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((Short description|American labor leader (1928–2023)))
((for|persons of a similar name|Thomas Donahue (disambiguation)))
((Multiple issues|
((essay-like|date = February 2023))
((tone|date=July 2023))
((copy edit|date=July 2023))
))
((infobox person
|name = Thomas R. Donahue
|birth_name = Thomas Reilly Donahue Jr.
|birth_date = ((birth date|1928|9|4))
|birth_place = [[New York City]], [[New York (state)|New York]], U.S.
|death_date = ((death date and age|2023|2|18|1928|9|4))
|death_place = [[Washington, D.C.]], U.S.
|spouse = ((ubl|((marriage|Natalie Kiernan|1950|1975|end = divorced))|((marriage|Rachelle Horowitz|1979))))
|children = 2
|occupation = Labor leader
|alma_mater = ((ubl|[[Manhattan College]]|[[Fordham University School of Law]]))
|title = Secretary-Treasurer, [[AFL-CIO]]
|term = 1979–1995
))

'''Thomas Reilly Donahue Jr.''' (September 4, 1928 – February 18, 2023) was an American trade union leader who served as Secretary-Treasurer of the [[American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations]] from 1979 to 1995, interim president for several months in 1995, and was President Emeritus from 1996 until his death. He was considered one of the most influential leaders of the post-[[World War II]] American trade union movement.

==Early life==
Born and raised in [[the Bronx]] in New York City, Donahue was the son of Thomas R. and Mary E. Donahue and the grandson of Irish immigrants.<ref name = McFadden>((cite news|url = https://www.nytimes.com/2023/02/19/obituaries/thomas-donahue-dead.html|title = Thomas Donahue, Influential Leader of Organized Labor, Dies at 94|newspaper = [[The New York Times]]|date = February 19, 2023|accessdate = February 19, 2023|last = McFadden|first = Robert D.|authorlink = Robert D. McFadden|url-access = limited))</ref> According to ''[[The New York Times]]'', he "came of age at a time when unions were helping deliver New Yorkers from the Depression and were perceived as a beacon for many young people."<ref name="Greenhouse">Steven Greenhouse, "Working Men: Old Friends, New Rivals; Labor Battle Born in Bronx," [[The New York Times|New York Times]], October 24, 1995</ref> 
                                                            
Donahue was first drawn to the trade union movement after he saw how much his father's wages jumped when he went from being a nonunion janitor to a unionized construction worker. The younger Donahue worked as a Best & Company department store elevator operator, a school bus driver, a bakery worker, and a doorman at Radio City Music Hall.<ref name="Greenhouse" /> 
 
Donahue graduated from [[Manhattan College]] in 1949 with a degree in labor relations.<ref name = McFadden/> Donahue's union career actually started a year before that when he became a part-time organizer for the [[Retail Clerks International Association]]. From 1949 to 1957, he held several positions with Local 32B, the flagship local of the [[Building Service Employees International Union]] (BSEIU), including business agent, education director, contractor director, and publications editor.<ref name="Serrin">William Serrin, "AFL-CIO's 2d in Command," New York Times, November 22, 1979.</ref> Meanwhile, he attended night classes at [[Fordham University School of Law|Fordham]] Law School and received his law degree in 1956.<ref name = McFadden/> 
 
In 1957, he became the European labor program coordinator for the [[Free Europe Committee]] in Paris. He returned to the United States in 1960 to take a position as executive assistant to [[David Sullivan (labor leader)|David Sullivan]], the newly elected president of the BSEIU.<ref>"Thomas Reilly Donahue (1928-)," www.aflcio.org/aboutus/history/history/donahue.cfm</ref>
 
Many years later, Donahue would tell interviewers that Sullivan "remains my hero in the trade union movement. He was an Irish immigrant who came here in 1926 and was an elevator operator at the start, and became active in the union. He then led the reform faction in the union to oust a racket-dominated leadership."<ref name="Shea-Kienzle">James F. Shea and Don R. Kienzle, "Interview with Thomas R. Donahue," The Foreign Affairs Oral History Collection of the Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training. (unpaginated)</ref>
 
Donahue was nominated by President [[Lyndon Johnson]] as Assistant Secretary for Labor-Management Relations in the Labor Department in 1967. He served in that position until the end of the Johnson administration in 1969, then returned to the [[Service Employees International Union]], as it was by then called, where he served as executive secretary and later first vice-president.
 
