Daron Acemoglu
Acemoglu in 2016
Kamer Daron Acemoğlu

(1967-09-03) September 3, 1967 (age 56)
Istanbul, Turkey
CitizenshipTurkey and United States
EducationUniversity of York (BA)
London School of Economics (PhD)
SpouseAsu Ozdaglar
Academic career
InstitutionLondon School of Economics
National Bureau of Economic Research
Massachusetts Institute of Technology
FieldPolitical economy
Economic growth
Development economics
Labour economics
School or
New institutional economics
Kevin W. S. Roberts
Robert ShimerMark AguiarPol AntràsGabriel CarrollMelissa DellBenjamin JonesUfuk Akcigit
InfluencesJoel MokyrKenneth SokoloffDouglass NorthSeymour Martin LipsetBarrington Moore

Kamer Daron Acemoğlu (Turkish: [daˈɾon aˈdʒemoːɫu]; born September 3, 1967) is a Turkish-born American economist who has taught at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology since 1993, where he is currently the Elizabeth and James Killian Professor of Economics.[1] He received the John Bates Clark Medal in 2005, and was named an Institute Professor at MIT in 2019.[1]

Born to Armenian parents in Istanbul, Acemoglu received a BA from the University of York in 1989, and a PhD from the London School of Economics (LSE) in 1992. He lectured at LSE for a year before joining the Department of Economics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. He was awarded the John Bates Clark Medal in 2005. Acemoglu is best known for his work on political economy. He has authored hundreds of papers, many of them with his long-time collaborators Simon Johnson and James A. Robinson. With Robinson, he co-authored the books Economic Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy (2006) and Why Nations Fail (2012). The latter, an influential book on the role that institutions play in shaping nations' economic outcomes, receive wide scholarly and media attention. Described as a centrist, he believes in a regulated market economy. He regularly comments on political issues, economic inequality, and a variety of specific policies.

Acemoglu ranked third, behind Paul Krugman and Greg Mankiw, in the list of "Favorite Living Economists Under Age 60" in a 2011 survey among American economists. In 2015, he was named the most cited economist of the past 10 years per Research Papers in Economics (RePEc) data. According to the Open Syllabus Project, Acemoglu is the third most frequently cited author on college syllabi for economics courses after Mankiw and Krugman.[2]


Kamer Daron Acemoğlu[3][4][a] was born in Istanbul to Armenian parents on September 3, 1967.[7][8][9] His father, Kevork Acemoglu (1938−1988), was a commercial lawyer and lecturer at Istanbul University. His mother, Irma Acemoglu (d. 1991), was the principal of Aramyan Uncuyan, an Armenian elementary school in Kadıköy,[10][11][12] which Daron attended, before graduating from Galatasaray High School in 1986.[13][14][15] He became interested in politics and economics as a teenager.[12] He was educated at the University of York, where he received a BA in economics in 1989, and at the London School of Economics (LSE), where he received an MSc in econometrics and mathematical economics in 1990, and a PhD in economics in 1992.[16] His doctoral thesis was titled Essays in Microfoundations of Macroeconomics: Contracts and Economic Performance.[7][4] His doctoral advisor was Kevin W. S. Roberts.[17] James Malcomson, one of his doctoral examiners at the LSE, said that even the weakest three of the seven chapters of his thesis were "more than sufficient for the award of a PhD."[18] Arnold Kling called him a wunderkind due to the age at which he received his PhD (25).[19]

Acemoglu is a naturalized citizen of the US.[20] He is fluent in English and Turkish,[21] and speaks some Armenian.[22] He is married to Asuman "Asu" Ozdağlar, a professor of electrical engineering and computer science at MIT,[12][23] who is the daughter of İsmail Özdağlar, a former Turkish government minister. Together, they have authored several articles.[24][25] As of 2015, they live in Newton, Massachusetts with their two sons, Arda and Aras.[26]

Academic career

Acemoglu in 2009
Acemoglu in his office, January 2020

Acemoglu was a lecturer in economics at the LSE from 1992 to 1993.[1] He was appointed an assistant professor at MIT in 1993, where he became the Pentti Kouri Associate Professor of Economics in 1997, and was tenured in 1998.[1][27] He became a full professor at MIT in 2000, and served as the Charles P. Kindleberger Professor of Applied Economics there from 2004 to 2010.[1][28] In 2010, Acemoglu was appointed the Elizabeth and James Killian Professor of Economics at MIT.[7] In July 2019, he was named an Institute Professor, the highest faculty honour at MIT.[29]

