Socialist Party of Serbia
Социјалистичка партија Србије
Socijalistička partija Srbije
PresidentIvica Dačić
Founded17 July 1990; 32 years ago (1990-07-17)
Merger of
Youth wingSocialist Youth
Membership (2019)100,000
Political positionCentre-left
National affiliationSPS–JS–ZS
Colours  Red
SloganMi stojimo postojano[1] ("We Stand Firm")
National Assembly
22 / 250
Assembly of Vojvodina
10 / 120
City Assembly of Belgrade
7 / 110
Party flag
Flag of the Socialist Party of Serbia

The Socialist Party of Serbia (Serbian: Социјалистичка партија Србије, romanizedSocijalistička partija Srbije; abbr. СПС, SPS) is a political party in Serbia led by Ivica Dačić. It was founded in 1990 as the direct successor to the League of Communists of Serbia, with Slobodan Milošević serving as the party president from its foundation until 1991, and again from 1992 until 2001. In 2003, Dačić was elected as the party president and has been serving as the president since then. The SPS was the ruling party of Serbia from its establishment until the 2000 parliamentary election. Throughout the 1990s, the party embraced nationalist rhetoric and themes,[2][3][4] and has been labelled as a Serbian nationalist party,[5] although the SPS has never identified itself as such.[6][7][8]

Milošević's and Dačić's rule of the SPS has been described as pragmatic. Until 2004, the SPS was also supportive of communism,[9] left-wing policies,[10] and Yugoslavism,[11] and was considered to be anti-Western.[12] Its image has since changed to become more supportive of Serbia's accession to the European Union.[13] As of the 2010s, the SPS is described as a centre-left,[14][15] social-democratic,[16][17] and populist party.[18][19]


The party was founded in 1990 as a merger between the League of Communists of Serbia, led by Slobodan Milošević, and the Socialist Alliance of Working People of Serbia, led by Radmila Anđelković.[20] Its membership from its foundation in 1990 to 1997 involved many elements of the social strata of Serbia, including state administrators and business management elites of state-owned enterprises, employees in the state-owned sector, less privileged groups farmers, and dependants (the unemployed and pensioners).[21] From 1998 to 2000, its membership included apparatchiks at administrative and judicial levels, the nouveau riche, whose business success was founded solely from their affiliation with the government, and top army and police officials and a large majority of the police force.[22] Following its foundation, the SPS demanded strict loyalty to its leader, Milošević, by top party officials and any sign of independence from such loyalty led to expulsion from the party. Anyone who went against policy as defined by the party leadership could face sanctions or expulsion.[23]

Slobodan Milošević

During the Milošević era, the SPS has been accused by opposition of using an authoritarian style of rule and allowing a criminal economy to exist in Serbia including personal profiteering by the Milošević family from illegal business transactions in the arms trade, cigarettes and oil, although this illegal business was caused by the UN sanctions, and none of accusations for personal profiteering were ever proven at the court.[24] Opposition media to the SPS or Milošević's administration were harassed by threats; media members involved were fired or arrested; independent media faced high fines mostly by Ministry of information led by the Serbian Radical Party's Aleksandar Vučić; state-sponsored paramilitaries seized radio equipment of opposition supporters; and in April 1999, the owner and distributor of the most popular daily newspaper in Serbia was killed, and although it was never proven on court that murder had any connections to SPS, opposition media and parties claimed so, but couldn't prove it even after they came to power.[25] The SPS maintained the Communist era policy of maintaining connection with official trade unions; however, independent trade unions faced hostility and their activists were brutalized by police while in custody.[25] As time went on, the party became increasing isolationist and anti-Western.[12] In the 1990 Serbian general election they won the support of 2,320,587 voters (around 44.6% of the popular vote), but due to the single-member constituencies electoral system, they won 194 out of 250 (77.6%) seats, giving them 33% boost in the popular vote.[26]