Donahue became executive assistant to the president of the [[AFL-CIO]], [[George Meany]], in 1973.

==Career as a Labor Leader==
Already an influential figure as Meany's executive assistant, when Meany retired in 1979 Donahue was elected Secretary-Treasurer, the second-ranking position in the AFL-CIO. The week of his election, the New York Times reported that "his position is a strong one. The federation is generally regarded as the voice of labor. And Mr. Donahue is an intelligent man with clear opinions."<ref name="Serrin" /> He was re-elected at seven AFL-CIO biennial conventions.
 
For the next 16 years, Donahue was involved in virtually every part of the trade union movement. But his strongest influence was in three areas: the campaign against the [[North American Free Trade Agreement]] (NAFTA), rejuvenation of the union movement, and advancing Catholic social teaching on workers' rights.
 
===NAFTA===
On December 17, 1992, President [[George H. W. Bush]], Canadian Prime Minister [[Brian Mulroney]], and Mexican President [[Carlos Salinas]] met in Texas to sign NAFTA, which would create a trilateral trade bloc and financial zone in North America. To take effect, NAFTA had to be ratified by the legislatures in the three countries.
 
Long before the signing ceremony, Donahue was already leading a massive campaign by the AFL-CIO against US ratification. As early as February 1991, "the AFL-CIO has made blocking a Mexican agreement its No. 1 legislative priority," the New York Times reported.<ref>Clyde H. Farnsworth, "Revival of Trade Talks Stirs Political Fight in U.S.," New York Times, February 25, 1991.</ref>
 
The main reasons for AFL-CIO opposition were that "it would pave the way for tens of thousands of… jobs to be exported to Mexico, and it would bump hundreds of thousands down the economic ladder to underemployment and low wages," Donahue wrote.
 
Donahue condemned its "powerfully regressive effect" and noted, "The jobs that are most easily exported to Mexico are not those of probate attorneys, stockbrokers, economists, and editorial writers; they are the jobs of assembly-line workers and others who can least afford a massive disruption of their work lives."<ref>Thomas R. Donahue, "The Case against the North American Free Trade Agreement," Columbia Journal of World Business, Summer 1991, pp. 93, 94.</ref>
 
The AFL-CIO was certainly not the only opponent of NAFTA. Others included [[Ross Perot]] (among the most vocal critics of NAFTA), the [[Sierra Club]], [[Greenpeace]], [[Friends of the Earth]], the [[National Farmers Union (United States)|National Farmers Union]], the [[National Council of Senior Citizens]], Ralph Nader's [[Public Citizen]], Jerry Brown's We the People, and Jesse Jackson's [[Rainbow/PUSH|Rainbow Coalition]].<ref name="Kilborn">Peter T. Kilborn, "The Free Trade Accord: Little Voices Roar in the Chorus of Trade-Pact Foes," New York Times, November 13, 1993.</ref>
 
However, a pro-NAFTA editorial in the Washington Post complained that "it's not Ross Perot but the labor movement that's the central force in the campaign to kill NAFTA – the North American Free Trade Agreement. Mr. Perot has little following in Congress, but the unions have been working ferociously to line up their friends and campaign beneficiaries against the agreement."<ref>"Labor and NAFTA," Washington Post, September 23, 1993.</ref>
 