As of 2019, he has mentored over 60 PhD students.[29] Among his doctoral students are Robert Shimer, Mark Aguiar, Pol Antràs, and Gabriel Carroll.[17] In 2014, he made $841,380, making him one of the top earners at MIT.[30]

Acemoglu is a research associate at the NBER, and was elected a Fellow of the Econometric Society in 2005.[16][1][31] He was elected to the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 2006, and to the National Academy of Sciences in 2014.[32][33] He is also a Senior Fellow at the Canadian Institute for Advanced Research, and a member of several other learned societies.[16][34][35] He edited Econometrica, an academic journal published by the Econometric Society, from 2011 to 2015.[36]

Acemoglu has authored hundreds of academic papers.[37] He noted that most of his research has been "motivated by trying to understand the sources of poverty."[20] His research includes a wide range of topics, including political economy, human capital theory, growth theory, economic development, innovation, labor economics,[16][38] income and wage inequality, and network economics, among others.[39] He noted in 2011 that most his research of the past 15 years concerned with what can be broadly called political economy.[40] He has made contribution to the labor economics field.[20]

Acemoglu has extensively collaborated with James A. Robinson, a British political scientist, since 1993.[27] Acemoglu has described it as a "very productive relationship." They have worked together on a number of articles and several books, most of which on the subject of growth and economic development.[20] The two have also extensively collaborated with economist Simon Johnson.[41]

Research and publications

Acemoglu is considered a follower of new institutional economics.[42][43][44] His influences include Joel Mokyr, Kenneth Sokoloff,[45] Douglass North,[46] Seymour Martin Lipset,[47] and Barrington Moore.[47]


Economic Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy

Published by Cambridge University Press in 2006, Economic Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy by Acemoglu and Robinson analyzes the creation and consolidation of democratic societies. They argue that "democracy consolidates when elites do not have strong incentive to overthrow it. These processes depend on (1) the strength of civil society, (2) the structure of political institutions, (3) the nature of political and economic crises, (4) the level of economic inequality, (5) the structure of the economy, and (6) the form and extent of globalization."[48]

Romain Wacziarg praised the book and argued that its substantive contribution is the theoretical fusion of the Marxist dialectical materialism ("institutional change results from distributional struggles between two distinct social groups, a rich ruling class and a poor majority, each of whose interests are shaped primarily by economic forces") and the ideas of Barry Weingast and Douglass North, who argued that "institutional reform can be a way for the elite to credibly commit to future policies by delegating their enactment to interests that will not wish to reverse them."[49] William Easterly called it "one of the most important contributions to the literature on the economics of democracy in a long time." Edward Glaeser described it as "enormously significant" work and a "great contribution to the field."[50]

Why Nations Fail

Why Nations Fail was included in the Shortlist of the 2012 Financial Times Business Book of the Year Award.

In their 2012 book, Why Nations Fail, Acemoglu and Robinson argue that economic growth at the forefront of technology requires political stability, which the Mayan civilization (to name only one) did not have,[51] and creative destruction. The latter cannot occur without institutional restraints on the granting of monopoly and oligopoly rights. They say that the industrial revolution began in Great Britain, because the English Bill of Rights 1689 created such restraints.

Acemoglu and Robinson insist that "development differences across countries are exclusively due to differences in political and economic institutions, and reject other theories that attribute some of the differences to culture, weather, geography or lack of knowledge about the best policies and practices."[52] For example, "Soviet Russia generated rapid growth as it caught up rapidly with some of the advanced technologies in the world [but] was running out of steam by the 1970s" because of a lack of creative destruction.[53]

The book was written for the general audience.[52] It was widely discussed by political analysts and commentators.[54][55][56][57] Warren Bass wrote of it in The Washington Post: "bracing, garrulous, wildly ambitious and ultimately hopeful. It may, in fact, be a bit of a masterpiece."[58]

Clive Crook wrote in Bloomberg News that the book deserves most of the "lavish praise" it received.[59] In his review in Foreign Affairs Jeffrey Sachs criticized Acemoglu and Robinson for systematically ignoring factors such as domestic politics, geopolitics, technological discoveries, and natural resources. He also argued that the book's appeal was based on readers' desire to hear that "Western democracy pays off not only politically but also economically."[60] Bill Gates called the book a "major disappointment" and characterized the authors' analysis as "vague and simplistic."[61] Ryan Avent, an editor at The Economist, responded that "Acemoglu and Robinson might not be entirely right about why nations succeed or fail. But at least they're engaged with the right problem."[62]

The Narrow Corridor

In The Narrow Corridor. States, Societies, and the Fate of Liberty (2019), Acemoglu and Robinson argue that a free society is attained when the power of the state and of society evolved in rough balance. [63]

Power and Progress

Published in 2023, Power and Progress: Our Thousand-Year Struggle Over Technology and Prosperity is a book by Acemoglu and Simon Johnson on the historical development of technology and the social and political consequences of technology.[64] The book addresses three questions, on the relationship between new machines and production techniques and wages, on the way in which technology could be harnessed for social goods, and on the reason for the enthusiasm around artificial intelligence.