From 1992, it governed in coalition with other parties, initially with the Serbian Radical Party, and from 1993 with the New Democracy Party. They also contested elections in coalition with Yugoslav Left, a party led by Milošević's wife Mirjana Marković. With the ousting of Milošević in 2000, the party became a part of the opposition. In the 2003 Serbian parliamentary election, the party won 7.6% of the popular vote and 22 out of 250 seats in the National Assembly of Serbia. Ivica Dačić, its candidate in the 2004 Serbian presidential election, placed fifth with 3.6% of the vote. In 2007 Serbian parliamentary election, the party won 16 seats with 227,580 or 5.64% of votes. It formed a sole parliamentary group, with Dačić as president and Žarko Obradović as vice-president. It won 14 seats outright, while a single seat was given to its new partner, the Movement of Veterans of Serbia and non-partisan Borka Vučić, who became the transitional speaker, also received a seat. In the 2008 Serbian parliamentary election, the SPS and the Party of United Pensioners of Serbia (PUPS) have strengthened their links by forming a coalition, on which United Serbia and the Movement of Veterans of Serbia were present. The coalition won 23 seats with 313,896 or 7.58 percent of votes. The SPS and its coalition partners entered post-election coalition with For a European Serbia.[27]

In 2010, the SPS introduced a new program, declaring themselves to be democratic leftists, opposing populism, racialism, and privatization, advocating socialism of the 21st century, including elements of liberalism and social justice.[28] Since 2021, it is a senior coalition member with the Serbian Progressive Party in the Serbian government. In 2018, the SPS introduced another program, declaring itself to be in favor of privatization, while simultaneously advocating for democratic socialism and pro-Europeanism, including Serbia's entry into the European Union.[29]


The SPS was formed as a coalition of the League of Communists of Serbia (SKS) and the Socialist Alliance of Working People of Serbia, and Slobodan Milošević was elected its president. As the successor of the SKS, the party became the most dominant in Serbia; Milošević as president of the SPS was able to wield considerable power and influence in the government and the public and private sectors.[30] Milošević came to power promising the strengthening of Serb influence in Yugoslavia by reducing the autonomy of the provinces of Kosovo and Vojvodina within Serbia,[31][32] and had demanded a one-member-one vote system for the SKS, which would have given a numerical majority to the Serbs. This course was a factor in the splintering of the SKS, and caused the Serbian Communist elite to take part in the party creation.[citation needed]

The political programme of the SPS has stated its intention to develop "Serbia as a socialist republic, founded on law and social justice."[11] The party made economic reforms outside of Marxist ideology such as recognizing all forms of property and intended a progression to a market economy while at the same time advocating some regulation for the purposes of "solidarity, equality, and social security".[11] In power, the party enacted policies that were negative to workers rights, such as ending the Communists' worker participation programs. Beginning in its political programme of 1992, the SPS has supported a mixed economy, stating that "the Socialist Party of Serbia advocates a modern, mixed economy representing a synthesis of those elements of liberal and socialist models that have so far proved to be successful in the history of modern society and in our own development."[33] The SPS advocated the transition from a planned economy to a mixed economy, with both public and private sectors.[34] Despite this, many accused Slobodan Milošević of creating a kleptocracy, transferring ownership of much of the industrial sector to his political allies and financiers. The party endorsed the principle of full equality of all the Yugoslav peoples and ethnic minorities.[11] Under Milošević, SPS promoted populistic rhetoric regarding nationalistic issues.[35][36]

Nationalist activity

From 1990 to 1993, the party endorsed supporting the Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Croatia who wished to remain in Yugoslavia.[37] As Croatia and Bosnia declared independence, the involvement by the SPS as a ruling party in Belgrade had become more devoted to helping the external Serbs run their own independent entities. The SPS was in coalition with the nationalist Serbian Radical Party (SRS) at the time.[37] Milošević responded to press questions of whether the Serbian government approved the Bosnian Serbs, by claiming that the Serbian government did not directly support the Srpska government or Serb military forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina in their war but claimed that Serbs had the right to self-determination. In the 1995 BBC documentary The Death of Yugoslavia, fellow SPS member and government official Borisav Jović denied this and said Milošević endorsed the transfer of Bosnian Serb federal army forces to the Bosnian Serb Army in 1992 to help achieve Serb independence from the Alija Izetbegović government of Bosnia and Herzegovina.[38]