Donahue succeeded in mobilizing the entire trade union movement against NAFTA. The New York Times reported that "within the labor movement, the campaign against the accord extends far beyond the industrial unions…'Our self-interest is very similar,' said [[Albert Shanker]], president of the [[American Federation of Teachers]]. When factories close, he said, community tax revenues plunge, so teachers lose wages and jobs."<ref name="Kilborn" />
 
Beyond the AFL-CIO, Donahue oversaw what the New York Times described as the federation's "lobbying, petition drives and $3.2 million in billboard and radio advertising."<ref name="Kilborn" /> He testified before Congress against NAFTA at least nine times.<ref>According to the ProQuest Congressional database, Donahue appeared before Congress 62 times while he was an AFL-CIO executive officer. He testified on topics ranging from job safety and health to pay equity for women workers to US policy towards South Africa.</ref> He appeared on such TV shows as NBC's Meet the Press<ref>"I cannot exaggerate the depth of feeling on the issue," AFL-CIO Secretary-Treasurer Thomas R. Donahue said on NBC's "Meet the Press." "It burned very deeply." (Jim Abrams, Associated Press, "Labor Aide Says NAFTA May Cost Clinton Support." Published in Buffalo News, November 22, 1993.)</ref> and CNN's Late Edition.<ref>After then-President Bill Clinton attacked the union movement for what he said were "real roughshod, muscle-bound tactics," Donahue on Late Edition described Clinton's remarks as "a cheap shot" and observed, "I think the administration is behind right now in the vote and they're reaching desperately to get ahead." (Gwen Ifill, "Clinton Is Critical of Labor on Trade," New York Times, November 8, 1993.)</ref> He frequently wrote articles, letters to editors, and op-ed pieces for leading newspapers.<ref>Three examples are  "Free Trade with Mexico: Conspiracy for the Rich" (Washington Post, March 14, 1991),   "Put the brakes on free trade with Mexico" (USA Today, April 10, 1991), and "The No-Brain, Low-Wage Road" (Baltimore Sun, September 12, 1993).</ref>
 
Donahue built an unprecedented working coalition between the AFL-CIO and leading environmentalists, notably the Sierra Club and the National Toxics Campaign – the strongest relationship in the history of the two movements.<ref>A typical instance was at the opening hearing on NAFTA by the Senate Finance Committee, where Donahue appeared along with Craig Merrilees of the National Toxics Campaign. "The AFL-CIO believes that the huge differences that presently exist between the United States and Mexico make the establishment of a free-trade area both damaging to U.S. workers and of little benefit to Mexican workers," Donahue testified. "What we need is a trade agreement that will promote social and environmental justice on both sides of the border," said Merrilees. (Stuart Auerbach, "Factions Dig In Positions Against Mexico Trade Pact," Washington Post, February 8, 1991.)</ref>
 
By September, 1993, NAFTA's supporters "seem to have the stronger hand: the prestige of the White House as well as five of its former occupants; a slew of eminent economists; the nation's most powerful business lobbies, including the Chamber of Commerce and the [[National Association of Manufacturers]]; and even the Christian Coalition. The Mexican government, as well, has poured millions of dollars into U.S. lobbying," the Philadelphia Inquirer reported.<ref>Jim Drinkard, "Labor Makes Fighting Trade Pact Its Leading Priority in Congress," September 18, 1993.</ref>
 
Two months later, NAFTA passed the House by a vote of 234-200 and the Senate by a vote of 61–38. It was signed by President Clinton on December 8, 1993, and went into effect on January 1, 1994.
 
Nine years later, an Economic Policy Institute briefing paper on NAFTA's effects pointed out that "the rise in the U.S. trade deficit with Canada and Mexico through 2002 has caused the displacement of production that supported 879,280 U.S. jobs. Most of those lost jobs were high-wage positions in manufacturing industries."
 
