The phonetic values given here are the default realizations,[2] with a wide range of allophones (including tense and whispered variants) for each phoneme.[3]
The close unrounded morphophonemes |i| and |ï| are both represented by the phoneme /i/, and only are distinguished by the way they trigger vowel harmony:[4] roots with |i| take suffixes with /ä/ and /ü/, while roots with |ï| take suffixes with /a/ and /u/.[5]
^Hahn (1991), p. 33. sfnp error: no target: CITEREFHahn1991 (help)
^Hahn (1998), p. 380. sfnp error: no target: CITEREFHahn1998 (help)
^Hahn (1991), pp. 34–44. sfnp error: no target: CITEREFHahn1991 (help)
^Hahn (1991), p. 34. sfnp error: no target: CITEREFHahn1991 (help)
^Hahn (1991), p. 47. sfnp error: no target: CITEREFHahn1991 (help)
Other stuff
Carol Henriksen; Johan van der Auwera (1994). Ekkehard König; Johan van der Auwera (eds.). The Germanic Languages. London: Routledge. pp. 1–18.
The modest beginnings of this evolution seem to be found in the southern Baltic region (northern Germany, the Danish Isles, southern Scandinavia), which according to accepted opinion had been settled by speakers of Indo-European around 1000 BC. They encountered speakers of non-Indo-European origin, gradually changed their Proto-Indo-European into Proto-Germanic, and dispersed beyond the original homeland to occupy the region from the North Sea stretching to the River Vistula in Poland by 500 BC.
Fortson (2004:300)
Archaeological and linguistic evidence suggests that speakers of Common Germanic lived in northern Europe in the first half of the first millennium BC, primarily in southern Scandinavia and along the coasts of the North and Baltic seas, in an area stretching from the Netherlands in the West to the Vistula River in the east, in what is now Poland.
The notion of Graeco-Armenian as a subgroup of Indo-European is not widely accepted.
Some argue that Greek and Armenian may be linked together in a wider group that also includes the Indo-Iranian languages.[1]
Kim (2018) considers the evidence for a Graeco-Armenian connection as insufficient, and explains the common features as a result of contact; the same also holds for morphological features shared by Armenian with Balto-Slavic and Indo-Iranian.[2]
^Clackson, James P.T. (2008). "Classical Armenian". The Ancient Languages of Asia Minor. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 124–144. p. 124: "Its [i.e. Armenian's] closest linguistic relatives are Greek and the Indo-Iranian subgroup".
^Kim, Ronald (2018). "Greco-Armenian: The persistence of a myth". Indogermanische Forschungen. The University of British Columbia Library: 247–271. doi:10.1515/if-2018-0009. S2CID231923312. Retrieved 9 June 2019. The morphological features claimed as shared innovations may likewise represent independent developments and/or have parallels in other Indo-European branches, whereas other features of verbal morphology rather appear to connect Armenian with Indo-Iranian or Balto-Slavic.
⟨aˑ ~ æˑ⟩ front and slightly closed, for some speakers with the same qualitity as ⟨æ⟩.
⟨a(ˑ)⟩ central open, the long vowel appears in R-environments.
⟨ɑ⟩ back open, in R-environments.
For the mid vowels ⟨e(ˑ)⟩, ⟨æ(ˑ)⟩, and ⟨o(ˑ)⟩, Jespersen notes a slight difference between the short and long variants. For the open-mid back vowel, he records a notable distance, and uses different symbols for the two sounds: ⟨åˑ⟩, ⟨å⟩.
long
short
front
central
back
front
central
back
unrounded
rounded
unrounded
rounded
high
i:
y:
u:
i
y
u
mid-high
e:
ø:
o:
e
ø
o
mid-low
ɛ:
œ:
ɔ:
ɛ
œ
ə
near-low
a:
(æ)
(ɶ)
ʌ
low
(ä:)
ä
(ɑ)
The vowels [æ], [ɶ], [ɑ] and [ä:] only occur as variants of /ɛ/, /œ/, /a/ and /a:/, when preceded or followed by /r/.
Consonants
One of the main differences with current Standard Danish is the occurrence of the velar fricative ⟨q⟩ (/ɣ/) which was realized as [ɣ]~[ʝ] between vowels,[15] and as [x]~[ç] before consonants,[16] e.g. bage [ba:ɣə], bagde [baxd̥ə].