Power and Progress argues that technologies do not automatically yield social goods, their benefits going to a narrow elite. It offers a rather critical view of artificial intelligence (AI), stressing its largely negative impact on jobs and wages and on democracy.

Acemoglu and Johnson also provide a vision about how new technologies could be harnesses for social good. They see the Progressive Era as offering a model. They also discuss a list of policy proposals for the redirection of technology that includes: (1) market incentives, (2) the break up of big tech, (3) tax reform, (4) investing in workers, (5) privacy protection and data ownership, and (6) a digital advertising tax.[65]


Social programs and policies

In a 2001 article, Acemoglu argued that the minimum wage and unemployment benefits "shift the composition of employment toward high-wage jobs. Because the composition of jobs in the laissez-faire equilibrium is inefficiently biased toward low-wage jobs, these labor market regulations increase average labor productivity and may improve welfare."[66] Furthermore, he has argued that "minimum wages can increase training of affected workers, by inducing firms to train their unskilled employees."[67]

Democracy and economy

Acemoglu et al. found that "democracy has a significant and robust positive effect on GDP" and suggest that "democratizations increase GDP per capita by about 20% in the long run."[68] In another paper, Acemoglu et al. found that "there is a significant and robust effect of democracy on tax revenues as a fraction of GDP, but no robust impact on inequality."[69]

Social democracy and unions

Acemoglu and Philippe Aghion argued in 2001 that although deunionization in the US and UK since the 1980s is not the "underlying cause of the increase in inequality", it "amplifies the direct effect of skill-biased technical change by removing the wage compression imposed by unions."[70]

According to Acemoglu and Robinson, unions historically had a significant role in creating democracy, especially in western Europe, and in maintaining a balance of political power between established business interests and political elites.[71]

Nordic model

In a 2012 paper titled "Can't We All Be More Like Scandinavians?", co-written with Robinson and Verdier, he suggests that "it may be precisely the more 'cutthroat' American society that makes possible the more 'cuddly' Scandinavian societies based on a comprehensive social safety net, the welfare state and more limited inequality." They concluded that "all countries may want to be like the 'Scandinavians' with a more extensive safety net and a more egalitarian structure," however, if the United States shifted from being a "cutthroat [capitalism] leader", the economic growth of the entire world would be reduced.[72] He argued against the US adopting the Nordic model in a 2015 op-ed for The New York Times. He again argued: "If the US increased taxation to Denmark levels, it would reduce rewards for entrepreneurship, with negative consequences for growth and prosperity." He praised the Scandinavian experience in poverty reduction, creation of a level playing field for its citizens, and higher social mobility.[73] This was critiqued by Lane Kenworthy, who argues that, empirically, the US's economic growth preceded the divergence in cutthroat and cuddly policies, and there is no relationship between inequality and innovation for developed countries.[74]


"The Colonial Origins of Comparative Development", co-written by Acemoglu, Robinson, and Simon Johnson in 2001, is by far his most cited work.[37] Graham Mallard described it as an "excellent example of his work: an influential paper that has led to much debate."[28] They argue that Europeans set up extractive institutions in colonies where they did not settle, unlike in places where they did settle and that these institutions have persisted. They estimated that "differences in institutions explain approximately three-quarters of the income per capita differences across former colonies."[75][76] Historical experience dominated by extractive institutions in these countries has created a vicious circle, which was exacerbated by the European colonization.[77]

A critique of modernization theory

Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson, in their article "Income and Democracy" (2008) show that even though there is a strong cross-country correlation between income and democracy, once one controls for country fixed effects and removes the association between income per capita and various measures of democracy, there is "no causal effect of income on democracy."[78] In "Non-Modernization" (2022), they further argue that modernization theory cannot account for various paths of political development "because it posits a link between economics and politics that is not conditional on institutions and culture and that presumes a definite endpoint—for example, an 'end of history'."[79]


