-being, compared to being employed or not working (and not looking for work).[31] Partner life satisfaction is inversely related to the number of hours their partner is underemployed. When both partners are underemployed, the life-satisfaction of men is more greatly diminished than women.[30] However, just being in a relationship reduces the impact unemployment has on the subjective well-being of an individual.[32] On a broad scale, high rates of unemployment negatively affect the subjective well-being of the employed.[33]

Becoming self-employed can increase subjective well-being, given the right conditions. Those who leave work to become self-employed report greater life satisfaction than those who work for others or become self-employed after unemployment; this effect increases over time.[34][35] Those who are self-employed and have employees of their own report higher life-satisfaction than those who are self-employed without employees, and women who are self-employed without employees report a higher life satisfaction than men in the same condition.[36]

The effects of retirement on subjective well-being vary depending on personal and cultural factors. Subjective well-being can remain stable for those who retire from work voluntarily, but declines for those who are involuntarily retired.[37] In countries with an average social norm to work[clarification needed], the well-being of men increases after retirement, and the well-being of retired women is at the same level as women who are homemakers or work outside the home.[26] In countries with a strong social norm to work, retirement negatively impacts the well-being of men and women.[26]

Relationships and children

In the 1970s, women typically reported higher subjective well-being than did men. By 2009, declines in reported female happiness had eroded a gender gap.[38]

In rich societies, where a rise in income doesn't equate to an increase in levels of subjective well-being, personal relationships are the determining factors of happiness.[39]

Glaeser, Gottlieb and Ziv suggest in their conclusion that the happiness trade-offs that individuals seem willing to make aligns with the tendency of parents to report less happiness, as they sacrifice their personal well-being for the "price" of having children.[20]

Freedom and control

There is a significant correlation between feeling in control of one's own life and happiness levels.

A study conducted at the University of Zurich suggested that democracy and federalism bring well-being to individuals.[40]: 4–5  It concluded that the more direct political participation possibilities available to citizens raises their subjective well-being.[40] Two reasons were given for this finding. First, a more active role for citizens enables better monitoring of professional politicians by citizens, which leads to greater satisfaction with government output.[40] Second, the ability for citizens to get involved in and have control over the political process, independently increases well-being.[40]

American psychologist Barry Schwartz argues in his book The Paradox of Choice that too many consumer and lifestyle choices can produce anxiety and unhappiness due to analysis paralysis and raised expectations of satisfaction.

Religious diversity

National cross-sectional data suggest an inverse relationship between religious diversity and happiness[clarification needed], possibly by facilitating more bonding (and less bridging) social capital.[41]

Happiness and leisure

See also: Happiness and Leisure

Much of the research regarding happiness and leisure relies on subjective well-being (SWB) as an appropriate measure of happiness. Research has demonstrated a wide variety of contributing and resulting factors in the relationship between leisure and happiness. These include psychological mechanisms, and the types and characteristics of leisure activities that result in the greatest levels of subjective happiness. Specifically, leisure may trigger five core psychological mechanisms including detachment-recovery from work, autonomy in leisure, mastery of leisure activities, meaning-making in leisure activities, and social affiliation in leisure (DRAMMA).[42] Leisure activities that are physical, relational, and performed outdoors are correlated with greater feelings of satisfaction with free time.[43] Research across 33 different countries shows that individuals who feel they strengthen social relationships and work on personal development during leisure time are happier than others.[44] Furthermore, shopping, reading books, attending cultural events, getting together with relatives, listening to music and attending sporting events is associated with higher levels of happiness. Spending time on the internet or watching TV is not associated with higher levels of happiness as compared to these other activities.[44][43]

Research has shown that culture influences how we measure happiness and leisure. While SWB is a commonly used measure of happiness in North America and Europe, this may not be the case internationally. Quality of life (QOL) may be a better measure of happiness and leisure in Asian countries, especially Korea. Countries such as China and Japan may require a different measurement of happiness, as societal differences may influence the concept of happiness (i.e. economic variables, cultural practices, and social networks) beyond what QOL is able to measure.[45] There seem to be some differences in leisure preference cross-culturally. Within the Croatian culture, family related leisure activities may enhance SWB across a large spectrum of ages ranging from adolescent to older adults, in both women and men. Active socializing and visiting cultural events are also associated with high levels of SWB across varying age and gender.[46] Italians seem to prefer social conceptions of leisure as opposed to individualistic conceptions. Although different groups of individuals may prefer varying types and amount of leisure activity, this variability is likely due to the differing motivations and goals that an individual intends to fulfill with their leisure time.[43]