It continued, "The loss of these jobs is just the most visible tip of NAFTA's impact on the U.S. economy. In fact, NAFTA has also contributed to rising income inequality, suppressed real wages for production workers, weakened workers' collective bargaining powers and ability to organize unions, and reduced fringe benefits."<ref>Robert E. Scott, "The high price of 'free' trade: NAFTA's failure has cost the United States jobs across the nation." Economic Policy Institute, November 17, 2003.</ref>
 
===AFL-CIO Change Agent===
Although Donahue's personal background and career were in many respects traditional for trade union officials, no AFL-CIO leader has been more intensely focused on creating institutional change.
 
When he was elected secretary-treasurer, he told a reporter, "My hopes for the labor movement are growth, dynamism, militancy."<ref name="Serrin" /> For Donahue, those meant innovation and sweeping reforms.
 
The chief vehicle for his efforts was the AFL-CIO Committee on the Evolution of Work, which he chaired.<ref>It was created by the AFL-CIO Executive Council with a mandate to "review and evaluate changes that are taking place in the United States in the labor force, occupations, industries, and technology and the implications of those changes for workers." (AFL-CIO Committee on the Evolution of Work,  "A Labor Perspective on the New American Workplace – A Call for Partnership." February, 1994, p. i.)</ref> Under Donahue, "the group has become the federation's principal think tank for modernizing its structure," according to the New York Times.<ref>A.H. Raskin, "Big Labor Tries to End Its Nightmare," New York Times, May 4, 1986.</ref>
 
It eventually published three reports: "The Future of Work" (August, 1983), "The Changing Situation of Workers and Their Unions" (February, 1985), and "The New American Workplace: A Labor Perspective" (February, 1994). 
 
"The New American Workplace" is still notable for exploring "a model for a new system of work organization": one that rejects "the traditional dichotomy between thinking and doing, conception and execution" and recognizes that "workers – the individuals who actually do what it is the organization is doing – are in the best position to decide how their work can most efficiently and effectively be accomplished."<ref>AFL-CIO Committee on the Evolution of Work, "The New American Workplace: A Labor Perspective," February, 1994, p. 8.</ref>
 
But the most important report of Donahue's committee—and the one with the greatest long-term effect on American unions—was "The Changing Situation of Workers and Their Unions." The New York Times summarized its message as: "American unions have fallen 'behind the pace of change,' and should adopt innovative methods for representing their members and for attracting new ones."
 
The Times in a front-page story called it a "frank study" and "the first of its type in the history of the nearly 35-year-old AFL-CIO." One committee member, American Federation of Teachers president Albert Shanker, described the Report as "a revolutionary document."<ref>William Serrin, "AFL-CIO Study Calls for Radical Solutions to Problems of Labor Unions," New York Times, February 22, 1985.</ref> Similar support was expressed by other members of the committee, including Jack Joyce, president of the International Union of Bricklayers and Allied Craftworkers; Charles Pillard, president of the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers; Glenn Watts, president of the Communications Workers of America; and Lynn Williams, president of the United Steelworkers.

Several of the Report's recommendations would serve as a blueprint for some of the largest changes in the AFL-CIO during the quarter-century that followed its publication.
 
For example, Donahue's committee recommended that "consideration should be given to establishing new categories of membership for workers not employed in an organized bargaining unit."<ref>AFL-CIO Committee on the Evolution of Work, "The Changing Situation of Workers and Their Unions." February, 1985, p. 19.</ref> Such a significant structural change would constitute a dramatic departure from the normative way that workers became and maintained their status as union members.
 
At first, it was not universally embraced. When Donahue presented a membership benefits program to the 1985 AFL-CIO convention based on his committee's recommendation, "several local and national union officials who are supposed to carry out the program say they have grave misgivings about it," the Wall Street Journal reported. "They worry that labor's goal of bargaining collectively will be blurred by a special category of members whom the union wouldn't fully represent and probably couldn't count on in a strike."<ref>Leonard M. Apcar, "AFL-CIO's Novel Program to Expand Union Membership Meets Resistance," Wall Street Journal (October 30, 1985).</ref> 
 
But Donahue's vision ultimately won out. He and his committee laid the groundwork for:
 
* Union Privilege, which today offers an array of Union Plus consumer benefits to union members and retirees, including mortgage assistance, credit cards with provisions for laid-off and striking workers, supplemental Medicare insurance, and discounts on vision and dental care; and, 
* Working America, the AFL-CIO's community affiliate for "workers without the benefit of a workplace union" who support "good jobs, affordable health care, world-class education, secure retirements, real homeland security and more" and are eligible for Union Plus benefits.
 
