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Is this material topical to the progressive tax article?

The following discussion is closed. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page. No further edits should be made to this discussion.


An editor, @EllenCT: has repeatedly inserted material like this quoted below into the Progressive tax article. Is it appropriate / on topic or does it belong in another article?Mattnad (talk) 12:58, 18 January 2014 (UTC)[reply]

[[:File:US household income by education.png|thumb|Mean income of U.S. families by education of head, 1989-2010. Government investment in college tuition subsidies usually pay for themselves many times over in additional tax revenue.[failed verification]]]

Public subsidy of college tuition will increase the net present value of income tax receipts because college educated taxpayers earn much more than those without college education.[1][failed verification]

Nobel laureate and John Bates Clarke Award Winner Gary Becker, professor economics and sociology at the University of Chicago and a senior fellow of the Hoover Institute, argues that the root cause of income inequality is differing levels of educational attainment. Consequently, the "rise in returns on investments in human capital is ben­eficial and desirable" to society, according to Becker because it increases productivity and standards of living. Becker points to the widening gap in earnings between the college and graduate school educated and those who did not go to college. In 1980, the average income of a college graduate was 30% larger than the average income of a high school graduate. The average income of a worker with a graduate degree was 50% larger than the average income of a high school-educated worker. By 2007, the average college graduate earned 70% more than a non-college graduate and the income premium of a graduate degree was over 100%. Becker argues that while education is widening the income gap, it is simultaneously creating more opportunities for the poor and for marginalized ethnic and gender groups. According to him, the income growth with respect to education for women parallels the growth for men and the same is true between blacks and whites. Globalization, which has been spurred on by growing educational attainment, has also helped increase income and overall wealth inequality. Rapidly growing globalization during the 1980s due to the rise of emerging markets and increased demand for complex products increased the demand for high-skilled, highly educated workers because their marginal product of labor increased while the marginal product of labor for unskilled workers remained the same. This occurred because high-skilled workers were needed to operate new technology and to perform services that could not be done by low-skilled, low-educated laborers.[2] Accordingly, the real wage of college graduates increased and declined for low-skill laborers which widened the wealth gap.[3] Additionally, globalization combined with increased educational opportunities shifted the economy away from a manufacturing base to a finance and services-dominated market. Becker argues that this rise in income inequality is only a temporary and necessary transitory stage as the ever rising rates of return on investment in education will simply serve to raise living standards, productivity, and human capital across the board as more and more people become college and post-undergraduate level educated. He even argues that income inequality could reverse itself as more and more Americans get college degrees.[4]

@Srich32977: - Your statement is incorrect. The taxes you list are not progressive, they are regressive because wealthy people spend a smaller proportion of their income on goods taxed in those ways. If this view was essential to your "off-topic" view, please reconsider. SPECIFICO talk 15:19, 23 January 2014 (UTC)[reply]
[Insert to Specifico] – Not essential to the off-topic argument at all. I might have included luxury taxes or estate taxes, which are "progressive". Where and on what tax money is spent (for example, spending by Mark Ridley-Thomas#Controversy) has nothing to do with the progressiveness or regressiveness of the taxes or this article. – S. Rich (talk) 17:26, 23 January 2014 (UTC)[reply]
The progressiveness of the tax has as much to do with the income distribution of the tax base as the marginal rate of the schedules. EllenCT (talk) 22:37, 18 January 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Not really. You can have a progressive tax system that does relatively little for lower income households. The US for instance has one of the most progressive income tax systems according to the OECD, does less well on measures like poverty or the Gini Index. I think you might agree that the US does less to support lower income households than Canada. Canada has a less progressive tax system than the US but a better post tax gini index number, socialized medicine, affordable post-secondary education, some provinces have $7 a day government managed daycare etc. Mattnad (talk) 15:29, 25 January 2014 (UTC)[reply]
If you feel editors are abusing policy, please take it up at whatever noticeboard you see fit. Please.Mattnad (talk) 23:00, 18 January 2014 (UTC)[reply]
It's much more than a feeling, and directly pertinent to this RFC. EllenCT (talk) 23:26, 18 January 2014 (UTC)[reply]
LK, economic equality is an effect, which may or may not be a goal when creating the tax scheme. Such a tax may have many goals/effects and I don't agree with including sections or content just because they share the same goals. Once you make the jump that this article is not about progressive taxation, but about the goals of reducing inequality and that it covers any spending (subjects that other articles cover), then you could justify inserting just about any policy that seeks that goal (healthcare, housing, welfare, etc). If we have a sub-topic that is directly effected by a progressive tax rate, then include it, but we need to be careful about WP:COATRACK and WP:SCOPE. In your example of the negative income tax being described in minimum wage, that makes sense, because the negative income tax provides a minimum wage. Does education attainment provide a progressive tax rate? Does a progressive tax rate provide education attainment? We have to make the jump - education attainment can increase economic equality and so can progressive taxation. What else can increase economic equality - should we include content for each subject here? Those topics are best left for the articles on economic equality. What we should say here is that progressive taxation does reduce economic equality, but any jump to related goals makes little sense. As for your edit, I don't object to adding some balancing pov for existing content that does directly relate to the subject, but it may need to be reworded, because the content seems twisted and I'm not sure the source supports the current wording. I don't think the source states that lowering income equality increases education attainment, at least not without education spending (which may or may not be via progressive taxation). It says the reverse, that "the rise in inequality accompanied a rise in the payoff to education and other skills." So I think the context is reversed, though perhaps is cyclical with education spending. The source does not say that "progressive taxation may also increase educational attainment" - in fact, it says the opposite. Morphh (talk) 14:53, 23 January 2014 (UTC) [reply]

For many, the solution to an increase in inequality is to make the tax structure more progressive—raise taxes on high-income households and reduce taxes on low-income households. While this may sound sensible, it is not. Would these same individuals advocate a tax on going to college and a subsidy for dropping out of high school in response to the increased importance of education? We think not. Yet shifting the tax structure has exactly this effect. A more sensible policy is to try to take greater advantage of the opportunities afforded by the higher returns to human capital and encourage more human capital investment. Attempts to raise taxes and impose other penalties on the higher earnings that come from greater skills could greatly reduce the productivity of the world’s leading economy by discouraging investments in its most productive and precious form of capital—human capital.[1]

There is an effects section in the article Progressive_tax#Economic_effects. The problem is that the RFC content is not an effect of progressive taxation, so I'm not sure how would you rewrite it. What would you suggest for a rewrite to make it on-topic to a progressive tax rate? Morphh (talk) 01:45, 24 January 2014 (UTC)[reply]
If there is an RS which says it's an effect of progressive taxation -- for example if Gary Becker stated that view -- then we could cite and attribute that view to the source. SPECIFICO talk 02:00, 24 January 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Right - I agree with that. I think the only thing Gary said in regard to progressive taxation was that it would hurt educational attainment, which I quoted above. We do include a sentence in the section already on that topic. Morphh (talk) 02:45, 24 January 2014 (UTC)[reply]
@Lawrencekhoo: I had trouble verifying "progressive taxation increases educational attainment of the poor" via the sources. Only one source mentions taxation and it supports the opposite argument. I think it needs to be reworded, but I think I understand where you're going. Assuming that a progressive rate lowers taxes on the poor, they will have more income to save/spend on education. Alternatively, if taxes on high earners is redistributed to the poor or to education spending, it could increase education attainment. In either case, we're dealing with after-tax spending, so we need to be careful. Morphh (talk) 16:02, 25 January 2014 (UTC)[reply]
The discussion above is closed. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page. No further edits should be made to this discussion.

Additional sources

How do other editors think that the sources at [2], [3], [4], [5], [6], [7], its source book, and [8] should be summarized? I don't have time to summarize them at the moment, so please don't ask me how to say how I would summarize them first. I will be happy to summarize them later. EllenCT (talk) 05:48, 9 March 2014 (UTC)[reply]

The proof of the pudding is in the eating. You have proposed sources with no indication on how you will use them. If you think they are relevant, write what you have in mind so we can take a look.Mattnad (talk) 12:23, 9 March 2014 (UTC)[reply]
As is clear from the comments on this page, I did not propose those sources. Moreover, my reply to the editor who proposed them makes it clear how I think they should be used. What is your opinion of their conclusions, and if you doubt them, what alternative sources with different points of view do you propose? EllenCT (talk) 01:42, 15 March 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Are you circling back to monetary devaluation being a progressive tax? That's not a summary that the sources draw if you read their synopsis or conclusions. The article contains several of the points made in these publication's conclusions. If there is something specific in a source that you think should be included, then please specify, be specific by quoting or presenting the intended prose, along with the attributing verifying text from the source. Let's avoid another synthesis dispute - "do not analyze, synthesize, interpret, or evaluate material" - it should be something that any educated person without specialized knowledge can verify. Morphh (talk) 02:42, 15 March 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Monetary devaluation isn't necessarily progressive, it's an exactly flat property tax on those who hold cash, with the total incidence depending on the proportions who do. If you tell me something is a synthesis because A and B are reliably sourced, together A and B obviously imply C, and you don't like C, then I will debate you until you admit your mistake. But if you don't accuse me of synthesis, then I won't upset you when I act according to logic instead of your opinion. Fair enough? How would you summarize the sources? EllenCT (talk) 03:48, 16 March 2014 (UTC)[reply]
If there's an obvious implication of C, then you should have no difficulty finding a source that says that. Otherwise it's original research.Mattnad (talk) 11:30, 16 March 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Ellen, you just described the exact definition of synthesis (a core policy of Wikipedia), which specifically rejects that logic. Morphh (talk) 14:39, 16 March 2014 (UTC)[reply]
No, stating C is against the policy. Telling people that they can't state A or that they can't state B because of the fact that A and B obviously imply C and you don't like C is attempted POV-pushing censorship. Do you intend to state how you would improve the article by summarizing the sources? EllenCT (talk) 07:21, 17 March 2014 (UTC)[reply]
This is not productive. If you want to add something to the article from these sources, spend the time to read them, write the content, and show the direct connection between what you write and what the source says. If this is important to you, then spend the time. Don't admonish other editors for not doing your homework. Mattnad (talk) 07:46, 17 March 2014 (UTC)[reply]
I agree Mattnad. Ellen, I've already included content and most of the sources in the article based on the synopsis and conclusions of the publications. If there are additional viewpoints from the material that you want to include that directly reference a progressive tax and are verifiable, then state it. As Mattnad stated above, if C is obvious, then you should have no difficulty finding a source. These are primary sources and must be used "only with care" to "make straightforward, descriptive statements of facts". Writing to imply C, even if not directly stated, is still against policy. See the first example of SYN "Both parts of the sentence may be reliably sourced, but here they have been combined to imply that the UN has failed to maintain world peace. If no reliable source has combined the material in this way, it is original research." So you could state A and state B, but if no reliable source has combined the material that way to imply C, then it's still original research. Your conclusion may be true, but wikipedia only publishes what is attributable, so let's avoid any debate and just stick to material that is directly verifiable and not imply any conclusions that are not already directly stated (preferably in secondary sources). Morphh (talk) 14:06, 17 March 2014 (UTC)[reply]

Some editors claim that the sources in question do not show a causal relationship from greater progressivity of taxation to job and economic growth, but each of them clearly do. Why do some editors contradict the plain language of these WP:SECONDARY sources? EllenCT (talk) 05:31, 7 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]

Which secondary sources - the ones above are WP:PRIMARY sources. You've been here long enough to get your terms correct unless you're actively trying to mislead other editors - I even stated it in the last paragraph. So start with getting your terms correct. Secondly, which plain language - I've yet to see you quote something and the summaries and conclusions don't support that take away. Morphh (talk) 11:09, 7 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]
I think this is classic tendentious editing with a theme of WP:Ididnothearthat. Mattnad (talk) 14:18, 7 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]
What do you think the word "Review" in Boston College Law Review means? It is a literature review, which makes it WP:SECONDARY. It is also peer reviewed, which together makes it the most reliable of all classes of sources per WP:PSTS. All of the others are either reviews or have large literature review sections supporting their conclusions directly. You're the one clearly trying to mislead; or you simply have no basic understanding of the WP:RS policies whatsoever. Which is it? EllenCT (talk) 15:51, 7 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]
It's difficult to figure out what sources you're talking about because you toss out these blanket statements out of left field (first mention of job and economic growth for these sources). Most of the sources that you've put forward above and on the economics topic are primary - the boston law review covers happiness (so why would I think you referenced that?) and it depends on what your talking about (context) in the publication when determining if it's primary or secondary, but since you won't quote what you're talking about, we won't know. If I go on your history with these issues, then you're drawing syn from a primary source - that's your modus operandi. So, are you saying the Boston Law Review "Progressive Taxation And Happiness" was your reference which you think supports the assertion of "a causal relationship from greater progressivity of taxation to job and economic growth"? I can't find it - it seems to go with the premise that progressive taxation reduces growth, but their point being that economic growth doesn't equate with happiness, where equality does. So, quote the text, quote the text, quote the text - let me say it again - quote the text. No - I'm not accepting "each of them clearly do". If it is "plain language" - quote the text. Morphh (talk) 00:52, 8 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Page 1392: "High unemployment also reduces the welfare of those who are employed .... increased spending (funded by higher taxes) on nonrivalrous social programs may be optimal." EllenCT (talk) 02:16, 11 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Putting aside the missing content between the start and end of that sentence (so who knows what lurked in there), I did not see a reference to progressive taxation. Sounds like another snipe hunt.Mattnad (talk) 02:41, 11 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]
"...who are employed, perhaps by increasing their fear of becoming jobless.[149] The social costs of these indirect fears can be larger in the aggregate than the direct costs to the unemployed because they affect a much greater number of people.[150] Government programs to reduce unemployment or to provide support for unemployed workers thus may increase social welfare.[151] More generally, if much of private spending is wasteful because it is motivated largely by positional concerns, then increased spending (funded by higher taxes) on nonrivalous social programs, such as environmental clean-up and better police and fire services may be optimal." – S. Rich (talk) 02:55, 11 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Thanks S. Rich. In context, this source is unrelated to progressive taxation. Not at all relevant to this article.Mattnad (talk) 10:53, 11 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]
You have got to be kidding me. When an article about progressive taxation (the first two words of its title) talks about higher taxes, you honestly expect people to believe it could mean higher flat taxes? No. And you should be ashamed for even suggesting such an absurdity. But moving on, how about all of the other corroborating sources? EllenCT (talk) 02:09, 12 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]