Research suggests that specific leisure interventions enhance feelings of SWB. This is both a top-down and bottom-up effect, in that leisure satisfaction causally affects SWB, and SWB causally affects leisure satisfaction. This bi-directional effect is stronger in retired individuals than in working individuals. Furthermore, it appears that satisfaction with our leisure at least partially explains the relationship between our engagement in leisure and our SWB.[47] Broadly speaking, researchers classify leisure into active (e.g. volunteering, socializing, sports and fitness) and passive leisure (e.g. watching television and listening to the radio).[48] Among older adults, passive leisure activities and personal leisure activities (e.g. sleeping, eating, and bathing) correlate with higher levels of SWB and feelings of relaxation than active leisure activities. Thus, although significant evidence has demonstrated that active leisure is associated with higher levels of SWB, or happiness, this may not be the case with older populations.[46][48]

Both regular and irregular involvement in sports leisure can result in heightened SWB. Serious, or systematic involvement in certain leisure activities, such as taekwondo, correlates with personal growth and a sense of happiness.[49] Additionally, more irregular (e.g. seasonal) sports activities, such as skiing, are also correlated with high SWB. Furthermore, the relationship between pleasure and skiing is thought to be caused in part by a sense of flow and involvement with the activity.[50] Leisure activities, such as meeting with friends, participating in sports, and going on vacation trips, positively correlate with life satisfaction.[51] It may also be true that going on a vacation makes our lives seem better, but does not necessarily make us happier in the long term. Research regarding vacationing or taking a holiday trip is mixed. Although the reported effects are mostly small, some evidence points to higher levels of SWB, or happiness, after taking a holiday.[52][53]

Economic security

See also: Economic security

[54] Poverty alleviation are associated with happier populations. According to the latest systematic review of the economic literature on life satisfaction: Volatile or high inflation is bad for a population's well-being, particularly those with a right-wing political orientation.[55] That suggests the impact of disruptions to economic security are in part mediated or modified by beliefs about economic security.

Political stability

The Voxeu[56][failed verification] analysis of the economic determinants of happiness found that life satisfaction explains the largest share of an existing government's vote share, followed by economic growth, which itself explains six times as much as employment and twice as much as inflation.

Economic freedom

Individualistic societies have happier populations.[57] Institutes of economic freedom are associated with increases wealth inequality but does not necessarily contribute to decreases in aggregate well-being[58] or subjective well-being at the population level.[59] In fact, income inequality enhances global well-being.[60] There is some debate over whether living in poor neighbours make one happier. And, living among rich neighbours can dull the happiness that comes from wealth. This is purported to work by way of an upward or downward comparison effect (Keeping up with the Joneses). The balance of evidence[citation needed] is trending in favour of the hypothesis that living in poor neighbourhoods makes one less happy, and living in rich neighbourhoods actually makes one happier, in the United States. While social status matters, a balance of factors like amenities, safe areas, well maintained housing, turn the tide in favour of the argument that richer neighbours are happier neighbours.[61]


"The right to participate in the political process, measured by the extent of direct democratic rights across regions, is strongly correlated with subjective well-being (Frey and Stutzer, 2002[58]) ... a potential mechanism that explains this relationship is the perception of procedural fairness and social mobility."[58] Institutions and well-being, democracy and federalism are associated with a happier population. Correspondingly,[62] political engagement and activism have associated health benefits.[63] On the other hand, some non-democratic countries such as China and Saudi Arabia top the Ipsos list of countries where the citizenry is most happy with their government's direction.[64] That suggests that voting preferences may not translate well into overall satisfaction with the government's direction. In any case, both of these factors revealed preference and domain specific satisfaction rather than overall subjective well being.

Economic development

Historically, economists thought economic growth was unrelated to population level well-being, a phenomenon labelled the Easterlin paradox.[65] More robust research has identified that there is a link between economic development and the wellbeing of the population. A <2017 meta-analysis shows that the impact of infrastructure expenditure on economic growth varies considerably.[66] So, one cannot assume an infrastructure project will yield welfare benefits. The paper doesn't investigate or elaborate on any modifiable variables that might predict the value of a project. However, government spending on roads and primary industries is the best value target for transport spending, according to a 2013 meta-analysis.[67] 7%+/−3% per annum discount rates are typically applied as the discount rate on public infrastructure projects in Australia.[68] Smaller real discount rates are used internationally to calculate the social return on investment by governments.