Upon the Republic of Macedonia seceding in 1991, the Milošević government declared Macedonians an "artificial nation" and Serbia allied with Greece against the Republic of Macedonia, even suggesting a partition of the Republic of Macedonia between the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and Greece.[39] Subsequent interviews with government officials involved in these affairs revealed that Milošević planned to arrest the Republic of Macedonia's political leadership and replace it with politicians loyal to Serbia. Milošević demanded the self-determination of Serbs in the Republic of Macedonia.[39] In 1998, five years after a split between the SPS and the Radicals, the party returned to its more successful coalition with the Serbian Radical Party as Kosovo-Albanian separatism was on the rise.[37]

Four members of SPS, Slobodan Milošević, Milan Milutinović, Nikola Šainović, and Vlajko Stojiljković, were charged by the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) with crimes against humanity including murder, forcible population transfer, deportation, and "persecution on political, racial or religious grounds" in connection to the wars in Bosnia, Croatia, and Kosovo.[40] Stojiljković committed suicide and Milošević died in ICTY custody before sentencing. The ICTY said in other judgments that there was insufficient evidence that Milošević had supported plans to expel non-Serbs from war-affected territories.[41][42] The ICTY sentenced Šainović to 22 years in prison, following a conviction for crimes against humanity and war crimes, including deportations and forcible transfers, murders, and other persecutions of Kosovo Albanians.[43][44] Milutinović was found not guilty on all charges on 26 February 2009.[45]


The Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia reported that in reaction to the 2008 Kosovo declaration of independence, the SPS leader Ivica Dačić said he would call for a ban on all NGOs and political parties in Serbia which would recognise Kosovo independence.[46] During the 2000s, it supported principles of democratic socialism,[47][48] although according to their website they still claim themselves to be democratic-socialists.[49] Wolfram Nordsieck has described the party as socialist.[50]

Deviation from nationalism

Ivica Dačić has led the party since 2006.
Ivica Dačić has led the party since 2006.

As the direct successor to the Serbian Communists, party membership has never been exclusive to Serbs; the SPS has contained non-Serb figures such as Rrahman Morina (ethnic Albanian), and ethnic Hungarians Verona Ádám Bokros and Mihalj Kertes.[51] In addition, the party engaged in discussions with Croatian and Bosnian leaders, particularly during the early stages of the Yugoslav wars. The SPS, unlike the right-wing nationalist Serbian Radical Party, also joined other parties in negotiations with ethnic Kosovo-Albanian politicians to resolve outstanding disputes and stop the Kosovo War.[52] The SPS was unwilling to grant secession of any territory from Serbia and Montenegro, which formed in 1992. In contrast to right-wing nationalist sentiment and contrary to the wishes of the early nationalist enthusiasts of the SPS, the party did not pursue a policy in which it would absorb Montenegro as the Kingdom of Serbia had done to the Kingdom of Montenegro in 1918. The plan was for Montenegro to continue to function alongside Serbia with all local affairs governed internally. In addition, at the anti-bureaucratic revolutions, conducted whilst the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was active, the demonstrations in Kosovo and Vojvodina, as well as Montenegro, stopped short of calling for their respective entities to be abolished, they instead concentrated on ousting the authorities to replace them with pro-SPS loyalists. Right-wing Serbian nationalists in turn conceive no such Serbian state in which internal entities be granted self-rule.