Your quoted source doesn't mention the kind of taxes. Years ago Canada, for instance, instituted a VAT of 8% across the country (a flat tax) that was designed to fund public goods like healthcare and infrastructure. That tax, and its purpose, is consistent with your source. States and communities all over the US have increased sales and property tax rates pay for police, schools, and other public services. None of those are necessarily progressive taxes. Mattnad (talk) 03:24, 12 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]

Ellen, thanks for providing the quoted content. I understand both points here. As you point out, the title presents the larger topic of progressive taxes to happiness and I'd certainly agree that the taxation they describe would include progressive taxes. On the other side, as Mattnad stated, the content applies to any tax and is not inherently a function of the tax progressivity. These functions could be (and often are) funded via many tax types and the text doesn't deviate from that truth. The primary funding in the U.S. for such services include Federal Unemployment Tax Act, and often local sales and property taxes, which are all debatably proportional or regressive taxes. It could also include funding to federal things like the EPA or "shovel ready jobs" which are funded via a progressive income tax. Or it could apply to monetary inflation and quantitative easing. The point of the section is the spending or government action - the re-appropriation could have a positive effect on social welfare by reducing fear of unemployment. I don't think it supports your original contention, but it's a decent psychological argument for taxing to fund certain social programs. I guess the question is what makes this pertinent to progressive taxes vs other types. Would it make sense to write "Less fear of becoming jobless and increases to social welfare may be gained by government programs that reduce unemployment or provide support for unemployed workers, which can be funded by progressive taxes (or any other type)."? It seems to me this would be better left for an article like social spending or just generic taxation. I've mentioned before that we should be cautions when the content would expand the scope of this article into topics on spending. Morphh (talk) 15:38, 12 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]
No, the quoted excerpt doesn't mention taxes at all, just spending. "In context, this source is unrelated to progressive taxation" is so completely absurd nobody should even dignify it with a reply. The titular subject of the article explains how that spending is paid for, at least for claims of optimality to hold in history, simulation, or logic. So, how do you feel about all the other directly corroborating sources? EllenCT (talk) 13:20, 13 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]
This article is not about spending. There are lots of great government services and functions that could be funded (progressively or otherwise), but this article is not the place to cover them. We already give a general statement with regard to progressive taxes being used as a way to mitigate the societal ills associated with higher income inequality and that it is used as a method to fund government social programs, which also increases happiness. This article is not the place to break down the effects of this or that spending policy. This is about revenue generation - which could be spent wastefully or optimally. If it's not talking about a direct effect of a progressive tax structure, then we're moving beyond the scope of the article. I think the other sources corroborate that progressive taxation has an effect on happiness, which we already cover in the article. Morphh (talk) 15:39, 13 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]
The most reliable sources on horseshoes focus on protection of the hoof. Would you exclude those because they too discuss a mere adjunct to the topic? Nonsense! The sources say what they do because the subjects overlap, and arguing for their exclusion because your personal political point of view is offended by scholarship is POV-pushing devoid of any intellectual honesty. AND WHAT ABOUT ALL OF THE OTHER CORROBORATING SOURCES? EllenCT (talk) 11:54, 14 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]
EllenCT, you continue to push for topics that are outside of the scope of this article, notwithstanding our new and profound understanding of equine foot health. Even though the material you quoted relates to government spending and not progressive taxes, you seem fixated on this article. This is an article that should be focused simply tax systems that increase the burden as people or corporations increase their incomes/wealth. As Morphh pointed out, that's revenue. How they spend it is covered quite extensively in other articles.Mattnad (talk) 12:14, 14 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]
So do you agree or disagree with [9]? EllenCT (talk) 22:23, 14 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]
That source is already included in the article:

Professor Robert H. Frank states that tax cuts for the wealthy are largely spent on positional goods such as larger houses and more expensive cars, which could have been used to pay for things like improving public education and conducting medical research,[5] and suggests progressive taxation as an instrument for attacking positional externalities.[6]

I don't care to agree or disagree, but I think the sentence gives a decent summarization of the viewpoint. Morphh (talk) 22:58, 14 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]

For Wikipedia editors, the question is not one of personal agreement or disagreement with any particular source. How the source is used in context is the important question. We must do so in a non-POV manner. There are many people who write agreeable stuff and disagreeable stuff, as well as stuff we agree with and stuff we disagree with. What do we do with the stuff, whether or not we agree with it? "In some areas there may be just one well-recognized point of view; in others, we describe multiple points of view, presenting each accurately and in context rather than as 'the truth' or 'the best view'." – S. Rich (talk) 23:28, 14 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]

What improvements based on these observations would you suggest? EllenCT (talk) 11:49, 6 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Comments unrelated to article improvement
The following discussion has been closed. Please do not modify it.
Let me note that in regard to this discussion, I consider these personal attacks by EllenCT: "devoid of any intellectual honesty" and "vested interests who use it for a veneer of respectability". Morphh (talk) 23:44, 14 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]

United States has the most progressive income tax code?

The following discussion is closed. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page. No further edits should be made to this discussion.


I would like to query this statement from the end of the article, "United States has the most progressive income tax code ...", sourced to the book Growing Unequal?: Income Distribution and Poverty in OECD Countries. From what I have read, the US tax system, taken as a whole, is essentially flat. Could whoever wrote this please provide a page number and if possible a quote from the book? Thanks. LK (talk) 10:21, 16 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]

On my way out the door, so don't have time to review it, but here are a couple secondary sources. [10][11] Morphh (talk) 10:51, 16 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]
(Edit conflict) I don't have the OECD book, but it has elicited a lot of comment from reliable secondary sources that confirm and explain the findings. Samples from The Atlantic [12], Forbes [13], The Tax Foundation [14] which includes the tax table from the OECD report. The US does not have the highest marginal tax rates (so the richest pay less than many countries), but it also has a far less regressive tax system (much lower income and payroll tax rates for less advantaged households, fewer flat, regressive taxes). The net is a more progressive system.Mattnad (talk) 11:03, 16 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]
I read another source that listed pgs. 103, 104. for Growing Unequal?: Income Distribution and Poverty in OECD Countries, but I haven't yet verified it. Morphh (talk) 11:06, 16 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Those sources are neither peer reviewed nor WP:SECONDARY and do not appear to be fact checked. Two of them are blogs from clearly biased bloggers writing op-eds. The "overall U.S. tax system is only slightly progressive. Further, most of the progressivity of the overall tax system occurs in the lower half of the income spectrum. At upper-income levels, progressivity levels off and actually reverses...."[15] EllenCT (talk) 06:13, 21 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]
<Insert>The Atlantic and Forbes are most certainly secondary sources. They are certainly not WP:PRIMARY sources. They are deemed RS and both have a mainstream journalism reputation for professional fact-checking. Neither are blogs, neither are "op-eds". Neither holds itself out as "peer-reviewed", but so what? Most of Wikipedia's refs are mainstream newspapers and journals not academic journals. Capitalismojo (talk) 14:56, 21 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Here is your "biased blogger": Clive Crook is a senior editor of The Atlantic and a columnist for Bloomberg View. He was the Washington columnist for the Financial Times, and before that worked at The Economist for more than 20 years, including 11 years as deputy editor. Crook writes about the intersection of politics and economics. Doesn't seem to be just a "biased blogger" to me. Capitalismojo (talk) 15:01, 21 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]
The question was about the US "income tax", not overall US taxation, your source isn't making an international comparison (sources show overall European taxation is outright regressive, not even "slightly" progressive; [16], [17]), and for its overall incidence your source relies entirely on Citizens for Tax Justice, which it describes as a "nonprofit public interest and advocacy organization" (see partisan lobbyist), and which has been shown to be unreliable as its internals are dramatically contradicted by more prominent sources like the CBO and Tax Policy Center. Your source even ends with an appeal for people to support a tax hike like the one Chuck Schumer proposed a few years ago, lol.
On the other hand, I did enjoy this line from your source, Ellen: "Corporate taxes are generally assumed to fall on owners of capital in proportion to their income from capital (dividends, capital gains, interest, and rents) (CBO, 2007)." Fascinating.VictorD7 (talk) 07:04, 21 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Absolutely false. According to your preferred CBO, capital gains tax in the United States are also income taxes, and they are most of the reason that income taxes are regressive at top brackets. "The major reason for the growing unevenness in the distribution of after-tax income [in the US] was an increase ... in favor of higher income households.... over that period, the highest income quintile’s share of market income increased from 50 percent to 60 percent.... The share of market income for every other quintile declined."[18] pp. ix-x; see also pp. 10-12, especially figures 6 and 7. EllenCT (talk) 08:32, 21 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]
EllenCT, you are again missing the forest for the trees. The CBO is quite clear that US taxes, including capital gains are progressive and despite some changes in ratios over the years, are still progressive. The OECD analysis is comparative between nations. It does not disagree with the CBO and is not only a reliable source, but has also been picked up by other reliable sources (re: Forbes, Tax Foundation, The Atlantic) making it notable in ways your selected "peer reviewed sources" typically are not.Mattnad (talk) 10:55, 21 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Absolutely nothing I posted was false, and, as Mattnad observed, nothing you said is pertinent to this discussion. VictorD7 (talk) 18:51, 21 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]
On the contrary, did you look at figures 6 and 7 on pp. 10-12? Do you really expect anyone to believe that capital gains tax cuts since 2000 have made taxes more progressive for the rich? If so, why? EllenCT (talk) 01:47, 22 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Yes. Those figures do not back up your assentation and have nothing to do with Capital Gains. However, even that graph can belie the nature of a person's tax and their share of wealth over the same time period. Assume person A makes 1,000,000 year 0 and pays a tax of 50% and has 50% of market income while person B makes 40,000 and pays a tax of 25% and has a 5% market. Then in year 5 person A makes 5,000,000 and pays a tax of 60% and has 60% market while person B makes 50,000 and pays a tax of 20% and has a 4% market you would have a system where the progressive nature was increased yet the rich became "richer". Just because the rich are "richer" does not mean that the tax system is less progressive. Arzel (talk) 02:24, 22 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]

What are the suggestions for improving the article? Looks like much of this thread is a discussion about the topic in general. Remember, WP:TPNO (guideline) and WP:NOTFORUM (policy) apply. – S. Rich (talk) 02:52, 22 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]

You think comments such as that help improve the article? It's like you're in the back of a courtroom during a evidentiary hearing standing up and saying, "Objection! Your honor, the fact that the witness did not notice that the graph furthest from equality in Figure 6 on page 11 is labeled 'Capital Gains' means that we can clearly have no further proceedings in this case of Article vs. Proposed Improvements," and then bangs a gavel on the wall. I wish this place had bailiffs who cared. EllenCT (talk) 06:04, 23 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]

@Arzel: do you understand why the capital gains chart in Figure 6 on page 11 in [19] is shaped so differently from the others? EllenCT (talk) 20:54, 24 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]

The correlation between ownership in capital is correlated to a person's wealth. As the stock market goes up there is a disproportionate increase in capital assets for the very riCH. Correspondingly, when the markets go down they tend to lose the most as well. However, this does not really back up your claim. Most of this wealth is unrealized wealth. I know that your argument is that since the capital gains taxes are lower than the top marginal rates that this results in the tax system to be less progressive. However, with few exceptions, the very rich pay more in taxes as a proportion of their income than anyone else. That some are able to find ways to take advantage of certain aspects does not change the fact that for most salaried people our system is very progressive. My previous example was not meant to be a scenario related to this aspect of capital gains. You seem to be also making arguments that we are not progressive because even if you pay more in taxes as your income increases, those with higher incomes still make more because of their base income and have a larger share of the income/wealth. You don't like my argument fine, but you still have not provided reliable sources that back up the statements you want to make. Arzel (talk) 20:18, 26 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]
This debate on whether capital gains are taxed less, or more matters not. What we should depend upon is a reliable source that analyses the relative progressiveness of US taxes. We have the OECD study that has been further validated by other reliable sources. EllenCT, I readily accept that previous tax law changes advantaged those with capital gains (and dividends by the way). While the tax code was made less progressive, it did not make it regressive, particularly when compared to other nations per the OECD. I will add that whatever Bush II helped to enact, some of that has been rolled back under Obama and it's not contentious that 2013 tax law is more progressive than before.Mattnad (talk) 22:17, 26 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]
I looked at the OECD study and was meaning to comment here, but forgot. The OECD study only looks at Federal taxes, which are on the whole progressive. However, once state and local taxes are taken into account, the whole US tax system is largely flat. (See this Citizens for tax justice report.) Of course, because of different state laws, exemptions, different tax rates on income sources and other complications, the system may be progressive or regressive for individuals.