Alternative approach: economic consequences of happiness

While the mainstream happiness economics has focused on identifying the determinants of happiness, an alternative approach in the discipline examines instead what are the economic consequences of happiness. Happiness may act as a determinant of economic outcomes: it increases productivity, predicts one's future income and affects labour market performance.[69] There is a growing number of studies justifying the so-called "happy-productive worker" thesis.[70] The positive and causal impact of happiness on an individual's productivity has been established in experimental studies.[71]

Related studies

The Satisfaction with Life Index. Blue through red represent most to least happy respectively; grey areas have no reliable data available.

The Satisfaction with Life Index is an attempt to show the average self-reported happiness in different nations. This is an example of a recent trend to use direct measures of happiness, such as surveys asking people how happy they are, as an alternative to traditional measures of policy success such as GDP or GNP. Some studies suggest that happiness can be measured effectively.[72][73] The Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), published in November 2008 a major study on happiness economics in Latin America and the Caribbean.[74]

There are also several examples of measures that include self-reported happiness as one variable. Happy Life Years, a concept brought by Dutch sociologist Ruut Veenhoven, combines self-reported happiness with life expectancy. The Happy Planet Index combines it with life expectancy and ecological footprint.

Gross National Happiness (GNH) is a concept introduced by the King of Bhutan in 1972 as an alternative to GDP. Several countries have already developed or are in the process of developing such an index.[7][75] Bhutan's index has led that country to limit the amount of deforestation it will allow and to require that all tourists to its nation must spend US$200[7] Allegedly, low-budget tourism and deforestation lead to unhappiness.[7]

After the military coup of 2006, Thailand also instituted an index.[7] The stated promise of the new Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont is to make the Thai people not only richer but happier as well.[7] Much like GDP results, Thailand releases monthly GNH data.[76] The Thai GNH index is based on a 1–10 scale with 10 being the happiest.[76] As of 13 May 2007, the Thai GNH measured 5.1 points.[76] The index uses poll data from the population surveying various satisfaction factors such as security, public utilities, good governance, trade, social justice, allocation of resources, education and community problems.[76]

Australia,[75] China, France[77] and the United Kingdom[78] are also coming up with indexes to measure national happiness.[7] The UK began to measure national wellbeing in 2012.[79] North Korea also announced an international Happiness Index in 2011 through Korean Central Television. North Korea itself came in second, behind #1 China.[80] Canada released the Canadian Index of Wellbeing (CIW) in 2011 to track changes in wellbeing. The CIW has adopted the following working definition of wellbeing: The presence of the highest possible quality of life in its full breadth of expression focused on but not necessarily exclusive to good living standards, robust health, a sustainable environment, vital communities, an educated populace, balanced time use, high levels of democratic participation, and access to and participation in leisure and culture[81]

Ecuador's and Bolivia's new constitutions state the indigenous concept of "good life" ("buen vivir" in Spanish, "sumak kawsay" in Quichua, and "suma qamaña" in Aymara) as the goal of sustainable development.

Neoclassical economics

Neoclassical, as well as classical economics, are not subsumed under the term happiness economics although the original goal was to increase the happiness of the people. Classical and neoclassical economics are stages in the development of welfare economics and are characterized by mathematical modeling. Happiness economics represents a radical break with this tradition. The measurement of subjective happiness respectively life satisfaction by means of survey research across nations and time (in addition to objective measures like lifespan, wealth, security etc.) marks the beginning of happiness economics.


Some have suggested that establishing happiness as a metric is only meant to serve political goals.[7] Recently there has been concern that happiness research could be used to advance authoritarian aims.[7] As a result, some participants at a happiness conference in Rome have suggested that happiness research should not be used as a matter of public policy but rather used to inform individuals.[7]

Even on the individual level, there is discussion on how much effect external forces can have on happiness. Less than 3% of an individual's level of happiness comes from external sources such as employment, education level, marital status, and socioeconomic status.[82] To go along with this, four of the Big Five Personality Traits are substantially associated with life satisfaction, openness to experience is not associated.[83] Having high levels of internal locus of control leads to higher reported levels of happiness.[84][85]

Even when happiness can be affected by external sources, it has high hedonic adaptation, some specific events such as an increase in income, disability, unemployment, and loss (bereavement) only have short-term (about a year) effects on a person's overall happiness and after a while happiness may return to levels similar to unaffected peers.[86][87]