Journalists and economists have described Acemoglu as a centrist.[b] Why Nations Fail was well received by both liberal and conservative economists.[83] Acemoglu's and Robinson's long-time collaborator Simon Johnson suggests that their "point is not just about how things may become awful when the government goes off track (a right-leaning point). They are also more deeply concerned about how powerful people fight to grab control of the state and otherwise compete to exert influence over the rest of society (a left-leaning perspective)."[41]

Acemoglu has praised the successes of the Progressive Era, and argued in favor of its replication.[84] Acemoglu argues that the market economy is the only system that creates prosperity. He believes in finding an appropriate balance between "incentivizing creativity, hard work and risk-taking and creating the essential public services, social safety nets and equality of opportunity."[85] For Acemoglu, markets work only with regulations and predictable laws and that all markets are regulated to some extent; it is only a matter of degree.[27] He suggests that free markets are not unregulated markets.[86]

Wall Street

In September 2008, Acemoglu signed a petition condemning the Bush administration's bailout plan of the U.S. financial system.[87] As the main cause of the financial crisis of 2007–2008, he stated that policy makers were "lured by ideological notions derived from Ayn Rand’s novels rather than economic theory" and opined: "In hindsight, we should not be surprised that unregulated profit-seeking individuals have taken risks from which they benefit and others lose."[86] In an early analysis of the Great Recession, Acemoglu wrote: "When channeled into profit-maximizing, competitive, and innovative behavior under the auspices of sound laws and regulations, greed can act as the engine of innovation and economic growth. But when unchecked by the appropriate institutions and regulations, it will degenerate into rent-seeking, corruption, and crime."[27] He argues that the heavy overrepresentation from the financial sector in the top 1% "has been an outcome of the political processes that have removed all of the regulations in finance, and so created the platform for 40 percent of U.S. corporate profits to be in the financial sector."[40] He argues that a platform, particularly in Wall Street, has been created "where the ambition and greed of people, often men, has been channeled in a very anti-social, selfish and socially destructive direction."[88]


Acemoglu has voiced concerns regarding the increasing inequality in the US, which in his view turns into political inequality, in turn undermining the inclusiveness of US institutions.[55] In 2012 he identified societal polarization, caused by economic inequality, as the biggest problem for the US.[89] He argues that "democracy ceases to function because some people have so much money they command greater power."[82] He states that he is comfortable with economic inequality which comes through different social contributions as it is a "price that we pay for providing incentives for people to contribute to prosperity." However, high levels of inequality create problems as the rich who control significant portions of the societal resources use them to create an "unequal distribution of political power."[88] He sees the solution in increasing social mobility by "providing an opportunity for the bottom to become rich, not forcing the rich to become poor."[82]

Acemoglu has praised the American tradition of vibrant protest movements dating back to the Populists and the Progressives.[90] He has also praised Occupy Wall Street for "putting the question of inequality on the agenda, but also for actually standing up for political equality."[91] He notes that Occupy Wall Street brought the 1% to the attention of the wider public, and to the attention of academia by Tony Atkinson, Thomas Piketty, and Emmanuel Saez.[88]

Specific policies

Acemoglu is in favor of raising and indexing the minimum wage.[92]

Acemoglu believes that universal basic income is "expensive and not generous enough" and that a "more efficient and generous social safety net is needed."[93] He further called it a "flawed idea" and a "poorly designed policy." He instead advocates for a "guaranteed-income program would offer transfers only to individuals whose monthly income is below $1,000, thereby coming in at a mere fraction of a UBI's cost." He calls for "universal health care, more generous unemployment benefits, better-designed retraining programs, and an expanded earned income tax credit (EITC)."[94] Acemoglu supports a negative income tax, calling it a "more sensible" alternative to UBI.[95]

Acemoglu believes that nation-building by the West is no longer possible around the world because the West now lacks the resources and commitment that were present in post-World War II Germany and Japan, and because countries, such as in the Muslim- and Arab-majority countries, where such work is required today do not trust the West.[96] He views the US war on drugs as a "total and very costly failure",[97] and supported the 2013 ballot referendum Colorado Amendment 64, a successful popular initiative that legalized the sale of recreational marijuana.[98]

In a 2016 interview with NPR, he opined that the US infrastructure is in a "pitiful state, with negative consequences for US economic growth."[99]

Socialism, communism, and Marxism

Acemoglu argues that socialist states have not been successful in creating prosperity.[85] He wrote that socialist regimes "from Cuba to the eastern bloc have been disastrous both for economic prosperity and individual freedom."[100]