Also, once cash transfers are included (similar to the the earned income tax credit in the US), the the US looks much less progressive. For example, this Bookings article states " the current U.S. tax system is less progressive than the tax systems of other industrialized countries, and considerably less progressive today than it was just a few decades ago". Same finding from a recent IMF study [20]. So, although true, I believe it's misleading to include the statement that the US Federal tax system is the most progressive among OECD nations. LK (talk) 03:38, 5 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]

@Lawrencekhoo: thank you. Do you think [21] should be incorporated into the discussion in this article? EllenCT (talk) 11:54, 6 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
@Arzel: is that satisfactory to you? EllenCT (talk) 11:48, 6 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
LK, I believe it is a mistake to set "Redistributive impact of fiscal policy = Progressivity of Taxes". The edmundconway source measures the first (redistributive impact), not the latter (progressivity). You can see the difference for instance in this article by Edmund Porter in the New York Times where he says "Despite the progressivity of our taxes, according to a study of public finances across the industrial countries in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, we also have one of the least effective governments at combating income inequality." This also matches the 2009 study by Prasad and Deng. From WP: "Prasad and Deng found that the progressivity of countries' tax codes is negatively correlated with the amount of redistribution they do." Many European countries have higher taxes and redistribute more income via transfers than do the US, but you must not equal this with having more progressive taxes. In fact, these transfers are to a large degree paid for by the regressive sales tax. Paul Krugman writes about this here, Why I’m Soft On Sales Taxes: "it does seem that countries with strong welfare states have less progressive tax systems than those with weak safety nets" Iselilja (talk) 14:57, 6 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
They are different means to the same ends. If you have one, you don't need as much of the other, which is why the graph at the top of LK's source [22] stacks them on top of each other. EllenCT (talk) 00:40, 7 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
LK, CTJ is a partisan lobbying group with internal federal figures that are dramatically contradicted by the more reliable CBO and Tax Policy Center, both of which show taxation as more progressive, especially for the top 1%. We know CTJ's federal numbers are suspect, and it's possible their state/local ones are too, though the federal skew alone is enough to seriously throw off their results. I don't have time to dig up links right now but I and others have done so numerous times on this topic before and I'll happily do so again here if necessary. Furthermore, even CTJ describes overall US taxation as "slightly progressive", which, as the sources I and others linked to earlier show, still would make it significantly more progressive than the outright regressive taxation of other developed nations. VictorD7 (talk) 18:35, 12 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Per VictorD7, there's no dispute that some countries have more progressive spending than the US. This article is however about taxation. Regarding state and local taxes, the OECD didn't factor those in (to my knowledge), but for households in lower income ranges, their local taxes are 100% deductible from federal taxes. As you go up in income, the AMT kicks in which reduces and eliminates deductions which is progressive. So really, we'd need a reliable source that looks at total tax rates (including regional/local) by nation. If the OECD does not, do we have an alternative source that does? If not, then we're back using the sources we have. The OECD does do that and we can rely on it until we have an alternative.
One other point on the CTJ included payroll taxes in their calculation. Most of those are for SS and Medicaid which are technically insurance and not taxes. It then become a related debate on how to attribute those by income group, particularly since CBO analyis indicates that lower income households get back significantly more from SS and Medicaid than they pay in. Accordingly, there's a lot to not like about the CTJ analysis in this regard: 1) it doesn't compare the US to other countries, and 2) it does not account for payroll taxes the way it should be if we're actually looking at "taxes". Mattnad (talk) 18:51, 12 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Good points, though I'll add that the Northwestern study linked above considered all taxation, and it should be noted that sources like the CBO and TPC also count payroll taxes in their total federal figures, and yet still show far more progressivity than CTJ does in its federal numbers. The discrepancy remains unexplained. For months last year Ellen argued that it resulted from CTJ counting corporation taxation as regressive rather than progressive like the other sources, until it was proved through extensive quotation from her own source that CTJ in fact also counted corporate taxes as progressive. At the time she refused to acknowledge this, claiming that CTJ/ITEP wasn't a reliable source for its own views, and that she had a secret conversation with an anonymous former employee who contradicted the group's public accounts, though I'm not sure if she still maintains that position, or clings to the incredible notion that such a scenario, if true, would somehow do anything but discredit the source even further. VictorD7 (talk) 00:28, 13 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]

Federal vs entire system

I want to come back to my original point which is that the OECD study, which the blog posts and opeds are based on, is looking at only the Federal tax system. State and local taxes make the entire tax system less progressive. I've not seen anything to contradict this point, which I feel should be made in the article, if the point about federal taxes being progressive is made. BTW, payroll and medicare levies are federal taxes (they are used to pay for federal expenditures), and the OECD treats them as such. LK (talk) 06:32, 15 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]

Well, in other countries local taxes are also present but not accounted for in the OEDC analysis. For instance in Canada the provinces layer on their own income, payroll, and sales taxes but those are also not included in the OECD analysis (but I'll add that Canadian provincial taxes are not deductible from federal taxes the way state and local are in the US for lower income households). Do you have an alternative source that examines total taxes across nations? From what you've written, it seems as if the alternative views are considering only the United States.Mattnad (talk) 11:17, 15 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Lawrence, did you not read these on total taxation: [23], [24]? Other developed nations rely much more on regressive consumption taxes than the US does even counting the state and local levels, and such taxes are less progressively constructed than US sales taxes to boot, as are European income taxes. On the taxation front it's not even close. VictorD7 (talk) 00:18, 16 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
There's a lot of points to answer here, so to address a few: a) AFAIK, most OECD countries (except Canada) don't have significant state and local taxes. b) The OECD report looks only at Federal taxes, whether, after including all other taxes the US is still the most progressive, AFAIK, no source answers that. c) Many sources consider the tax and transfer system as a whole, which makes sense, cash payments to poor families can be labelled a tax rebate (EITC), or an income subsidy, the economic effect is the same. To trumpet that the US has the most progressive tax system is misleading, as it includes the EITC, but leaves out cash transfers in other countries that don't structure it as part of their tax system. I suggest noting in the article that the US tax system is more progressive than most, as long as we also leave in the caveats about state taxes, and noting that including transfers, the US system is actually slightly below average in progressiveness. I think that best reflects the totality of sources on the issue. LK (talk) 08:02, 16 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
thumb|http://taxfoundation.org/article/comments-who-pays-distributional-analysis-tax-systems-all-50-states It's probably better just to clarify that the OECD focuses on federal taxes. If we start to focus on the state tax component, it's not clear cut that the US is not progressive either. You've selected some sources for the state tax comment that have a strong POV, but there are others, including the chart I developed on the right from Tax Foundation analysis that shows that once Federal deductions for local taxes are included, combined State and Federal taxes are still quite progressive. Also, I would challenge only Canada has local taxes. I've lived in 5 other countries and all had other forms of local tax sales, income or property with varying credits for lower income residents.Mattnad (talk) 11:23, 16 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]

[[:File:Total Effective Tax Rates 2011.jpg|thumb|Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy estimate of the total effective tax rate for federal, state and local taxes (personal and corporate income, payroll, property, sales, excise, estate, etc.) by income level in 2011.]]

I think that Tax Foundation graph is extremely misleading compared to the ITEP graph I have added below it. And I would point out that it is confirmed if you start from File:Distribution of U.S. Federal Taxes 2000.JPG (2000) and apply the changes since as documented in e.g. figures 18 and 19 on pages 26-8 here. EllenCT (talk) 02:35, 19 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
This article is not about income inequality and the CBO document you suggested does not address the topic here. Of course wealthier people have more after tax income than poorer people. As for your comments on the tax foundation chart being misleading - can you explain why?Mattnad (talk) 13:29, 19 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Yes. Which part of figures 18 and 19 on pages 26-8 here does not addresss the topic? EllenCT (talk) 23:25, 19 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
LK, you didn't answer my question about whether you'd read the sources I linked. Most other developed nations rely much more heavily on (regressive) consumption taxes than the US, regardless of whether it's at the local or national level. On top of that their income taxes are less progressive than US income taxes (per the OECD) and their consumption taxes are more regressive than US consumption taxes, so the US is even more progressive compared to other nations when "all other taxes" are considered. Of course, as Mattnad correctly observes, the line in question currently only refers to "the United States income tax". I think adding a segment on spending differences when the topic is strictly taxation would be frivolous, and I'll point out that some of those studies that lump taxes and benefits together notoriously exclude items like European sales taxes or certain types of benefits extended in the US. Regardless, such material more appropriately belongs in articles on redistributive spending, the welfare state, or maybe inequality. The progressivity of a tax code's structure is a creature in and of itself, and has various consequences beyond income redistribution (e.g. growth, efficiency, revenue volatility, etc.), so it would seem undue to select one tangential area for consequential focus.VictorD7 (talk) 00:10, 17 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Here is a paragraph from p. 105-6 of the OECD document

However, the progressivity of the tax system also depends on the level of inequality of taxable income, and the effective progressivity of a given tax schedule will be greater in a country with a more unequal distribution of taxable income. Table 4.5 adjusts for this effect by showing the concentration coefficient of household taxes divided by the Gini coefficient for market income (in the third column), as well as the share of taxes paid by the richest 10% of the population compared to the share of market income they receive (sixth column). Based on the concentration coefficient of household taxes, the United States has the most progressive tax system and collects the largest share of taxes from the richest 10% of the population. However, the richest decile in the United States has one of the highest shares of market income of any OECD country. After standardising for this underlying inequality, Ireland has the most progressive tax system as measured by the ratio of the concentration coefficients of household taxes and market income, while Australia and the United States collect the most tax from people in the top decile relative to the share of market income that they earn.

It seems to "household taxes" in the OECD document refers only to federal level taxation, but correct me if I'm wrong. Note that here, the conclusion of the author is that "Ireland has the most progressive tax system".
--Ubikwit 連絡 見学/迷惑 15:28, 18 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
No, at least not just Ireland. First, here's the earlier segment that sets the stage:

The second panel of Table 4.3 shows the distribution of household taxes (income taxes and employee social security contributions). Because taxes are deducted from household incomes, higher values of the concentration coefficient imply a more progressive distribution of household taxes. Taxation is most progressively distributed in the United States, probably reflecting the greater role played there by refundable tax credits, such as the Earned Income Tax Credit and the Child Tax Credit. Overall, there is less variation in the progressivity of taxes across countries than in the case of transfers. After the United States, the distribution of taxation tends to be most progressive in the English-speaking countries – Ireland, Australia, the United Kingdom, New Zealand and Canada – together with Italy, followed by the Netherlands, the Czech Republic and Germany. Taxes tend to be least progressive in the Nordic countries, France and Switzerland. In most but not all countries taxes are more progressive for the retirement-age population than for the working-age population, reflecting the existence of various tax concessions for low-income retired people.

As this secondary source lays out, "According to the OECD, rich Americans bear a bigger share of the tax burden because they earn a bigger share of the income and because the US income tax system is more progressive." Look to your own final quoted segment: "while Australia and the United States collect the most tax from people in the top decile relative to the share of market income that they earn." Look at Table 4.5, which gives two "Alternative measures" of progressivity, side by side. On the right hand side, even with the inequality adjustment mentioned earlier, the US is the most progressive (more so than Australia). In the left side version Ireland is the most progressive, with the US second. It's legitimate to note that progressivity can be measured in different ways, sometimes yielding differing results, though I'll note that the article already mentions different measurement systems in a higher section (perhaps that point can be expanded with some more emphasis) and the segment in question here is already qualified to some degree (specifically mentioning the impact of tax credits). That said, I do commend you for digging up a pdf of the OECD source, and accompanying it with on topic commentary. Whether the current text should be left alone, slightly tweaked in some way to acknowledge that different measurements yield slightly different rankings, or possibly changed to reflect all taxes (per the Northwestern study; since the article is titled "Progressive tax", not "Progressive income tax") is what this section should be discussing, with any changes first agreed upon by consensus of course. VictorD7 (talk) 20:36, 18 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
I'd hoped not to engage too much in this discussion, but regarding the relevant passages from the OECD study, the conclusion seems to be the clauses that your quotes sort of surround but are somehow avoid being highlighted in your post

However, the richest decile in the United States has one of the highest shares of market income of any OECD country. After standardising for this underlying inequality, Ireland has the most progressive tax system as measured by the ratio of the concentration coefficients of household taxes and market income