What has the most influence over happiness are internal factors such as genetics, personality traits, and internal locus of control. It is theorized that 50% of the variation in happiness levels is from genetic sources and is known as the genetic set point. The genetic set point is assumed to be stable over time, fixed, and immune to influence or control.[88] This goes along with findings that well-being surveys have a naturally positive baseline.[89]

With such strong internal forces on happiness, it is hard to have an effect on a person's happiness externally. This in turn lends itself back to the idea that establishing a happiness metric is only for political gain and has little other use. To support this even further it is believed that a country aggregate level of SWB can account for more variance in government vote share than standard macroeconomic variables, such as income and employment.[90]

Technical issues

According to Bond and Lang (2018), the results are skewed due to the fact that the respondents have to "round" their true happiness to the scale of, e.g., 3 or 7 alternatives (e.g., very happy, pretty happy, not too happy). This "rounding error" may cause a less happy group seem happier, in the average. This would not be the case if the happiness of both groups would be normally distributed with the same variance[clarification needed], but that is usually not the case, based on their results. For some not-implausible log-normal assumptions on the scale[example needed], typical results can be reversed to the opposite results.[91]

They also show that the "reporting function" seems to be different for different groups and even for the same individual at different times. For example, when a person becomes disabled, they soon start to lower their threshold for a given answer (e.g., "pretty happy"). That is, they give a higher answer than they would have given at the same happiness state before becoming disabled[clarification needed].[91]