Syllable-closing /r/ can either be realized as a voiceless [ʁ̥], or as "vocalized" [ɐ̯] (written ⟨ɹ⟩).[17]
Developments in the 20th and 21st century
Loss of of the velar fricative /ɣ/
In the turn of the 20th century, /ɣ/ disappeared from the common standard language, and shifted to /w/, /j/ or zero in most positions, or to /g/ before the suffixes /-də/ and /-d/:[18]
bage /ba:ɣə/ > /ba:jə/ [bɛ:jə]
bagde /baɣdə/ > /bagdə/ [baɡ̊d̥ə]
Vowel lowering following /r/
All non-high front vowels are subject to lowering following /r/ ([ʁ]).[19]
default
after /r/
/e/
[e̝]
[ɛ̝]
/ɛ/
[e]
[a]
/a/
[a̝]
[ɑ̈]
/ø/
[ø]
[œ̝]
/œ/
[œ̝]
[œ̞]
The downward push led to a few phonemic mergers:
Long /e:/ and /ɛ:/ merged into [ɛ̝:] in the second half of the 20th century, unless followed by /ð/. In the latter case, only /e:/ acquired the default value [ɛ̝:], while /ɛ:/ opened to [æ:] at an intermediate stage, and finally merged with /ɑ:/.[20]
G's parents
Grønnum
Younger gen.
|reː|
default
[ʁe:] (/re:/)
[ʁɛ̝:] (/rɛ:/)
[ʁɛ̝:] (/rɛ:/)
before |d|
|rɛː|
default
[ʁɛ̝:] (/rɛ:/)
before |d|
[ʁɛ̝: ~ ʁæ:] (/rɛ: ~ ra:/)
[ʁɑ̈:] (/rɑ:/)
Short /ɛ/ merged with /a/ into [ɑ̈] unless followed by dorsal consonant (late 20th century):[21]
ret /rɛt/ [ʁad̥] > [ʁɑ̈d̥] (thus identical to rat /rat/ [ʁɑ̈d̥]), but: trække /trɛgə/ [tˢʁ̥aɡ̊ə]
In the second half of the 20th century, lowering further started to extend to /u(:)/ being pronounced as [o(:)] and thus merging with /o(:)/.[19] This merger is however still unstable.[22]
Faarlund, Jan Terje (1994). "Old and Middle Scandinavian". In König, Ekkehard; van der Auwera, Johan (eds.). The Germanic Languages. London: Routledge. pp. 36–71.
Harbert, Wayne (2007). The Germanic Languages. Cambridge Language Surveys. Cambridge University Press.
Jespersen, Otto (1906). Modersmålets Fonetik. København: Det Schubotheske Forlag.
Karker, Allan (2005). "Phonological development of Old Nordic to Early Modern Nordic II: Danish". In Bandle, Oskar; Braunmüller, Kurt; Jahr, Ernst Håkon; Karker, Allan; Naumann, Hans-Peter; Teleman, Ulf (eds.). The Nordic Languages: An International Handbook of the History of the North Germanic Languages, Vol. 2. Handbücher zur Sprach- und Kommunikationswissenschaft 22.2. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. pp. 1097–1101.
Riad, Tomas (2000). "The Origin of Danish Stød". In Lahiri, Aditi (ed.). Analogy, Levelling and Markedness: Principles of Change in Phonology and Morphology. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. pp. 261–300.
Riad, Tomas (2002). "The phonological systems of Old Nordic II: Old Swedish and Old Danish". In Bandle, Oskar; Braunmüller, Kurt; Jahr, Ernst Håkon; Karker, Allan; Naumann, Hans-Peter; Teleman, Ulf (eds.). The Nordic Languages: An International Handbook of the History of the North Germanic Languages, Vol. 1. Handbücher zur Sprach- und Kommunikationswissenschaft 22.1. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. pp. 896–910.
Sandøy, Helge (2005). "The typological development of Nordic languages I: Phonology". In Bandle, Oskar; Braunmüller, Kurt; Jahr, Ernst Håkon; Karker, Allan; Naumann, Hans-Peter; Teleman, Ulf (eds.). The Nordic Languages: An International Handbook of the History of the North Germanic Languages, Vol. 2. Handbücher zur Sprach- und Kommunikationswissenschaft 22.2. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. pp. 1852–1871.