Also, I really don't have time to read the NW study, but perhaps you could reference something from that in relation to the "...changed to reflect all taxes (per the Northwestern study"?--Ubikwit 連絡 見学/迷惑 20:45, 18 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
You just repeated yourself, ignoring the quotes I provided directly from the OECD study and from the secondary source about the US having the most progressive taxation (even after adjusting for inequality; look at the far right column of Table 4.5). Ireland ranks as most progressive according to one particular measure (with the US second), hence my commentary about different methods yielding slightly different results. I'll refrain from further specific commentary on the other study until (or if) you read it. VictorD7 (talk) 21:19, 18 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
I don't have much time, so I'm just going to address one issue. VictorD7 asked me if I had read the sources [25] and [26]. The first is an oped that links to a blog that links to the second paper. Reading the paper in the second link, I note this: the authors analyze "three sets of taxes for which the LIS data are relatively complete for all 13 countries: income tax, property and wealth taxes and mandatory employee contributions (payroll taxes)". So, I'm guessing that income tax and payroll tax in the US is referring to taxes at the federal level. OTOH, I note that they find that taxes in the 12 other countries studied are downright regressive, so even if state taxes make the US essentially flat, that still make the US 'most progressive'. However, it would be a bit misleading calling something that's essentially zero the 'most positive', because all others are negative. Additionally, I note that in most of the sources cited in this discussion, they talk about the entire system of taxes and income transfers (e.g. in VictorD7's first link, the author notes "The less progressive the code, the more progressive the system" Also, [27], [28] and [29]). Discussing the tax/transfer system as a whole, as I argued previously, makes much more sense (i.e. how does market income compare to take-home income?). LK (talk) 05:55, 19 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Just found an interesting discussion on Brad Delong's blog from 2012 [30]. In the comments section, many economists weigh in on this issue and make many of the points that have been made on this page. To note the relevant, a) the US federal tax system is unusually progressive (compared with OECD), b) state and local taxes reduce that progressiveness and make the it essentially flat. c) When talking about taxes, economists typically mean taxes net of transfers (i.e. tax – transfers). d) When looking at tax after transfers, the US is less progressive than the majority of OECD nations. I'm happy to have all this in the article, but would object to including only US federal tax system is unusually progressive. LK (talk) 08:54, 19 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
It's a bit a logic break to argue that some of your sources state the US is the least regressive, but we can't say it's more progressive because in aggregate we have a flat tax. Less regressive = more progressive.
I'm open to including a global tax comparison that examines all taxes (Federal equivalent and more local government entities) but I think we'd need a source. Here's where we are right now: a reliable, presumably non-partisan source (OECD) has done a study across many nations looking at federal taxes including payroll taxes. Why don't we just qualify it as such, particularly since even in the US, some state tax regimes are more progressive than others. NJ for instance has a very progressive state income tax structure and offers up to $10,000 in credits for local property taxes for lower income households which is further reinforced by Federal deductions. It's challenging to find a source that's broadly accepted that has done the homework on all state taxes (ITEP is not considered non-partisan by any means). Mattnad (talk) 13:29, 19 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
@Mattnad:As per my reply to your query on my Talk page[31], I agree that it would be something of a rhetorical misrepresentation to claim that the US is more progressive in light of the relationship to absolute progressivity per se. If something does not meet the definition of progressive, it is not accurate to call it progressive because it is less regressive.--Ubikwit 連絡 見学/迷惑 15:22, 19 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
I think I took a different logic class. To each their own. At any rate, the point that we need a comprehensive reliable source that examines total taxes across countries still stands if you want to bring in state taxes - otherwise we're just debating amongst ourselves.Mattnad (talk) 15:51, 19 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
That's a little outside my cope of competence, so I'll defer to others. i will contribute to this insofar as it is possible as a generalist, so to speak.--Ubikwit 連絡 見学/迷惑 16:26, 19 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
LK, you must not have read all of it. The study does include US state taxes. On page 438 (Oxford journal page numbering; the same page you quoted from!) it explicitly states "The USA figures do include state-level taxes." It also explains that it derives US sales taxes from BLS data. That's why I keep keep pointing out that your attempts to expand this beyond federal taxes only leads to results that make the US look more progressive vis a vis other nations. And no, taxes and spending are two distinct creatures, as our $17.5+ trillion debt shows. Redistribution isn't even historically supposed to be the purpose of US taxation, and certainly isn't the primary purpose, much less sole purpose, of any non communist nation's taxation. The Washington Post "blog" I linked to is by a liberal writer, and I mostly just linked to it for the quick and easy Kakwani visual displays he provides. His characterization of what's a "system" is less relevant (that's a nebulous description perhaps useful in a discussion on redistributive policy, but not taxation per se), but he and the study both emphasize the point of separating taxes from spending. Do they impact each other? Of course, but taxes impact many other areas too. It's not as if we go around Wikipedia to every mention of the US welfare state being less extensive than Europe's and add a "yes, but..." segment on the US having more progressive taxation, lest anyone read that and erroneously assume that the salient difference is that the US doesn't tax high earners as much (the much bigger differences are at the low and middle income levels). Also, the NW finds overall US taxation to be significantly progressive. The only source calling it near flat is the partisan lobbyist CTJ source, which is an unreliable outlier with an internal federal component that's dramatically contradicted by the CBO and Tax Policy Center, and even it calls overall taxation "progressive". No credible source has been presented that calls US taxation "flat" or "regressive". Regardless, your initial objection was to an international comparison, and since the (problematic) CTJ source makes no international comparison, it was a pointless distraction that never should have been raised in this discussion. I'm open to discussing potential article changes, but a selective mention of a tangential topic (spending) in that section would be frivolous and undue, and we certainly don't want to conflate a CTJ assessment of US only progressivity with the international comparison. Your Delong blog appears to be down right now. VictorD7 (talk) 19:38, 19 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
I agree, looking at p438, the Prasad and Deng income study does include state taxes. It apparently doesn't include sales taxes, which may change overall progressivity, but not rankings between countries. As an aside, please stop referring to the CTJ as an unreliable 'partisan' source. Peter G. Peterson foundation is also partisan, economists treat them as reliable, so Wikipedia should as well. LK (talk) 04:55, 20 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Check again. I just pointed out that they say they derive sales tax info from BLS data, and the "blog" covering the study you dismissed earlier shows the Kakwani comparisons both with and without sales taxes considered. CTJ is a partisan lobbyist. It's literally described by sources (including a WSJ journal article hosted on ITEP's own website as) as ITEP's "liberal lobbying arm". Economists and media are far more likely to cite the Tax Policy Center, CBO, or Tax Foundation than CTJ. The PGPF is relatively bipartisan, but that's also irrelevant since it's only a "source" in that it drew the graph based on Tax Policy Center numbers. If I had drawn the graph myself, as a Wikipedia user drew the CTJ chart EllenCT has tried to insert into various articles, would that change things any? VictorD7 (talk) 05:47, 20 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
VictorD7, I'ld appreciate it if we kept our responses more neutral and civil. FYI, from the paper, "We first calculate progressivity on the three sets of taxes for which the LIS data are relatively complete for all 13 countries: income tax, property and wealth taxes and mandatory employee contributions (payroll taxes). We then address how adding consumption tax changes the substantive findings for the six countries for which this calculation is possible". Main findings are made without sales taxes (LIS dataset doesn't include them), they then add in estimates of sales taxes and find that not much has changed. LK (talk) 07:48, 20 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
My posts have been entirely civil, LK. Yes, as I said, they do calculations both with and without sales taxes. Though I wouldn't say not much changes. The US looks even more progressive vis a vis European systems when consumption taxes are considered, as the WashPo piece I linked to shows. I'm glad we've finally gotten on the same page regarding many of these basic facts. VictorD7 (talk) 08:02, 20 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
The PGPF is very right-wing, pro-austerity, and has been strongly in favor of additional tax cuts for the rich since its inception. EllenCT (talk) 06:19, 20 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Accepting your unsourced description for the sake of argument, so what? You have yet to explain why the PGPF's views are even relevant when all they did was draw a graph based on Tax Policy Center numbers. Do you believe the TPC is "right wing, pro-austerity, (yada yada yada)"? VictorD7 (talk) 07:12, 20 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
How can someone who wants to starve infrastructure, public education, and preventative health care want to balance the budget? EllenCT (talk) 16:11, 20 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
How is that loaded question a rational reply to my question to you about why it matters who drew the chart, when the numbers come from the TPC? VictorD7 (talk) 18:44, 20 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]

[[:File:Average Effective Sales Tax of the 50 States (2007).gif|thumb|right|US average effective sales tax incidence in 2007.]]

Much if not most sales tax is local. EllenCT (talk) 23:25, 19 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
It is not clear how this image helps. The description from its posting on Commons says "Sales tax includes state and local general sales tax." – S. Rich (talk) 00:28, 20 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
That chart does not seem to illustrate a progressive tax, so why would it be in this article?Mattnad (talk) 02:06, 20 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Yeah, I'm not sure what the point of posting this chart is. VictorD7 (talk) 04:19, 20 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
It illustrates a regressive tax, so is appropriate for this article. LK (talk) 04:55, 20 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
The article is about progressive taxation, and the source is problematic for reasons that have already been explained. It's also alleged data from 2007. Even if it was decided to include a chart illustrating regressivity here for some reason, surely there are better examples. VictorD7 (talk) 05:02, 20 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]

|thumb|right|U.S. Payroll tax incidence in 2010.

The payroll tax incidence? EllenCT (talk) 06:19, 20 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]

Let me reiterate my view. When economists speak of taxes, they refer to the tax/transfer system. A cash transfer is the same whether its labelled a 'tax credit' (as in the US) or a 'welfare payment' (as in Europe). I have no problems with including that the US has unusually progressive taxes, as long as we also note (as most reliable commentators do) that the US tax/transfer system is less progressive than most. This seems to me eminently reasonable, if this is not acceptable, then the only way to settle this issue is with a RfD. LK (talk) 04:55, 20 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]

No, in most cases a tax credit simply lets people keep money they earn, and economists talk about stand alone tax code features (including but not limited to progressivity) all the time. Even EllenCT's CTJ source focuses solely on taxation, and so do the various tax incidence sources being discussed here and elsewhere. I'll reiterate my own comments that taxation is about a lot more than income redistribution, and arguably hasn't traditionally been about the latter at all. Per my earlier comments, and by your own logic, would you go around adding descriptions of US tax progressivity to all the mentions throughout Wikipedia of the US having less extensive welfare spending than Europe, or of European tax regressivity to descriptions of their expansive welfare states? Or are you only interested in joining the two for mentions of US tax progressivity? VictorD7 (talk) 05:05, 20 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
The EITC is a cash payment that a household applies for. The amount of the payment is dependent on the income of the household and the number of children in the household. Economically, it is indistinguishable from a welfare payment. It is distinguished only by the fact that you apply for it on a tax return form, rather than on a separate form, and that the government nets out any tax that you may owe, before sending the money to you. If you are a low income household with children, you are likely to receive, on net, substantial income from the Federal government - it is not just a return of money already earned. LK (talk) 08:00, 20 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Your opinion is noted, but that doesn't change the fact that the tax incidence sources, including ones you've cited, treat taxation as a distinct phenomenon from welfare spending. I'll note that only a minority of Americans actually have a negative tax liability (meaning they get more than they pay in, and European nations have a variety of tax credits too. VictorD7 (talk) 08:21, 20 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
This seems to be moving beyond the simple example it was intended to be and over examination pushes the weight in this article for a global context. I haven't read through all the discussion, but it seems to be moving into the scope of Progressivity in United States income tax which would be better for more in-depth analsyis of the US tax structure. Just give a simple few sentences regarding progressive comparisons - this is not a peacock show. If it doesn't help the reader understand the topic, then we should question the value. Morphh (talk) 20:48, 20 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
I'll also note that one huge distinguishing trait between the EITC and welfare payments is the earned part. Earned income is required to be eligible for the former. VictorD7 (talk) 09:54, 22 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]

Total transfer incidence

EllenCT and LK, so if the EITC is a welfare payment, then so is social security, which is paid out progressively based on income, so that the bottom third of income gets 250% of their contributions back. Likewise, the average American gets back $3 in healthcare for every dollar they contribute under medicare. So by your logic for the EITC, payroll taxes are welfare and should not be included in any discussion of taxes. Oh, but you you don't want to leave payroll taxes out, since those do not support your goal of showing how regressive the overall US tax system is. So you argue against the EITC in tax calculations, but leave in payroll taxes.Mattnad (talk) 09:52, 20 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]

Please see figures 6 and 7 on pp. 10-12. EllenCT (talk) 15:23, 20 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
What's your point?Mattnad (talk) 15:30, 20 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
How would you characterize someone who constantly tried to indicate that total tax incidence was progressive when it was actually regressive because they drew the line between progressive and regressive instead of taxes and transfers? If you want to show all taxes, show all taxes. They have been regressive for the top 1%. If you want to show all transfers, include all of them. They are even more regressive, as shown by recent changes in the Gini coefficient. EllenCT (talk) 16:15, 20 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
I have no idea what you're getting at with this statement about "how would you characterize someone....". Sounds like you have something else on your mind. Anyway, the charts you pointed to do not directly address the topic - perhaps they may indirectly - but you need to have a reliable source that says whatever you have in mind. What's clear from this discussion thread is that there are many ways to interpret tax progressiveness. I would encourage you to stick to the topic of the article and stop trying to turn it into an article on "regressive taxes" or "income inequality", or "tax policy in the united states" or any number of other angles that are not pertinent.Mattnad (talk) 16:28, 20 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Mattnad, I'm not sure what you are getting at. Are you suggesting that if we don't include Soc sec payments, we must therefore exclude payroll taxes? That doesn't make sense. That's like saying because we don't include how defense spending enriches shareholders of defense contractors, we must leave out income taxes, since they are used to pay for defense spending.
My suggestion is simple, tax is the government taking money from people, cash transfers is the government giving money to people. (By this definition the EITC is a transfer, not a tax) Economists usually net them out and talk about the tax system, meaning taxes & transfers together; as Martin Feldstein once said, "When I say 'taxes', I mean, of course, taxes net of transfers." (Transfers being, of course, only cash payments, not things like medicare.) When economists talk about the distribution of taxes by income group, we usually mean the distribution of taxes & transfers by income group. When we talk about how progressive a system is, we should talk about how progressive the taxes & transfers system is. Such as was done in the IMF report I linked to above. LK (talk) 09:23, 21 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
So by your definition, Social Security is a transfer (a progressive one at that) but we still call it a tax. Isn't social security effectively mandatory retirement savings, and given the bottom third of household income gets back 250% of their contributions according to the CBO not really a tax? You see how slippery this gets depending on what you are trying to present. That total tax ITEP chart you and Ellen like includes the employer portion of FICA when calculating tax burden which had the effect of showing a higher tax on poorer households. But in the end, why wouldn't we use a more common definition, like the CBOs? Krugman used it, many other reliable sources use it, etc.Mattnad (talk) 10:16, 21 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
off-topic discussion
The following discussion has been closed. Please do not modify it.
You are being unnecessarily obtuse. The levy to fund social security is a tax. Social security payments (to retirees) are a transfer, it would considered part of the tax & transfer system. LK (talk) 12:05, 21 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Personal attacks? Really? I've been pretty polite about your desire to push an interpretation of taxes not mentioned in any of the reliable sources we've discussed to date. If you cannot do the same, perhaps you should take a wikibreak.Mattnad (talk) 14:41, 21 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Dear Mattnad, a neutral statement of fact about behavior is not a personal attack. You are unnecessarily obscuring the matter. This is a statement about behavior. If I had written, "You are a stupid idiot" that would be a personal attack. I hope you see the difference. LK (talk) 02:25, 22 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
This is great! I so if somebody calls someone else a "stupid idiot" as a hypothetical, it's so cool. Wow, it's a good thing nobody called you a "wanker" or a "bellend".
How is your abject refusal to follow the reliable source criteria anything less than a personal attack against those of us who are here to build an accurate encyclopedia? EllenCT (talk) 23:52, 21 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
EllenCT, the question wasn't directed at you, but I do have to laugh at what you just wrote. Too funny coming from you. So, how are the OECD, CBO, Tax Foundation, NY Times (all sources I've included in this discussion) not reliable sources? Please educate us all.Mattnad (talk) 01:16, 22 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
The discussion above is closed. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page. No further edits should be made to this discussion.

RfC on what to include about progressiveness of US tax system

The following discussion is closed. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page. No further edits should be made to this discussion.


Result: C, say nothing about it.

Looking purely at numbers, C wins with 6 editors supporting it as their only choice and 4 as one of two choices. A got 3 supports as only choice and additional 1. B got no supports as only choice, but 3 as one of two. There was one "none of the above" vote.

There were a number of arguments made against option A. Firstly, that the statement was based on apples-and-oranges comparisons, particularly because EITC tax credits are taken into account for the US, but equivalent tax credits/welfare payments are not taken into account for other countries. No-one has disputed this claim, so I am taking it to be true. If it is true, there is a very strong argument that statement A cannot be included in the article, at least not without clearly explaining what is wrong with it. It was also argued that it is misleading just to look at income tax when the overall picture of the fiscal system is radically different. This is logical, but an equally logical counter-argument has been made that the article is about tax, not overall fiscal policy. What seems less logical to me, though, is the particular focus on income tax to the exclusion of other forms of personal taxation.