See also


References and notes

  1. ^ "Making personal happiness and wellbeing a goal of public policy". London School of Economics. Archived from the original on 4 April 2018. Retrieved 4 April 2018.
  2. ^ a b c d e f g Carol Graham, 2008. "happiness, economics of," The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, 2nd Edition. Abstract. Prepublication copy.
      • _____, 2005. "The Economics of Happiness: Insights on Globalization from a Novel Approach," World Economics, 6(3), pp. 41–58 (indicated there as adapted from previous source).
      • David G. Blanchflower, 2008. "Happiness Economics," NBER Reporter Online, (2), pp. 7–10. Abstract-linked-footnotes version.
  3. ^ Richard Layard, 2006. "Happiness and Public Policy: A Challenge to the Profession," Economic Journal, 116 (510), Conference Papers, pp. C24–C33.
  4. ^ Ulf-G, Gerdtham; Magnus (2001). "The Relationship Between Happiness, Health, and Socio-economic Factors: Results Based on Swedish Microdata" (PDF). Journal of Socio-Economics. 30 (6): 553–57. doi:10.1016/S1053-5357(01)00118-4.
  5. ^ Carol Graham, 2010. "The Challenges of Incorporating Empowerment into the HDI: Some Lessons from Happiness Economics and Quality of Life Research," 54 pages Archived 12 May 2013 at the Wayback Machine, Human Development Reports Research Paper, 2010/13, United Nations.
  6. ^ Ruut Veenhoven, World Database of Happiness, 2007
  7. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l Foroohar, Rana (4 April 2007). "Money vs. Happiness: Nations Rethink Priorities". Newsweek. Retrieved 3 January 2023.
  8. ^ "The Gross National Happiness Origin". Gross National Happiness Institute. 2018. Archived from the original on 27 August 2018.
  9. ^ Anielski, 2008
  10. ^ Van Praag, Bernard (1 March 1971). "The welfare function of income in Belgium: An empirical investigation". European Economic Review. 2 (3): 337–69. doi:10.1016/0014-2921(71)90045-6.
  11. ^ Frey, Bruno S.; Stutzer, Alois (2 December 2001). Happiness and Economics. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-06998-2.
  12. ^ See Easterlin paradox for details.
  13. ^ Easterlin, R. A. (2003). "Explaining happiness". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 100 (19): 11176–83. doi:10.1073/pnas.1633144100. PMC 196947. PMID 12958207.
  14. ^ Andrew Oswald, A Non-Technical Introduction to the Economics of Happiness, 1999
  15. ^ Kahneman, Daniel; Deaton, Angus (21 September 2010). "High income improves evaluation of life but not emotional well-being". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 107 (38): 16489–16493. doi:10.1073/pnas.1011492107. ISSN 0027-8424. PMC 2944762. PMID 20823223.
  16. ^ Devlin, Kate (24 November 2009). "Money does not make you happy 'but therapy does' - Telegraph". Archived from the original on 24 November 2009. Retrieved 3 January 2023.
  17. ^ Boyce, Christopher J.; Wood, Alex M. (October 2010). "Money or mental health: the cost of alleviating psychological distress with monetary compensation versus psychological therapy". Health Economics, Policy and Law. 5 (4): 509–516. doi:10.1017/S1744133109990326. hdl:1893/12139. ISSN 1744-1331. PMID 19919728. S2CID 6985842.
  18. ^ Rozanne Larsen (15 September 2011). "If money doesn't make you happy, then you probably aren't spending it rightf". Journalist's Resource. Harvard Kennedy School's Shorenstein Center and the Carnegie-Knight Initiative. Retrieved 17 August 2014.
  19. ^ Dunn, Elizabeth W.; Gilbert, Daniel T.; Wilson, Timothy D. (2011). "If money doesn't make you happy, then you probably aren't spending it right". Journal of Consumer Psychology. 21 (2): 115–125. doi:10.1016/j.jcps.2011.02.002. ISSN 1057-7408.
  20. ^ a b Glaeser, Edward L.; Gottlieb, Joshua D.; Ziv, Oren (2016). "Unhappy Cities". Journal of Labor Economics. 34 (S2): S129–S182. doi:10.1086/684044. PMC 4986926. PMID 27546979.
  21. ^ The Scientist's Pursuit of Happiness Archived 23 February 2010 at the Wayback Machine, Policy, Spring 2005.
  22. ^ The Centre for Independent Studies. "About CIS". Archived from the original on 29 May 2010. Retrieved 22 March 2010.
  23. ^ Radcliff, Benjamin (2001). "Politics, Markets, and Life Satisfaction". American Political Science Review. 95 (4): 939–52. doi:10.1017/S0003055400400110. S2CID 155370856.
  24. ^ Radcliff, Benjamin; Pacek, Alexander (2008). "Assessing the Welfare State: the Politics of Happiness". Perspectives on Politics. 6 (2): 267–77. doi:10.1017/S1537592708080602. S2CID 154515839.