Despite the bitterness towards North Macedonia whose locals rejected Serbian ethnicity, the governing SPS recognised the Republic of Macedonia in 1996. Four years before this milestone, JNA troops and remnants of Belgrade's central government had peacefully and voluntarily left Macedonia.[53] These policies adopted by the SPS created an uneasy relationship with the Radicals, a characteristic which culminated between 1993 and 1998 when the two parties had split and SRS leader Vojislav Šešelj even found himself imprisoned for a time. In this crucial period, the SPS broke away from the coalition with the Radicals and officially opposed the Bosnian Serb government of Radovan Karadžić by passing economic sanctions against it, as Karadžić was opposing peace initiatives and the party criticised the discriminatory nationalism of Karadžić's administration.[37] In 1995, Slobodan Milošević signed the Dayton Agreement on behalf of the Bosnian Serbs to end the Bosnian war and this infuriated the SRS and Serbian nationalists - relations between Milošević and Radovan Karadžić and other Bosnian Serb politicians had already soured by this point. For having signed the Dayton Agreement, Šešelj branded Milošević the "worst traitor in Serbian history".[54] Meanwhile, the very union itself between the Radicals and the SPS was the subject of controversy among Serbian nationalists. World War II Chetnik commander Momčilo Đujić,[55] who granted the title of Vojvoda (Duke) to Šešelj in 1989, went as far as to revoke the Radical leader's honorary status for his association with Milošević. The former United States ambassador to Yugoslavia, Warren Zimmermann, argued that Milošević was not a genuine nationalist but "an opportunist".[56]

Party presidents

No. President Born–died Term start Term end
1 Slobodan Milošević
Milošević in 1995.png
1941–2006 17 July 1990 24 May 1991
2 Borisav Jović
Borisav Jovic cropped.jpg
1928–2021 24 May 1991 24 October 1992
3 Slobodan Milošević[nb 1]
Milošević in 1995.png
1941–2006 24 October 1992
11 March 2006
(died in office)
4 Ivica Dačić[nb 2]
Ivica Dacic 10.06.2021 01 (cropped).jpg
(born 1966) 11 March 2006 Incumbent

Acting leaders during the incarceration of Milošević

Milošević was incarcerated at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia from 2001 to 2006.[57]

Electoral performance

Parliamentary elections

National Assembly of Serbia
Year Leader Popular vote % of popular vote # # of seats Seat change Coalition Status
1990 Slobodan Milošević 2,320,587 46.09% Increase 1st
194 / 250
Increase 194 Government
1992 1,359,086 28.77% Steady 1st
101 / 250
Decrease 93 Government
1993 1,576,287 36.65% Steady 1st
123 / 250
Increase 22 Government
1997 1,418,036 34.26% Steady 1st
85 / 250
Decrease 38 Left Coalition Government
2000 515,845 13.76% Decrease 2nd
37 / 250
Decrease 48 Opposition
2003 Ivica Dačić 291,341 7.62% Decrease 6th
22 / 250
Decrease 15 Support
2007 227,580 5.64% Increase 5th
16 / 250
Decrease 6 Opposition
2008 313,896 7.58% Increase 4th
12 / 250
Decrease 4 SPS–PUPSJS Government
2012 567,689 14.51% Increase 3rd
25 / 250
Increase 13 SPS–PUPS–JS Government
2014 484,607 13.49% Increase 2nd
25 / 250
Steady 0 SPS–PUPS–JS Government
2016 413,770 10.95% Steady 2nd
21 / 250
Decrease 4 SPS–JS–KPZS Government
2020 334,333 10.38% Steady 2nd
22 / 250
Increase 1 SPS–JS–KP–ZS Government
2022 435,274 11.79% Decrease 3rd
22 / 250
Steady 0 SPS–JS–ZS Government

Presidential elections

President of Serbia
Year Candidate 1st round popular vote % of popular vote 2nd round popular vote % of popular vote Notes
1990 Slobodan Milošević 1st 3,285,799 67.71%
1992 1st 2,515,047 57.46%
Sep 1997 Zoran Lilić 1st 1,474,924 37.12% 2nd 1,691,354 49.38% Election annulled due to low turnout
Dec 1997 Milan Milutinović 1st 1,665,822 44.62% 1st 2,181,808 61.19%
Sep–Oct 2002 Bata Živojinović 6th 119,052 3.34% Election annulled due to low turnout
Dec 2002 Vojislav Šešelj 2nd 1,063,296 37.10% Supported SRS candidate; election annulled due to low turnout
2003 Dragan Tomić 5th 54,703 2.24% Election annulled due to low turnout
2004 Ivica Dačić 5th 125,952 4.09%
2008 Milutin Mrkonjić 4th 245,889 6.09%
2012 Ivica Dačić 3rd 556,013 14.89%
2017 Aleksandar Vučić 1st 2,012,788 56.01% Supported SNS candidate
2022 1st 2,224,914 60.01%