Another reform that Donahue championed was systematic, intensive training of a new generation of union organizers. "The Changing Situation of Workers and Their Unions" stated that "[union] organizing is a skill; it is not something that everyone can do and is not something that can be taught in a one-week training session…. Organizers should be extensively trained."<ref>AFL-CIO Committee on the Evolution of Work, "The Changing Situation of Workers and Their Unions." February, 1985, p. 27.</ref> 
 
Donahue became the leading advocate inside the AFL-CIO of creating an Organizing Institute (OI). It was launched in 1989. "One of my proudest accomplishments as AFL-CIO secretary-treasurer was our creation of the AFL-CIO Organizing Institute to recruit and train organizers," he commented in 1995.<ref>Harry Bernstein, "Labor Leaders Square Off to Lead AFL-CIO; Donahue on Revitalizing Labor Unions." Denver Post, September 24, 1995.</ref>
 
The OI has trained and graduated thousands of union members, staffers, and students, who have gone on to help organize countless American workers into unions. It was emulated nine years later by the Trades Union Congress in Britain which created its own Organising Academy.  
 
===Catholic social teaching===
Donahue said that the two people who sparked his early interest in the trade union movement were Brother Cornelius Justin, his teacher at Manhattan College, and George Donahue (no relation), who was president of the National [[Association of Catholic Trade Unionists]].<ref name="Shea-Kienzle" /> In his formal role as a North American Commentator to the Pontifical Commission on Justice and Peace, Donahue summarized his ideas in a presentation he gave at an international symposium in Rome on the topic of ''[[Laborem exercens]]'', [[Pope John Paul II]]'s encyclical on human work.<ref>Thomas R. Donahue, "A Trade Union Perspective of Laborem Exercens". Washington: AFL-CIO, 1982. This was first presented  in April, 1982, at the international symposium of the Pontifical Commission on Justice and Peace in Rome and, in revised form a few weeks later, at Notre Dame University in Indiana.</ref> He praised the Pope's "statements that work must provide 'fulfillment as a human being' and must be arranged so that it also 'corresponds to man's dignity'".
 
However, Donahue also expressed his conviction that "what the Pope takes for granted as a right of association freely exercised, guaranteed in a democratic society, is often trampled upon in this country and others. And one must conclude that it is trampled upon in pursuit of the profit motive and in an effort to exclude workers from any voice in ownership, or management, or indeed, from any effective participation in the fixing of the conditions under which they will labor".<ref>Thomas R. Donahue, "A Trade Union Perspective of Laborem Exercens". Washington: AFL-CIO, 1982, p. 13, 15.</ref>

===International activity===
"The American labor movement has always been involved with the well-being of workers in other lands," Donahue wrote in a 2000 letter to the editor of [[Foreign Affairs]] magazine that set out his views of the AFL-CIO's international role.
 
Donahue added that "in more than 50 countries [after World War II], the AFL-CIO helped workers develop independent unions to protect and advance their interests, both on the job and in civil society. It was a relentless foe of all forms of totalitarianism. It had and still has only one test by which to judge a nation: Is a free and democratic union movement allowed to function there?"<ref>Thomas R. Donahue, "Don't Give In to the Dark Side," Foreign Affairs, May/June, 2000.</ref>
 
Two major areas of Donahue's own international work, both as AFL-CIO secretary-treasurer and during his retirement, have been his support of the struggle against South African apartheid and his activism on behalf of Cuban workers.
 