  25. ^ Alvarez-Diaz, A.; Gonzalez, L.; Radcliff, B. (2010). "The Politics of Happiness: On the Political Determinants of Quality of Life in the American States". The Journal of Politics. 72 (3): 894–905. doi:10.1017/s0022381610000241.
  26. ^ a b c Stam, K.; Sieben, I.; Verbakel, E.; de Graaf, P. M. (2016). "Employment status and subjective well-being: the role of the social norm to work". Work, Employment & Society. 30 (2): 309–33. doi:10.1177/0950017014564602. hdl:2066/156242. S2CID 153785289.
  27. ^ a b Hagler, M.; Hamby, S.; Grych, J.; Banyard, V. (2016). "Working for well-being: Uncovering the protective benefits of work through mixed methods analysis". Journal of Happiness Studies. 17 (4): 1493–510. doi:10.1007/s10902-015-9654-4. S2CID 141859114.
  28. ^ a b Angrave, D.; Charlwood, A. (2015). "What is the relationship between long working hours, over-employment, under-employment and the subjective well-being of workers? Longitudinal evidence from the UK". Human Relations (Submitted manuscript). 68 (9): 1491–515. doi:10.1177/0018726714559752. S2CID 145655672.
  29. ^ Wooden, M.; Warren, D.; Drago, R. (2009). "Working Time Mismatch And Subjective Well-Being" (PDF). British Journal of Industrial Relations. 47 (1): 147–79. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8543.2008.00705.x. S2CID 145067052.
  30. ^ a b Wunder, C.; Heineck, G. (2013). "Working Time Preferences, Hours Mismatch and Well-Being of Couples: Are There Spillovers?" (PDF). Labour Economics. 24: 244–52. doi:10.1016/j.labeco.2013.09.002. hdl:10419/62339.
  31. ^ Kim, M.; Do, Y. K. (2013). "Effect of husbands' employment status on their wives' subjective well-being in Korea". Journal of Marriage & Family. 75 (2): 288–99. doi:10.1111/jomf.12004.
  32. ^ Meer, P (2014). "Gender, Unemployment and Subjective Well-Being: Why Being Unemployed Is Worse for Men than for Women". Social Indicators Research. 115 (1): 23–44. doi:10.1007/s11205-012-0207-5. S2CID 145056657.
  33. ^ Helliwell, J. F.; Huang, H. (2014). "New Measures of the Costs of Unemployment: Evidence from the Subjective Well-Being of 3.3 Million Americans" (PDF). Economic Inquiry. 52 (4): 1485–502. doi:10.1111/ecin.12093. S2CID 96427289.
  34. ^ Binder, Martin; Coad, Alex (2013). "Life satisfaction and self-employment: a matching approach". Small Business Economics (Submitted manuscript). 40 (4): 1009–33. doi:10.1007/s11187-011-9413-9. hdl:10419/57547. S2CID 43078542.
  35. ^ Binder, M.; Coad, A. (2016). "How Satisfied are the Self-Employed? A Life Domain View". Journal of Happiness Studies. 17 (4): 1409–33. doi:10.1007/s10902-015-9650-8. S2CID 54057996.
  36. ^ Johansson Seva, I.; Vinberg, S.; Nordenmark, M.; Strandh, M. (2016). "Subjective Well-Being among the Self-Employed in Europe: Macroeconomy, Gender and Immigrant Status". Small Business Economics. 46 (2): 239–53. doi:10.1007/s11187-015-9682-9. S2CID 146266385.
  37. ^ Bonsang, E.; Klein, T. (2012). "Retirement and subjective well-being". Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization. 83 (3): 311–29. doi:10.1016/j.jebo.2012.06.002. hdl:10419/51994.
  38. ^ "Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco, The Paradox of Declining Female Happiness, May 2009" (PDF).
  39. ^ Layard, R (2007). "Setting happiness as a national goal". The Futurist. 41 (4): 37.
  40. ^ a b c d Frey, Bruno S.; Stutzer, Alois (2000). "Happiness, Economy and Institutions" (PDF). The Economic Journal. 110 (466). Institute for Empirical Research in Economics, University of Zurich: 918–938. ISSN 1424-0459. Archived from the original (PDF) on 4 January 2006.
  41. ^ Okulicz-Kozaryn, Adam (2011). "Does Religious Diversity Make Us Unhappy?". Mental Health, Religion & Culture. 14 (10): 1063–76. doi:10.1080/13674676.2010.550277. S2CID 146704010.
  42. ^ Newman, D. B.; Tay, L.; Diener, E. (2014). "Leisure and subjective well-being: A model of psychological mechanisms as mediating factors". Journal of Happiness Studies. 15 (3): 555–78. doi:10.1007/s10902-013-9435-x. S2CID 51827451.
  43. ^ a b c Mingo, I.; Montecolle, S. (2014). "Subjective and objective aspects of free time: The Italian case". Journal of Happiness Studies. 15 (2): 425–41. doi:10.1007/s10902-013-9429-8. S2CID 144812874.
  44. ^ a b Wang, M.; Wong, M. S. (2014). "Happiness and leisure across countries: Evidence from international survey data". Journal of Happiness Studies. 15 (1): 85–118. doi:10.1007/s10902-013-9417-z. S2CID 144653307.