Federal elections

Year Popular vote
(in Serbia)
% of popular vote No. of seats Seat change Coalitions Status
May 1992 1,655,485 48.9%
73 / 136
Increase 73 Government
1992–1993 1,478,918 33.3%
47 / 138
Decrease 26 Government
1996 1,848,669 45.3%
52 / 138
Increase 5 Left Coalition Government
2000 1,532,841
(Chamber of Citizens)
(Chamber of Republics)
(Chamber of Citizens)
(Chamber of Republics)
44 / 138
(Chamber of Citizens)
Coalition seats
7 / 40
(Chamber of Republics)
Coalition seats
Decrease 20
(Chamber of Citizens)
Left Coalition Opposition

Accusations of illegal activities

Critics have accused the SPS of involvement with organised crime, blackmail, political assassinations (most notably that of former Serbian president Ivan Stambolić), supporting paramilitary formations during the Yugoslav Wars, and profiteering from illicit drug and oil trade.[58] The party received 1,000,000 barrels (160,000 m3) worth of oil vouchers in the United Nations Oil-for-Food Programme.[59]

Relations to other parties

Until the final dissolution of a federal Yugoslav state in 2006, the party held close ties with the Yugoslav Left, a coalition of left-wing and communist factions led by Milošević's wife. The SPS has held close ties with the various political parties led by Momir Bulatović who had been installed as President of Montenegro with Milosević's aide, the SPS supported the Democratic Party of Socialists of Montenegro until Bulatović's ousting in 1998, Socialist People's Party of Montenegro under Bulatović from 1998 until his ousting in 2000, and the last one to be led by Bulatović is the People's Socialist Party of Montenegro. The SPS holds ties with a branch party in the Republic of Srpska in Bosnia & Herzegovina, the Socialist Party of Republika Srpska which was founded in 1993.[60] After the Dayton Accord, a major rift occurred between this party and the Serbian Democratic Party of Radovan Karadžić.[61] In the short-lived enclave Serb state of the Republic of Serbian Krajina in Croatia, the SPS supported the Serbian Party of Socialists, particularly the presidential election bid in 1993 of Milan Martić for the Republic of Serbian Krajina.[citation needed]

The SPS wants to join the Socialist International. In May 2008, Ivica Dačić travelled to Athens to meet the Socialist International president George Andreas Papandreou. During this meeting, Papandreou said that the Socialist International was ready to initiate the process for the SPS's membership.[62] There is still some opposition within the Socialist International to inviting the SPS, notably from the Social Democratic Party of Bosnia and Herzegovina,[63] while Jelko Kacin said that the Democratic Party president Boris Tadic lied about not blocking the SPS from joining the Socialist International.[64] As of 2012, the SPS continues to seek closer ties with Europe's social-democratic and socialist parties, and has hinted that it might consider apologising for its role in the 1990s wars.[65]