In defence of option A, it was pointed out that the information was reliably sourced. This is not a strong argument, given that the statement involved is clearly controversial on a number of levels (this can be seen from prior discussions above) and does not constitute the only relevant information that might be disclosed to the reader. WP:RS is not a defence against a charge of ignoring WP:NPOV.

On balance, the case for option A is not strong enough to overturn option C's numerical victory. This means excluding information which might be encylopaedic if handled in the right way, which may not be ideal, but there we have it.

It has been suggested that this RfC was unfairly framed. I'm not able to say this is wrong, but exactly how it might have been unfairly framed has not been explained in enough detail for me to take the question into account. However, there is nothing to prevent further discussion and a better RfC being formulated if editors want to do that.

Please refer to the above section for details. Essentially, there is no dispute over the accuracy and reliable sourcing of the following statements, but there is dispute over exactly what should be included in this article. Should the article include:

A – The United States has the most progressive income tax code among its peer nations.

B – The United States has the most progressive income tax code among its peer nations, however, including government cash transfers to households, the US system is less progressive than the majority of its peer nations.

CNot include mention of this issue

LK (talk) 10:05, 21 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]

Previously involved

Actually, a commonly used measure of how progressive a tax is is how much it redistributes wealth, ie. it's effect on the Gini coefficient. The IMF treatment of the tax & transfer together is entirely mainstream and commonplace. LK (talk) 02:30, 22 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
The Gini use of transfer skews the results tremendously. If you tax everyone at 50% and then give most of that back in transfers then by that logic you have a very progressive tax even though the actual tax rate is not progressive in the least. It is nothing more than manipulation of the monetary system. Arzel (talk) 04:06, 22 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
I don't think there is anything typical about including government spending in the definition of a tax. What you often see is taxes being discussed as a component in a larger topic, such as income inequality or wealth redistribution ("system as a whole"), as done in the IMF publication. But don't confuse the context with the individual components. Had the larger topic been economic growth, there would be little mention of transfer payments. IMO, B tries to shove A into a particular context and insert a pov outside of the taxation structure itself. Morphh (talk) 21:50, 21 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
OK. I'm a novice to this subject matter who happened upon a couple of these discussions and am trying to contribute on a generalist level, so I'm certain that you and most other participating have a far more comprehensive understanding than me.
One issue I see relates to the definition of government spending. Check this very recent thread and related edits to the article Talk:Government_spending#Seemingly_Inconsistent. According to that, it seems that transfers are technically not included in public spending.--Ubikwit 連絡 見学/迷惑 22:39, 21 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Right - I used an overly broad term there, sorry. Transfer payments are sort of their own thing - a use of revenue after taxation that is not counted as part of the national income (the government spending as a percentage of GDP). We don't want to count it twice. In general discussion, I consider it spending (it's the third section in that article), but it is an accounting budget distinction that is made since it's not an expenditure on goods and services for government function. Morphh (talk) 00:15, 22 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
To be honest, I haven't read the entire discussion myself, so I probably shouldn't be offering additional comments. Based on the RFC, it seems the dispute is over if the Earned Income Tax Credit was considered a transfer payment instead of a tax credit, then it would make the tax structure less progressive comparatively or the other structures more progressive if you considered their transfer payments as instead being tax credits. But at that point, I believe you're no longer comparing the tax system, but the entire wealth distribution system and its effect on income equality. So placing a goal / context (wealth distribution) around the tax and adjusting the comparison to fit that context. That's my take thus far... Morphh (talk) 00:52, 22 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Ubikwit, you are correct that transfers are not part of government spending. Morphh, for future reference, you should know this. If you crack open almost any Macro textbook, it will explain that government spending (G) do not include transfers between households, and that tax (T) is tax collections net of cash transfers. This is longstanding convention. There is a good reason for doing things this way, as you end up messing up the national accounting if you include cash transfers in government spending. LK (talk) 04:40, 22 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Yes, I stated that above in my reply but it's not the tax either - it's an after tax transfer and has it's own accounting line, which we simplify to T when compared to expenditures G. Morphh (talk) 11:41, 22 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
What about this and that? Looks the CBO and NY Times (a little more expert in these matters than some) would disagree with you.Mattnad (talk) 01:05, 22 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Do either of them include sales taxes and state payroll taxes? EllenCT (talk) 01:14, 22 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
They include payroll taxes but not sales tax. But the last I checked, this is an article about progressive taxation, and the income tax is considered progressive. Are you going to argue that sales taxes mean the top 1% do not pay a higher percentage of their income than the bottom 10%?Mattnad (talk) 01:23, 22 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
By common convention among economists, cash transfers are not government spending. Instead, cash transfers are negative taxes. In economic models, taxes are always net taxes, taxes net of transfers. Greg Mankiw, former chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers under Bush has written on this, and also, see the page on government spending. LK (talk) 11:08, 22 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
You're confusing a narrow technical application with proper use of the word "spending". We aren't calculating GDP here. On the more important point Mankiw is right that it makes sense to combine taxes and transfer spending in certain circumstances, as I've already said (in other circumstances, like deficit analysis, combining taxes with other things like total government spending is warranted), but an article on progressive taxation isn't one of them. Posting one or two examples of sources combining taxes and transfer payments totally misses the point, since many examples of sources separating them have also been provided. The question isn't whether it's alright to ever combine them, but whether it's alright to ever report tax progressivity as a stand alone phenomenon. Clearly it is since so many prominent economists and government publications do so, and if it's ever warranted it would be in the "Progressive tax" article. Indeed this article's very existence implies a Wikipedia judgement that tax progressivity merits stand alone coverage.
Regarding whether transfer payments are spending, I'll add that policy prohibits Wikipedia from being considered as a source for content for good reason. The "Government spending" page you link looks to have been heavily edited recently by you, EllenCT, and some fellow travelers, and the opening paragraph appears warped and off point (at least for the lede). I already quoted the CBO calling transfers "government spending" and I'll add some more examples.
  • North Carolina State University: "Government spends money in two categories: It can provide services like roads and schools, public safety and garbage collection. And it can provide financial resources to people. The latter category is called transfer spending. N.C. State University economist Mike Walden explains what this includes and how it's changed in the last 30 years. "It's the largest single category now of government spending, and it's grown immensely," says Dr. Walden, a professor of agricultural and resource economics. "Its share of total government spending here in North Carolina, for example, has doubled in the 30 last years. "Now in terms of what we include in transfer spending -- many categories. But the big parts would be Social Security, assistance with medical programs (payments like Medicare, Medicaid), cash welfare and food stamps."
  • BEA FAQ: "BEA seems to have several different measures of government spending. What are they for and what do they measure?...BEA's national accounts measure government spending in three ways:....Government current expenditures: Total spending by government is much larger than the spending included in GDP. Current expenditures measures all spending by government on current-period activities, and consists not only of government consumption expenditures, but also current transfer payments, interest payments, and subsidies (and removes wage accruals less disbursements). Payments such as transfer payments and interest payments are excluded from the calculation of GDP because these payments do not represent purchases of goods and services, though income from transfer and interest payments may fund consumption expenditures or investment in other sectors of the economy."
Since the BEA, St. Louis Fed, and university economists seem to be overwhelmingly reliable sources for this basic issue, it seems to be firmly established that transfers payments are a form of "government spending", though I would appreciate it if other editors would acknowledge this so new readers don't assume this is still a point of contention. Getting people to admit they were objectively wrong on various points in this discussion has been like pulling teeth so far, but progress has been coming bit by bit. VictorD7 (talk) 20:22, 22 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Acknowledged - This is also how I have experienced the term's use. So that is to say that LK is correct in a specific context, but I find that context outside the scope here and the general use of what is a tax and spending (as described in the United States federal budget) applicable. But as I !voted above, I don't see that it really adds anything to the article, so I'm perfectly fine with deleting it too. Morphh (talk) 15:55, 24 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]

Previously uninvolved

At this point editors don't seem to disagree with the statement on US taxation (except maybe EllenCT; it's hard to keep up with what her unsourced assertions currently are). This is more about the op not liking that stand alone statement and wanting to insert off topic material as some sort of cherry-picked counterpoint. If it's alright to include stand alone commentary on other nations' tax progressivity, which the article currently contains without complaint, then the statement about the US should be fine too. VictorD7 (talk) 21:57, 24 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
"It seems"? A vague personal anecdote? Neither of the above two editors offered a shred of evidence or a source, and it's unclear if they've even fully read the discussion. This is the type of drive by commentary I warned about that can result from premature RFCs. Wikipedia is not a democracy. The consensus process is determined by actual legitimate arguments, not blind votes or claims based on erroneous premises. VictorD7 (talk) 04:33, 26 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
And you don't get to be the judge of what is or is not a legitimate argument, given that you obviously disagree with my argument. Your disagreement is noted. NorthBySouthBaranof (talk) 08:07, 26 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
VictorD7, your strongly worded, persistent commentary ("This is the type of drive by commentary I warned about"; "hard to keep up with what her unsourced assertions currently are"; etc) in a section that is supposed to be devoted to voting is over the line. -The Gnome (talk) 17:33, 29 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Your opinion is noted. Let me know if you have something substantive to contribute. VictorD7 (talk) 21:10, 29 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
The "substance" part is in my vote. You persist in harassing editors who have a different opinion from yours. May I suggest you contain your disagreements in the appropriate section? It's the one titled "Threaded discussion", immediately below. Take care. -The Gnome (talk) 06:52, 1 June 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Commenting on votes/rationales immediately under them is common in RFCs (and isn't "harassing"), and it looks like at least 6 other posters had engaged in such discussion here before I did. By "substantive" contribution I meant points or facts addressing the topic at hand, not repeating your feelings about me. Let's not distract from the pertinent discussion. VictorD7 (talk) 09:04, 1 June 2014 (UTC)[reply]
You have, thus far, "commented" against practically every Vote in this section that is not to your liking. This is a section devoted to voting. There is a separate section below for Discussions. It's one thing to offer a comment or two, and quite another to be the only one rushing after every vote : Please note that you are, thus far, the only editor engaging in this sort of practice. (BTW, I have no "feelings" whatsoever towards your person, and I hope it's reciprocal). -The Gnome (talk) 11:54, 2 June 2014 (UTC)[reply]
The Gnome, while I also approved option C, I think such responses from VictorD7 (though perhaps a bit brash) are primarily a product of the RFC wording, which I feel presented a misleading picture. When the !votes can often depend on how the question is asked and presented, I'm not surprised that someone tries to point out the additional complexities and seeks that responding editors examine the larger arguments and context assumptions involved. The idea of the !vote is discussion and making sense of the arguments - if editors are just voting without understanding the arguments (due to the RFC presentation), I sort of expect someone is going to challenge it. Darx9url's comment below is a good example and VictorD7's response is dead-on. Should it just be left alone - I guess... if we assume the closing admin can determine which !votes are based on understanding the issue, but they still hold weight. So, while I also stated C, I don't fault VictorD7 for trying to deal with the RFC spin to make sure their vote is an informed one. Morphh (talk) 15:11, 2 June 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Agreed. The RFC was not presented in a way that represents the discussion. It was designed to drive to a conclusion favored by LK.Mattnad (talk) 15:33, 2 June 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Except it's not controversial among the sources, which is what should matter, and this isn't a two sided debate. This RFC cherry-picked one off topic tangent for potential expanded coverage (income redistribution; that's what would violate NPOV), disregarding the fact that other potential tangents (laid out on this page) also exist. So it would be POV to edit based on the selective assumption that the topic (or "controversy") here is income redistribution, with a need to show "both" sides or neither. VictorD7 (talk) 14:31, 31 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]

Threaded discussion

As far as I can tell, there was only agreement that the US "income tax code" could be said to be the most progressive. There is a dispute as to what constitutes the "tax system" overall, and that is where the concerns regarding definition and qualifiers originates. Most everyone acknowledging the broader definition does disagrees with the characterization that the US has the most progressive tax system considered as a whole.
If the article can't provide an adequate overview of the concept by using actual examples from different countries as illustration due to political friction associated with such characterizations, then it should probably be rendered in as abstract a format as possible.
That would mean "C" for this RfC accompanied with the removal of references to other countries codes/systems.--Ubikwit 連絡 見学/迷惑 12:48, 26 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
No, I think there was actually finally agreement that overall US taxes are even more progressive vis a vis other developed nations than on income tax alone (where it's also the most progressive by multiple measures). LK feels taxes should be combined with welfare spending (at least when on the topic of US tax progressivity; apparently not elsewhere), and his latest proposal, per his own RFC intro, is whether to add a new segment observing that the US welfare state doesn't redistribute income as much as many other developed nations do. But a point of order: the old segment already only mentions "income" taxes, with a qualified description gleaned from the OECD source at that. This RFC isn't about removing anything, since the segment in question that precipitated LK's quest wasn't even accurately presented in the RFC intro. It's about what, if anything, to add. The old segment has been in the article for years, was recently improperly removed, and will be restored soon. Consensus is required to remove it, not keep it. If consensus is to be gauged by RFC, removing it would require a fresh RFC that quoted or at least fully described the segment and that honestly acknowledged its long standing nature. Also, it's unclear if you meant the references to Australia and other nation's tax codes currently in the article should be removed. VictorD7 (talk) 18:11, 26 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Well, aren't you overlooking, for example, the bit about the EIC vis-a-vis the systemic difference of the accounting therefor between the US and EU?--Ubikwit 連絡 見学/迷惑 18:28, 26 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
No, that was a blind stab in the dark by LK, not a concrete basis for removing a segment that's been in the article since at least 2010. Are you overlooking the replies observing that other developed nations have tax credits too (which are counted), or the fact that the article segment was already qualified with a reference to tax credits (which also include high end tax deductions, not just the EITC)? Even more importantly, the sources in question count such tax credits, as well they should (not that our opinions should matter). The EITC specifically is tied to earned income, and so isn't just another welfare program. Do you at least agree that removing a long standing segment should require a fresh consensus process that begins by fully describing the segment in question, and not offering a truncated, paraphrased version that excludes the qualifiers already present and pretends it's merely a proposed new addition? VictorD7 (talk) 18:42, 26 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
I'll have to admit that I don't even know the long segment to which you refer. That predates my participation, I think. At any rate, this is started to become more technical than my limited knowledge, so I will have to defer to you and LK and others with the requisite expertise to work this issue out. All I seem to recall was mention that the EIC is counted as a tax deduction in the US but not in the EU, but that the effect overall on the system was similar (as a transfer), so the method of accounting was the only difference. Whether "transfers" should be considered as "welfare programs", for example is beyond my scope. The EIC seemed to problematize the schematization according to what LK said. Thanks.--Ubikwit 連絡 見学/迷惑 19:46, 26 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
European tax credits, including versions of the EITC, are counted by the sources too. You didn't answer my question, so I'll press you a little since you voted in the RFC above. Don't you agree that a RFC to remove long standing material should be introduced by the actual quote in question or at least a full description of it, and should point out that it's long standing instead of pretending that it's merely a proposed new addition? VictorD7 (talk) 20:53, 26 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
OK, I don't want you to think I'm stonewalling you or something. I just checked the article, and this is the reverted text to which I assume you are referring. Frankly, I find that to be an extraordinarily strangely composed, forced sentence. Further, the crux of the matter--the way I see it--is that we're trying to go beyond just the "code" to a more comprehensive representatonal model. Accordingly the reverted text is not very representative of the way consensus is developing here. I'm going to blockquote the text here for easy reference