  45. ^ Liang, J.; Yamashita, T.; Brown, J. S. (2013). "Leisure satisfaction and quality of life in China, Japan, and South Korea: A comparative study using AsiaBarometer 2006". Journal of Happiness Studies. 14 (3): 753–69. doi:10.1007/s10902-012-9353-3. S2CID 145245706.
  46. ^ a b Brajša-Žganec, A.; Merkaš, M.; Šverko, I. (2011). "Quality of life and leisure activities: How do leisure activities contribute to subjective well-being?". Social Indicators Research. 102 (1): 81–91. doi:10.1007/s11205-010-9724-2. S2CID 143891798.
  47. ^ Kuykendall, L.; Tay, L.; Ng, V. (2015). "Leisure engagement and subjective well-being: A meta-analysis". Psychological Bulletin. 141 (2): 364–403. doi:10.1037/a0038508. PMID 25602273.
  48. ^ a b Heo, J.; Lee, Y.; Kim, B.; Chun, S. (2012). "Contribution of relaxation on the subjective well-being of older adults". Activities, Adaptation & Aging. 36 (1): 1–10. doi:10.1080/01924788.2011.647476. S2CID 143621113.
  49. ^ Kim, J.; Heo, J.; Lee, I. H.; Kim, J. (2015). "Predicting personal growth and happiness by using serious leisure model". Social Indicators Research. 122 (1): 147–57. doi:10.1007/s11205-014-0680-0. S2CID 143760629.
  50. ^ Lee, H.; Shin, S.; Bunds, K. S.; Kim, M.; Cho, K. M. (2014). "Rediscovering the positive psychology of sport participation: Happiness in a ski resort context". Applied Research in Quality of Life. 9 (3): 575–90. doi:10.1007/s11482-013-9255-5. S2CID 143722604.
  51. ^ Schmiedeberg, C.; Schröder, J. (2016). "Leisure activities and life satisfaction: An analysis with German panel data". Applied Research in Quality of Life. 12: 137–51. doi:10.1007/s11482-016-9458-7. S2CID 147363649.
  52. ^ Kroesen, M.; Handy, S. (2014). "The influence of holiday-taking on affect and contentment". Annals of Tourism Research. 45: 89–101. doi:10.1016/j.annals.2013.12.006.
  53. ^ Gilbert, D.; Abdullah, J. (2004). "Holidaytaking and the Sense of Well-Being". Annals of Tourism Research. 31 (1): 103–21. doi:10.1016/j.annals.2003.06.001.
  54. ^ "Does poverty alleviation decrease depression symptoms in post-conflict settings? A cluster-randomized trial of microenterprise assistance in Northern Uganda - Innovations for Poverty Action". 20 July 2016.
  55. ^ "Linköping University" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 12 June 2018. Retrieved 14 April 2018.
  56. ^ Clark, Andrew; Fleche, Sarah; Layard, Richard; Powdthavee, Nattavudh; Ward, George (12 December 2016). "Origins of happiness: Evidence and policy implications".
  57. ^ Seligman, Martin E. P.; Csikszentmihalyi, Mihaly (2000). "Positive psychology: An introduction". American Psychologist. 55 (1): 5–14. CiteSeerX doi:10.1037/0003-066x.55.1.5. PMID 11392865. S2CID 14783574.
  58. ^ a b c Bennett, Daniel L.; Nikolaev, Boris; Aidt, Toke S. (1 December 2016). "Institutions and well-being" (PDF). European Journal of Political Economy. 45: 1–10. doi:10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2016.10.001.
  59. ^ Brandts, Jordi; Riedl, Arno; van Winden, Frans (September 2005). "Competition and Well-Being" (PDF). Institute for the Study of Labor.
  60. ^ Kelley, Jonathan; Evans, M.D.R. (1 February 2017). "Societal Inequality and individual subjective well-being: Results from 68 societies and over 200,000 individuals, 1981–2008". Social Science Research. 62: 1–23. doi:10.1016/j.ssresearch.2016.04.020. PMID 28126092.
  61. ^ Firebaugh, Glenn; Schroeder, Matthew B. (1 November 2009). "Does Your Neighbor's Income Affect Your Happiness?". American Journal of Sociology. 115 (3): 805–31. doi:10.1086/603534. PMC 4041613. PMID 20503742.
  62. ^ Barker, Chris; Martin, Brian (19 October 2011). "Participation: The Happiness Connection". Journal of Public Deliberation. 7 (1). doi:10.16997/jdd.120. S2CID 26676423. Archived from the original on 20 May 2014. Retrieved 14 April 2018.
  63. ^ Klar, Malte; Kasser, Tim (14 April 2018). "Some Benefits of Being an Activist: Measuring Activism and Its Role in Psychological Well-Being". Political Psychology. 30 (5): 755–77. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9221.2009.00724.x. JSTOR 41502458.
  64. ^ "What Worries the World - January 2018". Archived from the original on 16 June 2018. Retrieved 14 April 2018.
  65. ^ Stevenson, Betsey; Wolfers, Justin (Spring 2008). "Economic Growth and Subjective Well-Being: Reassessing the Easterlin Paradox" (PDF). Brookings Papers on Economic Activity.