Positions held

President of Serbia and Montenegro Years
Zoran Lilić 1993–1997
Slobodan Milošević 1997–2000
President of Serbia Years
Slobodan Milošević 1990–1997
Milan Milutinović 1997–2002
Prime Minister of Serbia Years
Dragutin Zelenović
Radoman Božović 1991–1993
Nikola Šainović 1993–1994
Mirko Marjanović 1994–2000
Milomir Minić 2000–2001
Ivica Dačić 2012–2014
President of the Chamber of Citizens
of the Federal Assembly of Yugoslavia
Jugoslav Kostić 1992–1993
Radoman Božović 1993–1996
Milomir Minić 1996–2000
President of the National Assembly of Serbia Years
Slobodan Unković
Aleksandar Bakočević 1991–1993
Zoran Lilić
Zoran Aranđelović 1993–1994
Dragan Tomić 1994–2001
Slavica Đukić Dejanović 2008–2012
Ivica Dačić 2020–2022
Chairmen of the Executive Council of Vojvodina Years
Jovan Radić 1990–1991
Radoman Božović
Koviljko Lovre 1992–1993
Boško Perošević 1993–2000
Damnjan Radenković
President of the Assembly of Vojvodina Years
Damnjan Radenković 1991–1992
Svetislav Krstić 1992–1993
Milutin Stojković 1993–1997
Živorad Smiljanić 1997–2000
Damnjan Radenković
Mayor of Belgrade Years
Milorad Unković 1990–1993
Slobodanka Gruden 1993–1994
Nebojša Čović 1994–1997
Head of the Mission of Yugoslavia
to the United Nations
Vladislav Jovanović 1995–2000