Progressive taxation often must be considered as part of an overall system since tax codes have many interdependent variables. For example, when refundable tax credits and other tax incentives are included across the entire income spectrum, the United States has the most progressive income tax code among its peer nations.(bolding added)

It's plain for anyone examining the semantics here that we move from discussing the "system" to the "tax codes" to focusing solely on the US "income tax code". So, I'm sorry, but I disagree with your characterization of the scenario.--Ubikwit 連絡 見学/迷惑 21:10, 26 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
But you are stonewalling. Nothing you just said answered my question. I have no idea who originally inserted the segment in question, and I'd be all for modifying it in some way. That's what this Talk Page discussion should have been focusing on from the beginning. Unfortunately LK and EllenCT got it off on the wrong foot by focusing on an off topic partisan lobbyist source that didn't make an international comparison, and LK later exacerbated the situation by launching a premature, poorly defined RFC. I'll repeat my question. Don't you agree that an RFC to remove very long standing material should actually cite the segment one is seeking to remove, and honestly describe it as long standing instead of pretending that it's merely a proposed new addition? Side note - consensus is most certainly not shaping up in favor of expanding the subject from the tax code (both the segment and article's focus) to "a more comprehensive representatonal model", if by that you mean LK's suggested expansion to cover welfare spending, taxes, and income redistribution as a combined phenomenon. Almost no one has supported that proposal (just you and LK). VictorD7 (talk) 21:21, 26 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Ubikwit, I don't plan to jump into this discussion much more, but I think what you describe as a comprehensive representational model is only for a specific measure regarding national income inequality. What I think is missing from that quote is the context for which it is stated. It's apparent in the publication, but not so when taken in isolation. I'd prefix it with the context of When comparing income equality of nations, progressive taxation often must be considered as part of an overall system since tax codes... The focus of the topic is important for what is being measured as taxation is a component in this context. Since this WP article is not about national income equality, but the tax code itself, using this measure is only one possible use case for a larger topic. Adding the suggested wording will change the context from the tax structure itself to that of measuring it as national income equality. Would it be proper to list all possible measures and larger context for which a progressive tax could be applied? The tax code is progressive, but if we're talking about the goal of X, then it falls short of other nations, if we're talking about the goal of Y, then it is ahead of other nations, if we're talking about the goal of Z, then it's in line with other nations. I don't see that focusing on larger goals, or more specifically framing it as only one goal, is proper. Morphh (talk) 14:17, 27 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
In fact my take on the segment is that "overall system" is referring to the complexities within the tax code, judging by the material that follows, albeit worded with less than ideal clarity. The only use of "overall system" I was able to find in the OECD document was a niche topic footnote discussing the health finance system, which obviously wasn't the intent of the segment in question. I completely agree with your logical analysis regarding the diversity of potential larger (off) topics, and the need for avoiding selectively embracing one here. VictorD7 (talk) 18:49, 27 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Just for a quick example, one could envision a segment along the lines of The US has the most progressive income tax, but the relative drag on economic growth caused by the inefficient structure is mitigated by the nation having a smaller tax burden than most peer nations. Or maybe...The US has the most progressive income tax, and therefore more revenue volatility than most peer nations. That tax code progressivity has multiple consequences across multiple topics unrelated to income redistribution underscores the value in commenting on it as a stand alone phenomenon. VictorD7 (talk) 19:01, 27 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
@Morphh:That sounds reasonable to me. I would suggest that you append your suggested prefixing statement as a proposed text for discussion. I have to bow out of this as it is beyond my scope of competence. It would probably be valuable to the reader to have analysis of the relationship between taxation and economics goals.
@VictorD7:Those sound like reasonable suggestions as well, but I don't understand the overall schema of the article and where such statements would belong. Would you propose making similar statements for other countries that have systemic characteristics which are remarkable (i.e., noteworthy)? As mentioned above, such examples might serve to illustrate the concept if properly presented and not politically contentious. --Ubikwit 連絡 見学/迷惑 19:38, 27 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
No, the point was that such additions don't belong in this article. They'd be off topic, cherry-picked caveats/consequences. The article is strictly about tax progressivity, which is not the same thing as income redistribution. VictorD7 (talk) 19:44, 27 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
The discussion above is closed. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page. No further edits should be made to this discussion.

Kakwani index

It would really help those of us who are ignorant in these matters if someone could expand Kakwani index, to give a simple useful definition. The maths from the German article would be useful too. All the best: Rich Farmbrough01:48, 28 April 2014 (UTC).

Thank you. You may be interested in the suits index. How many other such indices are there? EllenCT (talk) 12:32, 29 April 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Gini coefficient, and Hoover index are also related to inequality of income. I asked for improvements on Kakwani index because they are used by one of the studies cited in the article. All the best: Rich Farmbrough15:24, 30 April 2014 (UTC).

Question on TPC graph removal and replacement with another TPC graph.

[[:File:US federal effective tax rates by income percentile and component.gif|300px|thumb|U.S. federal effective tax rates by income percentile and component as projected for 2014 by the Tax Policy Center.[7][8]]] [[:File:US Federal Income and Payroll Tax Rates.png|300px|thumb|US federal income and payroll tax rates by income percentile and component as projected for 2014 by the Tax Policy Center.[9]]] I recently added a Tax Policy Center graph (seen right above) to illustrate the concept of progressivity. It survived for a few days but EllenCT and LK just respectively removed it and replaced it with another TPC graph (seen right below). I was curious as to the rationale for this. EllenCT's edit summary called the graph "misleading" but didn't explain why, either there or on the Talk Page. LK replaced it with a self drawn graph from the exact same TPC source page, except that his excludes that page's corporate and estate tax attribution (though it does add a population average figure), leaving it less informative than the more polished looking one it replaced. It also doesn't contain the precise numbers included on the original. Is there a coherent reason for replacing the graph, particularly with another graph from the same source that only partially relates its data? VictorD7 (talk) 06:01, 20 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]

Please include sales tax. EllenCT (talk) 06:20, 20 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
I'm not sure how that answers my question. You realize the new graph LK made and added doesn't include sales tax, don't you? VictorD7 (talk) 07:13, 20 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
If you're not going to include all taxes, you have to cut somewhere – cutting at the individual income and payroll taxes makes sense, as you are only including taxes that an individual pays directly. As Ellen pointed out, the tax incidence of corporate taxes is unclear and disputed. It makes sense to leave it out. In any case, the graph is clearly illustrating a progressive tax, so nothing is lost. LK (talk) 07:27, 20 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
@Lawrencekhoo: on the contrary, the consensus of the peer reviewed literature attributes the incidence of about half of corporate taxes to labor, consumers, and customers. The only controversy is manufactured to mislead. How many peer reviewed literature reviews and meta-analyses have you looked at for this? There's only one which ends up substantially less than half. EllenCT (talk) 01:07, 22 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Which sources are disputing corporate tax incidence? All sources that produce tax incidence figures in this format attribute corporate taxes roughly the same way, all or mostly all to corporate owners. There has been some primary scholarship hypothesizing different labor/capital splits, but the overwhelming weight of scholarship over the past half century has attributed it mostly to capital, hence the outfits that do tax incidence all following suit. Indeed, isn't it OR for you to selectively combine two categories from the source on personal whim that the source itself doesn't combine, and use that to replace a chart that faithfully represented the source? I'm not certain on that last point, but it seems like it might be. VictorD7 (talk) 07:53, 20 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
As I mentioned before, I would prefer a more neutral tone in your responses - thanks. I don't know what you're background or training is (it would be great if you could post more info on your user page), but AFAIK, the attribution of the corporate income tax is a difficult question, and not as clear cut as you imply. Please have a look here, and here for a survey of the literature. LK (talk) 10:38, 20 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
I would appreciate it if you stopped repeating that line about a "neutral response" without providing any specific complaint about my posts, which have been exceedingly civil. Appeal to personal authority isn't a valid form of argument on Wikipedia, which is supposed to be about evaluating sources, especially since most users are anonymous anyway, and is why I don't bother dressing up my user page (along with my own preference for anonymity). I also don't typically care what others claim on their user pages (which can be anything), but judge editors by their reading comprehension, honesty, displays of knowledge, and cogent argumentation. I'll note that so far I'm the one who's accurately represented sources when there's been a factual disagreement every step of the way.
I assure you that I'm familiar with the scholarship on corporate incidence. Before I respond to you on that score, temporarily setting that aside, it seems to be your position that any tax incidence graph containing corporate taxes doesn't belong on Wikipedia. You even went to the trouble of drawing your own version of the TPC chart that excludes them. Though I object to them for other reasons, would you be willing to demonstrate your consistency by removing the recent CTJ chart additions by EllenCT to these three articles ([33], [34],[35]) since it obviously includes corporate taxes too? Given EllenCT's antipathy toward me, she would probably take it better if you did it. VictorD7 (talk) 18:38, 20 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Since you are familiar with the literature on tax incidence, you must know that estimates for tax incidence vary greatly on the percentage attributable to the share holders of companies, the owners of capital (including land) in general, the workers in the companies taxed, and customers of taxed companies. BTW, the Peter Peterson Foundation report that you cite includes a version of the graph I created (ie income & payroll tax only), and since you are familiar with the literature, you must know that it's a pretty common formulation. Additionally, you must also know that "taxes & transfers" is the usual way to treat taxation in the literature. IMO, the CTJ graph shouldn't be used except as a historical reference, since (as I recently realized) the tax laws changed drastically in 2013, and the graph no longer reflects current situation in the US. I'll talk to Ellen about it. LK (talk) 03:37, 21 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Before I comment on corporate tax incidence literature, I have to push a little here and point out that, by your own logic, the CTJ chart isn't suitable for historical reference either, since it includes corporate taxation. In fact, it's less suitable than CBO and TPC sources (not sure what PGPF "report" you're talking about) since, unlike CTJ, they at least break down corporate and other tax types into identifiable components so readers can see how they're being allocated and make their own judgements (excluding them if they wish). CTJ just lumps them all together. Then there's the fact that the tax changes you mention are irrelevant to this discussion, the 2011 CTJ chart contradicting the TPC in 2011 and the CBO and Treasury Department data showing the top 1%'s federal tax rate around 30% and often higher throughout this century and long before. I would prefer you talk to EllenCT after you remove the graphs, since you didn't talk to me before removing the full TPC chart. VictorD7 (talk) 06:38, 21 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
As far as I can tell, the CTJ graph that you refer to has already been removed from the articles your mentioned – but that is off-topic for this article. The issue at hand is, what graph should we use to illustrate a progressive tax rate. My contention is that we should use a graph that shows straight-forward tax rates, direct income and wage taxes on particular income groups. There is no reason to muddy the waters by including other (especially indirect) taxes that are then attributed to particular income groups, especially if i) this includes some taxes but leaves out others, and ii) such attribution does not have consensus in the literature. Also, the chart illustrates a progressive tax, so what's the problem? LK (talk) 09:02, 21 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
<Insert>Actually it's still in this article. Regarding which chart to use, I think we should stick with actual sources instead of making stuff up. I'll reply to your corporate tax comments more in depth a little later when I get more time, though I already got a start on that by quoting from ITEP (admittedly not the most reliable source) to you on the other page for tangential reasons. VictorD7 (talk) 07:58, 22 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Maybe we could avoid dispute and just make up something that demonstrates a progressive tax structure that is not tied to any country or actual tax. The data need not be "real" to show the structure of a progressive tax. Then no one can get upset that the graph is misleading to some particular country or the incidence of any particular tax. Morphh (talk) 16:48, 21 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Perhaps we could just use the German income tax rates? That is, I believe, progressive. (Their sales tax is regressive, but let's not bring that up please.) LK (talk) 02:33, 22 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
That works for me. Here is an image: File:Income_Tax_Germany_2010.png Morphh (talk) 02:45, 22 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
I actually had the same thought earlier about just making something up, Morph, since we're really just illustrating the concept here. But then I decided I didn't like setting a bad precedent for excluding perfectly valid tax incidence charts for erroneous reasons. I also prefer a bar chart because it better captures incrementally escalating rates. A real bar tax chart like the one that was removed (or even the one LK made) would be preferable to a made up one, but I could live with a made up one, and a generic chart would be better than using a German line graph. It wouldn't make much sense to remove a US chart ostensibly because of doubts over content only to replace it with a foreign one containing a methodology we all probably know much less about, especially on the English Wikipedia. The source is in German, and it's better to use sources in English when possible. VictorD7 (talk) 07:58, 22 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]

Why use a German language source graph on the page? This is English Wikipedia.