His involvement in the South African effort in the 1980s included testifying before Congress in opposition to apartheid on three occasions.
 
When the New York Times columnist and human-rights advocate Anthony Lewis wrote in 1984 that Americans "have begun to feel a responsibility for helping to bring the cruelty of [South African racism] to an end" and noted that "members of Congress and other political and community leaders have picketed and deliberately invited arrest by walking across police lines," the only one he mentioned by name was Donahue.
 
Lewis reported approvingly that Donahue "said it was time to boycott South African imports and, if necessary, to prohibit U.S. investment in South Africa."<ref>Anthony Lewis, "Message to Pretoria," New York Times, December 6, 1984.</ref>
 
Donahue was later leading advocate of Cuban workers' rights in his role as chair of the Committee for Free Trade Unionism (CFTU). He wrote that the committee supports "the right of Freedom of Association – the right [of workers] to form and join unions of their own choosing, run by people they elect." He has also noted that "the CFTU has been active in recent years in attempts to assist workers in Cuba struggling to assert that right – in the face of their government's insistence that only one union, guided by the Communist Party, can represent them, and against the background of continuing imprisonment and harassment of those who think otherwise."<ref>http://freetradeunionism.org ((Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120104090520/http://freetradeunionism.org/ |date=2012-01-04 )). The CFTU's mission statement says, "While the first CFTU project is to support and advance the cause of free and independent unions in Cuba, we will also concentrate on denials and restrictions of trade unions in other totalitarian regimes around the world, such as Venezuela, China, Zimbabwe, Iran, North Korea, Belarus, and Burma." ((cite web |url=http://freetradeunionism.org/our-mission |title=Mission &#124; Committee for Free Trade Unionism |accessdate=2012-01-05 |url-status=dead |archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20120527062431/http://freetradeunionism.org/our-mission/ |archivedate=2012-05-27 ))</ref>
  
Donahue served on the board of the [[National Endowment for Democracy]] (NED) for ten years between 1997 and 2006, and continues to serve on the organization's Audit & Budget Committee. Today, in addition to serving as chairman of the Committee for Free Trade Unionism, he is a board member of the Albert Shanker Institute, and a board member of the Dunlop Agricultural Labor Commission. Donahue is a past member of the boards of the [[Council on Foreign Relations]], the [[Carnegie Corporation]], and the [[Brookings Institution]].
 
In 1997, Donahue remarked, "For (former AFL-CIO President George) Meany, for (former President Lane) Kirkland, and I hope always for myself, those issues were always fairly clear. Either you stand on the side of democratic forces or you don't."<ref name="Shea-Kienzle" />

===Ireland===
Donahue first led a U.S. labor delegation to Ireland and [[Northern Ireland]] in 1983 and met with the Northern Ireland committee of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) to discuss discrimination against Catholics within Northern Ireland.

After meetings in Belfast, the delegation met in London with the British Trade Union Congress to press further the case for fair employment principles in Northern Ireland. The call for such reform was embodied in a Report of the Trade Union Delegation to Northern Ireland published in 1983.

During the 1980s, Donahue was a strong advocate for the Sullivan Principles, which called upon U.S. companies operating in Northern Ireland to observe fair employment principles and practices.

Because of his consistent role in advancing the struggle for human rights in Northern Ireland, he was invited to join President Clinton's 1996 delegation to Belfast. He was also named a recipient of the annual Bell and Thrush Award by the Irish American Historical Society in recognition and was honored to be appointed as the 1997 Grand Marshal of the St. Patrick's Day Parade in Washington, D.C.

==AFL-CIO President==
Early in 1995, leaders of a broad cross-section of the labor federation's unions encouraged Donahue to challenge incumbent [[AFL-CIO]] President [[Lane Kirkland]]. Owing to his sense of loyalty, Donahue insisted that he would not oppose Kirkland, who for his part maintained his intent to seek another term. As a result, a faction of dissenting unions decided to abandon their "Draft Donahue" efforts and lined up behind then-SEIU President [[John Sweeney (labor leader)|John Sweeney]], a former Donahue protégé and fellow native of The Bronx, New York.