See also



  1. ^ Incarcerated at the ICTY from 2001 until his death in 2006
  2. ^ Acting party leader until 3 December 2006
  1. ^ "X. kongres SPS – Mi stojimo postojano!". 22 December 2018. Retrieved 26 April 2019.
  2. ^ Pavlaković, Vjeran (2005). Serbia Transformed? Political Dynamics in the Milošević Era and After. Serbia since 1989. University of Washington Press. p. 17.
  3. ^ Prošić-Dvornić, Mirjana (2000). Apocalyptic Thought and Serbian Identity: Mythology, Fundamentalism, Astrology and Soothsaying as Part of Political Propaganda. Ethnologia Balkanica. Vol. 4. p. 166.
  4. ^ Miller, Nicholas (2005). Serbia and Montenegro. Eastern Europe: An Introduction to the People, Land, and Culture. Vol. 3. ABC-CLIO. p. 560.
  5. ^ Janusz Bugajski (1995). Ethnic Politics in Eastern Europe: A Guide to Nationality Policies, Organizations, and Parties. M.E. Sharpe. p. 466. ISBN 978-0-7656-1911-2.
  6. ^ Christiane Lemke, Gary Marks. The crisis of socialism in Europe. Duke University Press, 1992, p. 101. ISBN 0822311976.
  7. ^ Janusz Bugajski. Political Parties of Eastern Europe: A Guide to Politics in the Post-Communist Era. Armonk, New York, USA: Center for Strategic and International Studies, 2002, p. 399.
  8. ^ Pavlaković, Vjeran (2005). Serbia Transformed? Political Dynamics in the Milošević Era and After. Serbia since 1989: politics and society under Milošević and after. Seattle, Washington, USA: University of Washington Press. p. 17.
  9. ^ Jean-Pierre Cabestan, Jacques deLisle, ed. (2005). Eastern Europe: An Introduction to the People, Lands, and Culture. Volume 1. ABC-CLIO. p. 560. ISBN 9781576078006. Both thrived on the growth of Serbian nationalism (the SPS was, arguably, not nationalist itself), but the SPS was communist and the SRM was royalist.
  10. ^ Robert Thomas, ed. (1999). Serbia Under Milošević: Politics in the 1990s. C. Hurst & Co. Publishers. p. 254.
  11. ^ a b c d Branković, Srbobran (2002). The Yugoslav "Left" Parties. p. 206.
  12. ^ a b Bilefsky, Dan (7 July 2008). "Serbia approves pro-Western government". The New York Times. New York. Retrieved 26 April 2019.
  13. ^ Dačić: Kosovo i EU prioriteti i u 2020.
  14. ^ "Serbia: continuity elections amid COVID-19". openDemocracy. 24 June 2020. Retrieved 7 July 2020. SNS’ ‘favourite’ partner from the centre-left (Socialist Party of Serbia/SPS) occupied the second spot with a percentage of 10%. Moreover, the Alliance of Hungarians in Vojvodina/VMSZ (Serbia’s largest ethnic minority party) garnered 2.5% of the vote and elected 10 deputies at the Skupština.
  15. ^ Marko Stojić, ed. (2017). Party Responses to the EU in the Western Balkans: Transformation, Opposition or Defiance?. Springer. p. 66. ISBN 9783319595634.
  16. ^ Thompson, Wayne C. (2013). Nordic, Central, and Southeastern Europe 2013. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 444.
  17. ^ Mladenovic, Ivica. "Serbian Social Democracy in Transition: A View from the Periphery". European Left. Retrieved 28 November 2018.
  18. ^ Stojarová, Věra. "Populism in the Balkans". Central European Political Studies Review. Retrieved 20 November 2018.
  19. ^ Jovanović Ajzenhamer, Nataša; Dajč, Haris (31 December 2019). "The Serbian Socialist Party Attitudes towards the EU through the Lens of Party Programmes: Between Pragmatism and Patriotism". Politeja. 16 (6(63)): 65–79. doi:10.12797/Politeja.16.2019.63.04. ISSN 2391-6737. S2CID 226551590.
  20. ^ John Borrell (6 August 1990). "Yugoslavia The Old Demons Arise". Time. closed access
  21. ^ Branković, Srbobran (2002). The Yugoslav "Left" Parties. p. 208.
  22. ^ Branković (2002). The Yugoslav 'Left' Parties. p. 209.
  23. ^ Branković, Srbobran (2002). The Yugoslav "Left" Parties. p. 210.
  24. ^ Branković, Srbobran (2002). The Yugoslav "Left" Parties. p. 217.
  25. ^ a b Branković, Srbobran (2002). The Yugoslav "Left" Parties. p. 216.
  26. ^ "Hronologija parlamentarnih izbora" [Chronology of Parliamentary Elections]. B92. 21 January 2007. Retrieved 20 November 2018.
  27. ^ "Serbia's pro-West president claims election victory". CNN. 11 June 2008. Retrieved 12 May 2008.
  28. ^ "СОЦИЈАЛИСТИЧКА ПАРТИЈА СРБИЈЕ ГЛАВНИ ОДБОР" [Main Committee of the Socialist Party of Serbia] (PDF). Belgrade. 2010.
  29. ^ "Program Declaration Vision Serbia 2020" [Committee of the Socialist Party of Serbia] (PDF). Belgrade. 2018.
  30. ^ Heike Krieger (2001). The Kosovo Conflict and International Law: An Analytical Documentation 1974-1999. Cambridge University Press. p. 522. ISBN 978-0-521-80071-6.