Can someone please offer a rational explanation as to why a German income tax graph based on a German language source is more appropriate to illustrate progressivity on this general English Wikipedia topic page than the various English language source charts recently removed for dubious and/or unexplained reasons? Tax Policy Center - [36], [37]; CBO - [38]; another, even more pertinent potential CBO chart that I don't think has been posted on this article yet: [39]

I personally prefer bar graphs to illustrate the concept of progressive escalation and think the TPC/PGPF breakdown is the best looking, most informative one, but all the above are preferable to a German graph we know little about and most English speakers can't verify. BTW, the CBO tax burden share chart source also includes income shares that could be added if one is so inclined.

There are no doubt countless other potential English language options here. I'm just wondering if someone can rationally explain why this German source is better to use here than them. VictorD7 (talk) 01:32, 30 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]

Because the graph is less contentious than the other one - it presents an equally-good example of a progressive tax system while avoiding the arguments taking place around the previous graph. If there's a way to prevent and reduce conflict and argument on pages like this one that deal with contentious issues, I tend to see that as a good thing. NorthBySouthBaranof (talk) 05:12, 30 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
My section here demonstrates that using a German language source here is contentious (I oppose it because it's absurd and unnecessary), while there was virtually no discussion here about the English language, US graphs I listed above. Certainly no rational objections were lodged against most of the graphs. The closest thing to a rational objection was LK claiming that we shouldn't include corporate taxes. It was an invalid objection, but we didn't even get to have that discussion yet because we've been focused on other things, and that doesn't explain why the alternative (sans corporate) tax graph he drew was removed anyway. While inferior, I could have lived with that as a lesser evil to what's there now. Are there any other reasons, or was contentiousness your only rationale? VictorD7 (talk) 08:16, 30 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
The other graph is also contentious. Using the current graph to sidestep the issue was suggested by LawrenceKhoo and Morphh and is supported by myself. Wikipedia is not a voting democracy, but that's 3-1 among active editors on this page who have expressed an opinion.
By constantly claiming that everyone who is opposed to you is not "rational," you are substituting unsupported assertions for logical arguments. Claiming that everyone else's views are "invalid" merely because you say so is a rather unconvincing way of working with other editors. NorthBySouthBaranof (talk) 09:26, 30 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
I didn't claim everyone who is opposed to me is not rational, so such comments are unhelpful. I think Morphh offered a good faith, spur of the moment brainstormed idea, but then I pointed out the language objection and no one has responded on the topic since. It's unclear which, if any posters apart from you, even still support inserting the German graph. It's not like it was the subject of extensive discussion. Do you not think the language objection is a legitimate point? Also, how was LK's graph "contentious", much less enough to merit removal? Could you please explain? Also, would you oppose replacing the German graph with the new CBO tax rate chart I listed last above? VictorD7 (talk) 18:02, 30 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
I don't think its a problem using the German model to illustrate a progressive tax system. The article is in English, but the concept doesn't need to show an English speaking country.Mattnad (talk) 18:15, 30 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]
But, since it's purporting to show real info from a real country, isn't it preferable that the source be in English so readers can verify it? I can understand exceptions on rare occasions where there are no other options (e.g. key historical segment sourced to an untranslated work), but that clearly isn't the case here. VictorD7 (talk) 19:03, 30 May 2014 (UTC)[reply]

Factually inaccurate RFC closure comment.

I just visited this page for the first time in a while and saw the RFC closure, which got key elements of its rationale totally wrong. @FormerIP: stated "particularly because EITC tax credits are taken into account for the US, but equivalent tax credits/welfare payments are not taken into account for other countries. No-one has disputed this claim, so I am taking it to be true." That claim sure as hell was disputed [40] [41]. Equivalent tax credits in other countries are counted by the sources. What isn't is welfare spending in either the US or the other countries. LK was grasping at straws with the EITC comment, after having repeatedly made various objectively false claims about the sources that were knocked done one by one. The sources make the distinction between the tax structure and spending, for reasons well grounded in logic, definition, and fiscal policy.

Among those who showed some clear sign of having actually read the discussion, the count was 4 for A as a first choice (not counting earlier participants who had also rejected LK's arguments but didn't participate in the RFC), 2 for B as a first choice, 2 for C as a second choice, and 1 for D.

Regardless, on a tangential note, since the muti-year long standing segment that precipitated LK's original removal discussion (which was overwhelmingly rejected by consensus) was improperly removed by him and was not covered by the later, misleading RFC, I'll reintroduce the segment as promised earlier. If someone wants to remove it I won't edit war to keep it in, but given the improper removal and the fact that no consensus has been established for its removal (there's no indication several RFC respondents were even aware of the text in question), it merits being restored once out of sheer principle. VictorD7 (talk) 19:56, 1 July 2014 (UTC)[reply]

Victor, the issue about EITC tax credits is covered in a key source discussed in the section preceding the RfC, a 2008 report by the OECD [42].

Taxation is most progressively distributed in the United States, probably reflecting the greater role played there by refundable tax credits, such as the Earned Income Tax Credit and the Child Tax Credit.

I concede to error in saying that the claim wasn't challenged. However, there wasn't really a substantive challenge. A single editor (you) said: "European tax credits, including versions of the EITC, are counted by the sources too". But this appears either to be false or to miss the point. AFAICT, the UK (for example) pays its equivalents of EITC and CTC in the form or welfare. This means that they are not taken into account when a comparison is made as to progressivity purely on the basis of tax. So the comparison, while not meaningless, is misleading. This also appears to be generally how things are for Europe. Even if there might be exceptions here and there (although it is not even clear to me that there are), the overall comparison does, indeed, appear to be apples-and-oranges, as I said in the close.
In terms of procedure, you do not get to substitute your own interpretation of the votes by discounting certain votes (all your opponents) on the basis that they just didn't get it. This is because you were a participant in the RfC and you are not entitled to determine the maths for its closure. You are also not entitled to ignore the result of an RfC on the basis that you don't like the outcome.
What you are entitled to do is ask for a review of the close at WP:AN, which I shall do on your behalf shortly. I'd invite you, in the meantime, to self-revert if necessary in order to respect the outcome of the RfC pending the review. Formerip (talk) 20:36, 1 July 2014 (UTC)[reply]
I have reverted the edit as RFC closures de jure establish consensus. (The revert was done without regard to the result or accuracy or inaccuracy of the closure.) I suggest that the burden is on Victor to set forth the merits/demerits of the closure following the recommendation of WP:Closing discussions#Challenging other closures. – S. Rich (talk) 20:50, 1 July 2014 (UTC)[reply]
You're wrong about it not being substantive, Formerip, as evidenced by the fact that the sources disagree with you. The US tax code contains more credits, but they are not the equivalent of welfare payouts. You're equating them, not the sources in question. The fact that European codes rely less on them does not make their greater welfare spending automatically equivalent. The main difference in overall tax progressivity between the US and European countries is actually due to Europe's greater reliance on consumption taxes, underscoring that the US tax code is more progressive at every level (including income tax alone, per the OECD), and not just because of a particular federal credit. But the US has sales taxes too, just as Europe also has equivalent tax credits that are counted in tax studies. No evidence has been presented supporting the implication that the studies cited here don't include European tax credits too. Of course they do.
If the discussion was of government income redistribution then combining taxes and welfare spending would be appropriate, but this article is titled "Progressive tax", and tax code progressivity has other consequences and implications that have nothing to do with redistribution, including impact on GDP growth and revenue volatility. There are good reasons why the OECD, the Oxford Journal study on total taxation I cited above, and other sources distinguish between tax codes and spending. Comparative tax code progressivity is discussed as a stand alone phenomenon on other articles, so it would be surreal for it to be prohibited from mention on the actual Progressive tax page, just because a couple of posters only see the issue through the prism of total redistribution, and view the tax progressivity fact as politically inconvenient to their cause.
Your own OECD quote there says US taxation is more progressive, "probably" reflecting more credits like the EITC, which I'd be perfectly fine using word for word as the sentence in the article. I'm not sure why you think that does anything but reinforce what I've said. Of course one major reason why the RFC should be considered invalid for removal is because it didn't quote or fully describe the existing segment, which already contained a lot of qualifying language. VictorD7 (talk) 23:40, 1 July 2014 (UTC)[reply]
This is not the page to re-argue the RFC. – S. Rich (talk) 23:51, 1 July 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Why not? He did say further discussion isn't precluded, and I responded directly to his comments here. VictorD7 (talk) 00:14, 2 July 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Further discussion is certainly not precluded. But I think it would be best, for the time being, and for this section, to focus on what might be wrong with the close, which is a slightly different question to whether the close produced the best possible outcome. As I indicated in the close, the material in question may be suitable for the article if couched in the correct terms. That's a matter for further discussion, not a reason to disregard the RfC. From your point-of-view, Victor, I would suggest it is better to reign yourself in because editors reviewing the close may lose sight of any good reason to question the close if all they perceive is someone who just doesn't like it.Formerip (talk) 00:38, 2 July 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Your last sentence was uncalled for, as it's nothing but a thinly veiled aspersion. I posted concrete criticisms of the close, and you've already conceded you made at least one error. I'm not saying the RFC should be disregarded, just that it isn't fit to apply to the segment it's being used to remove, as suggested below. It did seem to establish a consensus against B (or at least a definite lack of consensus for including it; the RFC's peculiar tripartite multiple choice design isn't optimal for clarity; typically "support" or "oppose" choices are preferable), which can be taken as a fair wording of the RFC author's own proposal. VictorD7 (talk) 04:41, 2 July 2014 (UTC)[reply]

Actual segment in question

Here's the segment in question:

Progressive taxation often must be considered as part of an overall system since tax codes have many interdependent variables. For example, when refundable tax credits and other tax incentives are included across the entire income spectrum, the United States has the most progressive income tax code among its peer nations.[10][11]

It was sourced to the OECD, a very reliable source, and was very long standing, having been present in the article in some form since at least 2010. The chief party in seeking removal suddenly and unilaterally started an RFC after having his arguments rejected by several editors in normal discussion. In my view the discussion wasn't ripe for RFC because the poster's arguments kept changing and he made multiple factually incorrect statements regarding various sources produced. Clearing those up one by one was inching us closer toward at least sharing the same set of facts, a process that should have continued. There was also likely broad agreement among editors for tweaking the existing language in some other ways that had little to do with his complaints, since most of us didn't think it was ideal.

But instead the poster started an RFC that didn't quote the segment, didn't mention it was long standing, didn't fully describe it, and only presented it as one of three equal proposals he constructed, the other two options being ones he'd support. It didn't include an array of other options that could have been discussed. Multiple editors complained about the RFC's skewed, misleading construction from the beginning but our complaints were ignored. Most editors involved in the initial discussion opposed removal but a few new RFC-drawn posters voted for "C", giving that option the numerical advantage. Now the RFC is being used as a pretext for completely deleting the segment, despite it being unclear if the uninvolved posters were even aware of what the actual text is, or if they knew the RFC would be used to remove something long standing rather than add something new.

I suggest that the RFC be viewed as establishing consensus for not adding the new segments it lists in the wording it uses, but not for removing the existing segment. For gaining consensus on the latter, a fresh RFC actually quoting or fulling describing the segment, its qualifying language, and its sourcing should be required. An RFC should be neutrally worded enough to be supported by all major parties in a dispute, not pre-rigged by one editor over protests by others. VictorD7 (talk) 00:09, 2 July 2014 (UTC)[reply]