  66. ^ "Infrastructure and economic growth from a meta-analysis approach: do all roads lead to Rome?" (PDF). BBVA Research. April 2017.
  67. ^ Melo, Patricia C.; Graham, Daniel J.; Brage-Ardao, Ruben (1 September 2013). "The productivity of transport infrastructure investment: A meta-analysis of empirical evidence". Regional Science and Urban Economics. 43 (5): 695–706. doi:10.1016/j.regsciurbeco.2013.05.002.
  68. ^ Dobes, Leo; Argyrous, George; Leung, Joanne (2016). "Appendix 4: Social discount rates". Social cost-benefit analysis in Australia and New Zealand (PDF). ANU Press. ISBN 9781760460204.
  69. ^ Piekałkiewicz, Marcin (29 June 2017). "Why do economists study happiness?". The Economic and Labour Relations Review. 28 (3): 361–77. doi:10.1177/1035304617717130. S2CID 157266981.
  70. ^ Zelenski, John M.; Murphy, Steven A.; Jenkins, David A. (1 December 2008). "The Happy-Productive Worker Thesis Revisited". Journal of Happiness Studies. 9 (4): 521–37. doi:10.1007/s10902-008-9087-4. ISSN 1389-4978. S2CID 143194180.
  71. ^ Oswald, Andrew J.; Proto, Eugenio; Sgroi, Daniel (26 September 2015). "Happiness and Productivity" (PDF). Journal of Labor Economics. 33 (4): 789–822. doi:10.1086/681096. ISSN 0734-306X. S2CID 230218.
  72. ^ Pink, Daniel H. (December 2004). "The True Measure of Success". Wired. Vol. 12, no. 12. ISSN 1059-1028. Archived from the original on 24 November 2004. Retrieved 3 January 2023.
  73. ^ "Happiness" is not enough Archived 29 December 2006 at the Wayback Machine- Samuel Brittan: Templeton Lecture Inst. of Economic Affairs 22/11/01
  74. ^ "Beyond Facts: Understanding Quality of Life" (PDF). Development in The Americas. Inter-American Development Bank. Archived from the original (PDF) on 18 May 2013. Retrieved 22 November 2008.
  75. ^ a b Revkin, Andrew C. (4 October 2005). "A New Measure of Well-Being From a Happy Little Kingdom". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 3 January 2023.
  76. ^ a b c d Thailand's Gross Domestic Happiness Index Falls Archived 7 February 2012 at the Wayback Machine, Monsters and Critics, 2007
  77. ^ Vandore, Emma (14 January 2008). "Inventing the 'Glad Domestic Product'". The Star. Toronto. Retrieved 4 May 2010.
  78. ^ "Happiness index to gauge Britain's national mood". The Guardian. 15 November 2010.
  79. ^ Foundation, Internet Memory. "[ARCHIVED CONTENT] UK Government Web Archive – The National Archives".
  80. ^ ""북한의 행복지수는 세계 2위… 남한 행복지수는 152위"라고?", Chosun Ilbo, 27 May 2011, retrieved 28 May 2011
  81. ^ 2012 CIW composite index reveals Canadian wellbeing is on the decline, 16 March 2012, retrieved 31 May 2013
  82. ^ Lykken, D; Tellegen, A (1996). "Happiness is a stochastic phenomenon". Psychological Science. 7 (3): 186–89. CiteSeerX doi:10.1111/j.1467-9280.1996.tb00355.x. S2CID 16870174.
  83. ^ Heller, D; Watson, D; Ilies, R (2004). "The role of person versus situation in life satisfaction: a critical examination". Psychological Bulletin. 130 (4): 574–600. doi:10.1037/0033-2909.130.4.574. PMID 15250814.
  84. ^ Myers, D (1993). Pursuit of happiness: Discovering the pathway to fulfillment, well-being, and enduring personal joy. Harper Paperbacks.
  85. ^ Denny, Katherine G.; Steiner, Hans (March 2009). "External and Internal Factors Influencing Happiness in Elite Collegiate Athletes". Child Psychiatry and Human Development. 40 (1): 55–72. doi:10.1007/s10578-008-0111-z. PMID 18626767. S2CID 22639142.
  86. ^ Frederick, S; Loewenstein, George (1999). Hedonic adaptation. Russell Sage Foundation. pp. 302–29.
  87. ^ Kahneman, D; Krueger, A; Schkade, D; Schwarz, N; Stone, A (2006). "Would you be happier if you were richer? A focusing illusion". Science. 312 (5782): 1908–10. Bibcode:2006Sci...312.1908K. CiteSeerX doi:10.1126/science.1129688. PMID 16809528. S2CID 13651006.
  88. ^ Lyubomirsky, S; Sheldon, K; Schkade, D (2005). "Pursuing happiness: The architecture of sustainable change". Review of General Psychology. 9 (2): 111. doi:10.1037/1089-2680.9.2.111. S2CID 6705969.
  89. ^ Diener, E; Diener, C (1996). "Most People are Happy". Psychological Science. 7 (3): 181–85. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9280.1996.tb00354.x. S2CID 145196208.
  90. ^ Ward, George (2015) Is happiness a predictor of election results? CEP Discussion Papers, CEPDP1343. Centre for Economic Performance, London School of Economics, London, UK.
  91. ^ a b Timothy N. Bond and Kevin Lang (2018). "The Sad Truth about Happiness Scales" (PDF). pp. 3–4, 10, A–47, A–50.