  31. ^ Tove Malloy; Alexander Osipov; Balázs Vizi, eds. (2015). Managing Diversity through Non-Territorial Autonomy: Assessing Advantages, Deficiencies, and Risks. OUP Oxford. p. 76. ISBN 978-0-19-105832-5. LCCN 2015933280.
  32. ^ Eleftheria Rania Kosmidou (2013). European Civil War Films: Memory, Conflict, and Nostalgia. Routledge. p. 94. ISBN 978-0-415-52320-2.
  33. ^ Siniša Malešević. Ideology, legitimacy and the new state: Yugoslavia, Serbia and Croatia. London, England, UK; Portland, Oregon, USA: Frank Cass Publishers, 2002, p. 184-185.
  34. ^ Siniša Malešević. Ideology, legitimacy and the new state: Yugoslavia, Serbia and Croatia. London, England, UK; Portland, Oregon, USA: Frank Cass Publishers, 2002, p. 184.
  35. ^ Timmermann, Heinz (1996). Die Wiederkehr der KP Rußlands: Programm, Struktur und Perspektiven der Sjuganow-Partei. Köln, Germany.
  36. ^ Stojić, Marko (5 November 2021). "Contesting the EU on the periphery in times of crisis: party-based Euroscepticism in Serbia". East European Politics: 1–24. doi:10.1080/21599165.2021.1993191. ISSN 2159-9165. S2CID 243826701.
  37. ^ a b c d Branković, Srbobran (2002). The Yugoslav "Left" Parties. p. 213.
  38. ^ Cohen, Roger (2 March 2006). "To His Death in Jail, Milosevic Exalted Image of Serb Suffering". The New York Times. New York. Retrieved 26 April 2019.
  39. ^ a b Alice Ackermann. Making peace prevail: preventing violent conflict in Macedonia. Syracuse, New York, USA: Syracuse University Press, 2000, p. 72.
  40. ^ "Milosevic charged with Bosnia genocide". BBC. 23 November 2001. Retrieved 20 June 2011.
  41. ^ "Public Redacted Version of Judgement Issued on 24 March 2016 in Prosecutor vs. Radovan Karadžić, p. 1303" (PDF). ICTY. Retrieved 20 July 2016.
  42. ^ "Judgement Summary for Vlastimir Đorđević" (PDF). ICTY. Retrieved 17 December 2018.
  43. ^ "Šainović profile". BBC News. 26 February 2009. Retrieved 26 February 2009.
  44. ^ "Sainović profile". The Hague Justice Portal. Retrieved 2 February 2016.
  45. ^ Kosovo trial clears Serbia leader.; accessed 17 May 2018.
  46. ^ "Revival of Hate Speech". Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia. February 2009. Retrieved 20 November 2018.
  47. ^ Stojarová, Věra (2007). Party politics in the Western Balkans. Bochsler, Center for Comparative and International Studies, University of Zurich. p. 18.
  48. ^ Alan John Day, Roger East, Richard Thomas. A political and economic dictionary of Eastern Europe. First Edition. Cambridge International Reference on Current Affairs, Ltd, 2002, p. 544.
  49. ^ Nataša Jovanović Ajzenhamer; Haris Dajč (2019). "The Serbian Socialist Party Attitudes towards the EU through the Lens of Party Programmes". Politeja. 16 (6(63)): 65–79. doi:10.12797/Politeja.16.2019.63.04. S2CID 226551590.
  50. ^ "Parties and Elections in Europe". Retrieved 22 February 2022.
  51. ^ "The Milosevic charge sheet". BBC News. 2 April 2001. Retrieved 20 November 2018.
  52. ^ "Serb-Albanian Kosovo Roundtable". Archived from the original on 9 May 2008. Retrieved 29 May 2008.
  53. ^ Jenny Engström (2002). "The power of perception: The impact of the Macedonian question on inter‐ethnic relations in the republic of Macedonia" (PDF). Global Review of Ethnopolitics. 1 (3): 3–17. doi:10.1080/14718800208405102. S2CID 145780936. Archived from the original (PDF) on 4 March 2016.
  54. ^ "Vojislav Seselj: Milosevic's hard-line ally". BBC News. 10 April 1999. Retrieved 20 November 2018.
  55. ^ International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia Slobodan Milosevic trial transcrips, Page 13852.
  56. ^ Zimmermann 1996, pp. 25.
  57. ^ "Serbian ministries, etc". B. Schemmel. Retrieved 20 November 2018.
  58. ^ Branković, Srbobran (2002). The Yugoslav "Left" Parties. pp. 217–218.
  59. ^ "The Beneficiaries of Saddam's Oil Vouchers: The List of 270". The Middle East Media Research Institute (MEMRI). 29 January 2004.
  60. ^ Day, Alan J.; East, Roger; Thomas, Richard. 2002. A Political and Economic Dictionary of Eastern Europe. Routledge. P. 544
  61. ^ Day, Alan J.; East, Roger; Thomas, Richard. P. 545
  62. ^ "Serbian socialist party leader meets head of Socialist International". B92. 23 May 2008. Retrieved 20 November 2018.
  63. ^ "Protest against SPS SI membership". B92. 26 June 2008. Retrieved 20 November 2018.
  64. ^ "Kacin: Tadić sanja svoju istinu" (in Serbian). B92. 27 February 2013. Retrieved 20 November 2018.
  65. ^ "Serbia's deputy PM: 'SPS could apologise for problems in the 90s'". European Forum for Democracy and Solidarity. 5 January 2012. Retrieved 20 November 2018.