Then, in the late Spring of 1995, Kirkland made it known that he had changed his mind and would resign from office. In August 1995, Donahue was elected interim president by a two-to-one margin over Sweeney in a vote by the AFL-CIO's governing body, its Executive Council.<ref name = McFadden/> Prior to the vote, Donahue had asked Barbara Easterling, Secretary-Treasurer of the Communications Workers of America, to join his ticket as candidate for the Secretary-Treasurer position. Easterling agreed, and was duly elected as the first female officer in either of the labor federation's two senior positions.

Four months later, John Sweeney ran against Donahue again, this time at the federation's bi-annual convention.<ref name = McFadden/> His platform included a pledge to add a third national officer (Executive Vice President) and to increase the size of the Executive Council from 33 members to 45. While Donahue remained open to the idea of expanding the number of unions represented on the governing council, he declined to solicit votes on the basis of such a concept.

==Honors==
Donahue was awarded several post-graduate honorary degrees by several institutions of higher learning, including Notre Dame; Loyola University Chicago; Manhattan College; City University of New York; State University of New York; University of Massachusetts, and the National Labor College. In 1980, he was elected as a Fellow of the [[National Academy of Public Administration (United States)|National Academy of Public Administration.]]<ref>((Cite web |last=Incorporated |first=Prime |title=National Academy of Public Administration |url=https://napawash.org/fellow/14315 |access-date=2023-02-07 |website=National Academy of Public Administration |language=en))</ref>

==Personal life and death==
Donahue was married to the former Natalie Kiernan from 1950 until divorcing in 1975; they had two children.<ref name = McFadden/><ref>((Cite web|url=https://adventfuneral.com/tribute/details/175524/Thomas-Donahue/obituary.html|title = Obituary of Thomas Reilly Donahue &#124; Advent Funeral and Cremation Services - Falls Church))</ref> In 1979, he married Rachelle Horowitz, a civil rights activist and executive with the [[American Federation of Teachers]].<ref name = McFadden/>
 
After a period of failing health, Donahue died at a hospital in Washington on February 18, 2023, from complications of a fall. He was 94.<ref name = McFadden/>

==References==
<references/>

== External links ==
*[https://web.archive.org/web/20051227184543/http://www.aflcio.org/aboutus/history/history/donahue.cfm AFL-CIO biography]
*[http://www.reuther.wayne.edu/node/2858 SEIU Local 32B-32J Records at the Walter P. Reuther Library] at [[Wayne State University]]
*((C-SPAN|63212))

((s-start))
((s-npo|union))
((Succession box|title=Secretary-Treasurer of the [[AFL–CIO]]|years=1979&ndash;1995|before=[[Lane Kirkland]]|after=[[Barbara Easterling]]))
((succession box|
title=President of the [[AFL-CIO]]|
before=[[Lane Kirkland]]|
years=1995|
after=[[John Sweeney (labor leader)|John Sweeney]]
))
((succession box|title=[[AFL-CIO]] delegate to the [[Trades Union Congress]]|years=1993|before=[[Morton Bahr]]|after=''Final delegate''))
((s-end))

((AFL-CIO))
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((DEFAULTSORT:Donahue, Thomas R.))
[[Category:1928 births]]
[[Category:2023 deaths]]
[[Category:Accidental deaths from falls]]
[[Category:Accidental deaths in Washington, D.C.]]
[[Category:Activists from New York City]]
[[Category:American trade unionists of Irish descent]]
[[Category:Catholics from New York (state)]]
[[Category:Fordham University School of Law alumni]]
[[Category:Manhattan College alumni]]
[[Category:Presidents of the AFL–CIO]]
[[Category:Trade unionists from New York (state)]]

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Thomas R. Donahue (edit)
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