You shouldn't ignore an RFC close and edit as you like [43]. Don't think that challenging a close entitles you to ignore it. Besides, you shouldn't challenge a RFC close by posting here. The policy about how to start a closure review [44] says that you should post a report on WP:ANI. Darx9url (talk) 16:20, 2 July 2014 (UTC)[reply]
I'm obviously not ignoring it, as evidenced by this section. The closing administrator filed the review, not me, and since that request simultaneously links to this page and asks that involved editors not comment there, I figured I'd gather some of the apparently overlooked points here. VictorD7 (talk)
This amounts to an appeal to WP:IDONTLIKEIT. A check of sources is clear that there is no universal consensus about the status of American tax progressivity (for example, this Brookings argument) and therefore to make an unambiguous statement in Wikipedia's voice that it is "the most progressive" is at best misleading. To single out and select the income tax while ignoring other tax and spending issues that affect progressivity and the Gini coefficient paints a distorted picture.
A more thoroughly-detailed accounting of those arguments is likely off-topic for this article, and belongs in a specific article about the U.S. tax system. Of course, that's only my personal opinion, and if you wish to propose new additional language, we should have that discussion. NorthBySouthBaranof (talk) 16:38, 2 July 2014 (UTC)[reply]
No, actually the argument for removal amounts to "IDONTLIKEIT". Some respondents actually based on their votes on vague anecdotal claims of living there and US taxes not "seem(ing)" progressive, ignoring sources and facts. Even the RFC, skewed as at was, stipulated that the US income tax is more progressive. Your polemical Brookings blog combining redistributive spending and taxes doesn't outweigh sources like the OECD, the Oxford Journal study cited above, studies on revenue volatility or economic growth, and every tax incidence source (CBO, OECD, Tax Policy Center, Tax Foundation, and even ITEP), which all treat taxation per se as a distinct phenomenon. The original segment was apparently making a point also illustrating tax code complexity, but your complaint about Wikipedia's voice or scope (the Oxford Journal study features total taxation, not just income tax, and the progressivity difference is even more robust than it is on income tax) could easily have been addressed by simple tweaks rather than full deletion. Progressive taxation is not just about income equality or Gini coefficients. Pretending otherwise is POV skew and presents a distorted picture. VictorD7 (talk) 21:27, 2 July 2014 (UTC)[reply]
The RFC represents a consensus, and it was closed by an indisputably uninvolved person. The inclusion or exclusion of various facts is subject to consensus decisions by Wikipedians, and the consensus of the RFC determined that singling out the income tax without placing it in the broader context of taxation and spending was potentially misleading. You are entitled to disagree with this consensus, but you are not entitled to unilaterally reject its conclusions and implement your preferred edits anyway. NorthBySouthBaranof (talk) 05:02, 3 July 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Stop swiping at straw men. I said before I made it that my one edit was symbolic and that I had no intention of edit warring to support it, much less against consensus. Panic averted. Relax. I also never questioned whether the closing admin was "uninvolved". However, the contention of multiple editors from the RFC's beginning has been that the issue was framed in a skewed way. All I'm saying is that whatever consensus it's deemed to have established is therefore interpreted with appropriate narrowness. I'm not overly optimistic about a review, since when more than a few lines of reading is required most editors' eyes tend to glaze over, but the errors in the close (one of which has already been admitted) and problems with the biased RFC needed pointing out for the record.
I will say that what you makes your "broader context" remark even more ludicrous (it's a very selective broader context, btw), apart from the facts I just posted above, is that LK's initial argument for removal had nothing to do with combining welfare spending and taxation; indeed he initially just cited the "essentially flat" claim by ITEP, a tax incidence source which treats taxation is a distinct phenomenon, but that (in addition to its other problems) doesn't even make international comparisons. Once that argument was shot down he slid around to other ones. This was about a few partisan posters simply not liking the segment, and being willing to keep throwing crap against the wall hoping something stuck. VictorD7 (talk) 19:01, 3 July 2014 (UTC)[reply]
The consensus of the RfC was clearly to avoid politically contentious statements, and to specifically not include the mention of the progressivity (or not) of the US system (or tax code) in this article on the general topic.
That outcome encompasses a fairly wide scope, which I consider to undermine the implication that the question was somehow loaded. As has been indicated above though, there is a procedure for submitting an RfC close for review.--Ubikwit 連絡 見学/迷惑 16:55, 2 July 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Really? The RFC covers all "politically contentious statements"? I don't think so. It only covers what it said it covers, and some people might have responded differently if it it had included the actual segment in question, complete with qualifiers and sourcing, or had included other options, or had been restricted to just the one issue of removal (yay or nay).
The RFC instead forced people to choose between a straw man, the author's own alternative, or neither (which is being used to justify completely removing the long standing segment), as if those were the only three options, and presented them equally as if they were all new proposals, without mentioning removing anything. It was rigged to produce the result it did. VictorD7 (talk) 21:27, 2 July 2014 (UTC)[reply]
You have been accusing me of all sorts of misdeeds on this page, kindly back up those accusations or stop. For instance, you state that I offered a strawman as an alternative. If you can, kindly rephrase your preferred alternative (based on versions in the history) in a way that is significantly different, and in your opinion would not have been a strawman. LK (talk) 04:37, 7 July 2014 (UTC)[reply]
I already did at the top of this subsection, along with plenty of accompanying explanation. If you wanted the segment removed via RFC then you should have quoted it, complete with existing qualifiers and sourcing, in a straight up "support removal" or "oppose removal" vote, rather than simply presenting the naked assertion that the US income tax is more progressive as one of two (and only two!) equal proposed new additions, with the third choice being neither, a skewed way to frame the issue. You rigged your argument into the RFC question by its design. An meaningful RFC would have contained a neutral structure supported by all significant sides from the get go. VictorD7 (talk) 18:41, 7 July 2014 (UTC)[reply]
To make it clear. It is your contention that because in the RfC: i) I included my suggested alternative, and ii) I used the phrase "The United States has the most progressive income tax code among its peer nations", instead of "For example, when refundable tax credits and other tax incentives are included across the entire income spectrum, the United States has the most progressive income tax code among its peer nations" — therefore I was "rigging" the system, set up a strawman, and skewed the vote. Thank you for your clarification. LK (talk) 03:07, 8 July 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Yeah, qualifications matter, especially given some of the "uninvolved" rationales. The full text might have either solicited different responses or at least different rationales. Also don't forget omitting the sourcing, which is usually presented in the RFCs I've seen, the failure to mention that you were seeking removal rather than presenting some new proposal, and combining the existing segment with your one (and only one) alternative, with none of the above being the third option in a stacked multiple choice format no one but you had agreed on. VictorD7 (talk) 07:08, 8 July 2014 (UTC)[reply]
You have accused me of rigging the system, setting up strawman, and skewing the vote, because I included an alternative wording, and did not include a redundant phrase (since the term 'tax code' always includes tax credits and refunds). Interesting that you did not object to the wording of the RfC in your initial response, and in fact did not object about the RfC wording until several days had passed and it became clear that consensus was for C. Even then, your objection to the RfC wording was completely different to your objection now. I'ld ask you to stop throwing mud in an attempt to challenge the RfC close. LK (talk) 12:02, 9 July 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Wrong again. I included this segment in my first response, when it was still 4 for A versus 0 for C as first choice (with 2 for B and 1 for "D"): I'll close by pointing out that I think this RFC was premature. The situation isn't ripe for it. It contains a cherry-picked focus that ignores many other possibilities that this discussion has barely if it all begun to touch upon, and a skewed, certainly factually inadequate intro. Inviting drive by commentary from people not familiar with this discussion risks taking a confused situation and turning it into an even more chaotic mess. What's more, this discussion (and related ongoing ones on other pages) have been productive, with certain participants making factually false claims, being corrected on them (as exchanges like this show), and eventually acknowledging the correction. As this discussion has progressed editors have steadily (albeit slowly) converged closer to an agreement on the basic pertinent facts. This discussion should continue until that process plays out, and then, once we're all on the same factual page, if there's still some disagreement on how to proceed, an RFC would be appropriate.

Before I posted Mattnad had also criticized the RFC wording in his first reply: "A with caveats. This RFC does not address the scope of the question discussed on this talk page. Coming back to Wikipedia guidelines, we use reliable sources. If the Congressional Budget Office and other major reliable sources include items like the EITC, then we can. LK would like to propose a different definition and constrain the RFC to parameters that suit his particular views." In fact his initial post actually said "None of the above", before changing it to "A with caveats" in an edit, the caveats being that the RFC invalidly addressed the previous lengthy discussion from the get go. Such views were later echoed by Morphh. My first reply did add that unless there's overwhelming consensus for C, or there's no clear consensus for any option, the segment should be restored. But I soon expanded and clarified that point after thinking about it more, back on May 26, when it was still 4 for A versus 4 for C as first choice, by observing this in response to a factually confused comment by another poster: But a point of order: the old segment already only mentions "income" taxes, with a qualified description gleaned from the OECD source at that. This RFC isn't about removing anything, since the segment in question that precipitated LK's quest wasn't even accurately presented in the RFC intro. It's about what, if anything, to add. The old segment has been in the article for years, was recently improperly removed, and will be restored soon. Consensus is required to remove it, not keep it. If consensus is to be gauged by RFC, removing it would require a fresh RFC that quoted or at least fully described the segment and that honestly acknowledged its long standing nature. My initial "overwhelming consensus" comment had in mind argument weight, not just blind vote count, and I don't consider the final tally of 7 to 4 to 2 to 1 among first choices to be an overwhelming consensus anyway, particularly when all 7 of the first choice "C" votes came from new editors who hadn't participated or likely even read the lengthy discussion, as judged by several rationales failing to be grounded in evidence or policy.
The opposition clearly rejected your RFC design from the beginning. Your failure to address that and your incorrect denial here that such opposition even existed only underscore what a sham this all was. VictorD7 (talk) 17:04, 9 July 2014 (UTC)[reply]
You can dissemble all you like, but your initial response did not object to my wording, and specifically did not object to leaving out the phrase "For example, when refundable tax credits and other tax incentives are included across the entire income spectrum".[45] You didn't bring up wording till much later. The record and time stamps don't lie, it would be great if you didn't either. LK (talk) 10:19, 11 July 2014 (UTC)[reply]
LK, while I don't wish this debate to continue and I support C as the outcome, I think you're crossing a line here with your last sentence and I hope you'll strike it. I would not presume that someone's initial response that neglects to object to wording means a lack of objection or that they thought the RFC was fairly worded. I didn't directly object to the wording in my initial response, but I held a similar view. I just wasn't aggressive or confrontational enough to challenge it and tried to work with what was given. While I expect it best if Victor just let it go, I have issue with civility in your response. Morphh (talk) 13:19, 11 July 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Whoa....indeed time stamps don't lie, and, as I just posted (and perhaps you didn't fully read), my very first post (per your link) included this about your RFC: "It contains a cherry-picked focus that ignores many other possibilities that this discussion has barely if it all begun to touch upon, and a skewed, certainly factually inadequate intro." The intro's factual inadequacy included the failure to cite the segment in question. Even before I posted Mattnad had said this: "This RFC does not address the scope of the question discussed on this talk page....LK would like to propose a different definition and constrain the RFC to parameters that suit his particular views." We obviously are complaining about your wording. The later comments just filled out some details in those complaints. At the time you displayed no concern or curiosity whatsoever about our complaints. You should refrain from recklessly accusing others of "lying" when you're the one who's been repeatedly, objectively proved wrong, from comments about the sources to your new assertions here. VictorD7 (talk) 14:15, 11 July 2014 (UTC)[reply]

As mentioned below by S. Rich, this page's discussion has become inordinately personal and is not going to result in any new discoveries or changed minds. The RfC stands, and there is a proper procedure if someone wishes to challenge it. NorthBySouthBaranof (talk) 19:53, 11 July 2014 (UTC)[reply]

Well it did result in some new discoveries for people, assuming they're open minded enough to accept facts. If nothing else it corrected the record for future readers. VictorD7 (talk) 23:48, 11 July 2014 (UTC)[reply]
I've discovered that there are people who so desire to be believe that they are right that they will continue to believe that they have been proven right no matter what the evidence is. Unfortunately for everyone, this is not the same as actually desiring to be upright. Darx9url (talk) 09:32, 14 July 2014 (UTC)[reply]
Unfortunately I agree. Who needs facts when one has politically like minded numbers on one's side? VictorD7 (talk) 20:07, 15 July 2014 (UTC)[reply]

Closure review

I'll say it again: the proper procedure for challenging a closing is at Wikipedia:Closing discussions#Challenging other closures. Too much of the commentary here is now personal. – S. Rich (talk) 17:00, 7 July 2014 (UTC)[reply]

It appears that another uninvolved administrator has unambigously endorsed the RfC closure. Hopefully, this settles the matter. LK (talk) 08:51, 15 July 2014 (UTC)[reply]
I have nothing to do with that review request, though the vague, inaccurate commentary provided by an admin who supports another admin, without any indication he or she has fully read the discussion much less understands it, is what I predicted would happen. No, this matter, assuming you're referring to my above section (if not then disregard this response), was simply about correcting the record. That's been done. VictorD7 (talk) 20:04, 15 July 2014 (UTC)[reply]
FWIW I support the close on its merits as well. The discussion pretty clearly favored option C, and speaking from an editor's standpoint, I agree with LK that there isn't sufficient evidence to support the unqualified claim that the US has the most progressive tax system among its peers. The clearest source claiming otherwise doesn't seem to include (looking at pp. 103-104 of the OECD report) state sales taxes, which are potentially large and are usually far more regressive than income taxes. That, combined with the uncertainty about how transfer payments were measured is enough to give me pause. But for the purposes of the RfC, that's somewhat beside the point. The close was made by an uninvolved editor, reflected the consensus in the discussion and wasn't perverse with respect to obvious evidence on the ground. I don't see any point in re-litigating it. Protonk (talk) 02:07, 17 July 2014 (UTC)[reply]
I appreciate you coming along and proving me right:
-The claim in the RFC was unqualified, but the segment it's being used to delete is not unqualified, as I quoted above. That's a major point that was totally ignored in the close.
-Even the RFC claim just said "income tax", not "tax system", so obviously it wouldn't include sales taxes on either side. That said, the US overall tax system is even more progressive vis a vis total European tax systems than it is on the narrow income tax front, mostly because European systems rely more on consumption taxes than the US does, and European consumption taxes are more regressively structured to boot, lacking many of the exemptions of US sales taxes. Someone who had read the discussion that spawned the RFC would have known that, and would have seen this Oxford Journals study cited multiple times. It does include sales taxes, btw, and its findings are extremely robust. It looks at the issue from multiple angles in multiple ways and US taxation is always more progressive than European taxation. For example, they found that even assuming that the top 1% of Americans paid zero income, property, and payroll taxes would still leave the US tax system as the most progressive. They also picked the most regressive US year studied (1994), compared it to the most progressive European country and year studied (Germany 1989), and found that 63.6% of the top US quintile would have had to pay zero income taxes for the Kakwani scores to equal. It's not even close. If you're sincerely interested in this topic I suggest you read it.
-I know of no uncertainty regarding transfer payments. Tax exemptions, which exist in both the US and European tax codes, were counted. Spending wasn't. Spending isn't taxation. Demanding that tax progressivity be off limits unless it's combined with a different category is preposterous and blatant POV, not to mention that it ignores most of the rest of this very article and the sources.
-"C" got the most votes, but it was hardly a strong consensus, and legitimate arguments have been made throughout this RFC by the opposing side that the RFC isn't applicable to the segment that ostensibly spawned it. Aside from that Wikipedia isn't a democracy; it's about argument evaluation, not just vote counting, and on that score the close was grossly deficient. The closing admin was even forced to concede that he had been wrong to declare that no one had disputed LK's fallacious EITC claim, a key element in his decision. He clearly hadn't read the discussion closely.
-The fact that this RFC was crafted unilaterally by one party in the dispute, who had his proposal soundly rejected by a strong majority of editors actually following the discussion, btw, and had its skewed structure heavily criticized from its inception by the opposing editors, merited a fair hearing. It didn't get one. VictorD7 (talk) 03:00, 17 July 2014 (UTC)[reply]

References: Arbitrary break

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  2. ^ Cite error: The named reference autogenerated2004 was invoked but never defined (see the help page).
  3. ^ Reich, Robert B., Emmanuel Saez, and Thomas Piketty. The State of Working America. Publication. Economic Policy Institute, 2011. Print.
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  8. ^ "T13-0174 - Average Effective Federal Tax Rates by Filing Status; by Expanded Cash Income Percentile, 2014". Tax Policy Center. Jul 25, 2013. Retrieved 3 November 2013.
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  10. ^ Growing Unequal?: Income Distribution and Poverty in OECD Countries, OECD Publishing, ISBN 978-92-64-04418-0, 2008, pp. 103, 104.
  11. ^ Crook, Clive (February 10, 2012). "U.S. Taxes Really Are Unusually Progressive". The Atlantic. Retrieved April 16, 2014.