In a review written with James A. Robinson, he argues that Thomas Piketty and Karl Marx are "led astray" due to their disregard for "the key forces shaping how an economy functions: the endogenous evolution of technology and of the institutions and the political equilibrium that influence not only technology but also how markets function and how the gains from various different economic arrangements are distributed."[101]

Social democracy and unions

In 2019, Acemoglu argued in favor of social democracy. He stated: "[Social democracy, when practiced by competent governments] is a phenomenal success. Everywhere in the west is to some degree social democratic, but the extent of this varies. We owe our prosperity and freedom to social democracy. ... [Social democracy] did not achieve these things by taxing and redistributing a lot. It achieved them by having labor institutions protecting workers, encouraging job creation and encouraging high wages."[100] Acemoglu also noted that the economists of US presidential candidate Bernie Sanders, who is an advocate of democratic socialism along the lines of the Nordic model, "don't understand basic economics. They are not just dangerous, they are clueless."[100]

Acemoglu argued that a "tradition of strong labor movement or social democratic party, by constraining the actions of the social planner, can act as a commitment device to egalitarianism, inducing an equilibrium in which the country in question becomes the beneficiary from the asymmetric world equilibrium."[72]

Donald Trump

In an op-ed in Foreign Policy, Acemoglu claimed that President Donald Trump shared political goals and strategies of Hugo Chávez, Vladimir Putin, and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, such as "little respect for the rule of law or the independence of state institutions, ... a blurred vision of national and personal interests, ... little patience with criticism and a long-established strategy of rewarding loyalty, which can be seen in his high-level appointments to date. This is all topped by an unwavering belief in his abilities."[90] In a 2019 interview with Der Spiegel, Acemoglu stated that he sees similarities between Trump and the Republican Party and the Nazis: "Surely, Trump and the Republicans are no Nazis. But they are exploiting the same political sentiment." He argues that Trump "poses a great risk to U.S. democracy" because he is "looking for a new order with elements of anti-liberalism, misinformation and a lax attitude to corruption. If he is re-elected next year, it will be the beginning of the end of American democracy."[102]

Authoritarian countries

According to Acemoglu, the three obstacles for economic growth under authoritarian regimes are the tendency of authoritarian regimes to become more authoritarian, their tendency to use power to halt "Schumpeterian creative destruction, which is key to sustaining growth" and the instability and uncertainty caused by internal conflicts.[27] He believes that Saudi Arabia would be like a poor African country without the oil, while the "only thing that is keeping [Russia] going is a big boom in natural resources and a clever handling of the media."[103]

He believes that China has managed to achieve significant economic growth because it "sort of picked up the low hanging fruit from the world technology frontier, but that sort of growth is not going to last until China goes to the next step, which is harnessing innovation," which he argues will be impossible "unless economic institutions become even more open and the extractive political institutions in China will be a barrier to that."[89] He and Robinson wrote for the HuffPost that the "limited rights [China] affords its citizens places major restrictions on the country’s longer-term possibilities for prosperity."[104]


Acemoglu opined that the Republic of Turkey, formed in 1923 by Atatürk, "is very continuous with the Ottoman Empire." Although the shift from empire to republic brought some positive changes, he argues, the model was largely maintained by the reformers who took power, citing a persistent concentration of power and economic activity.[105] He suggests that the Republican period has been characterized by an unwillingness to accept ethnic minorities.[106] In 2014, Acemoglu condemned the widespread anti-Armenian rhetoric in Turkish textbooks, and demanded that the books be pulled from circulation.[11]

Acemoglu has criticized Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his government for its authoritarian rule.[107] In a 2013 op-ed in The New York Times, following the crackdown of Gezi Park protests, Acemoglu wrote that "Even before the brutal suppression of the demonstrations, the belief that Turkey was on its way to becoming a mature democracy — a role model for the rest of the Middle East — had already become untenable."[108] In a May 2014 op-ed in Foreign Affairs, Acemoglu wrote that the drift from democracy by Erdogan is lamentable, but an "almost predictable, stage of Turkey’s democratic transition."[109] In the late 2010s, Acemoglu often criticized Turkey's economic policies and consequently became popular with the opposition.[110]


In a 2015 interview with the Armenian service of Voice of America, Acemoglu stated that he has always been interested in economic, political, and social developments in Armenia.[14] Talking via video, Acemoglu partook in the Armenian Economic Association's annual conference in October 2013 held at the Yerevan State University, during which he argued that Armenia's problem is political, and not geographic, cultural, or geopolitical. He called for the Armenian government to be "more responsive to the wishes of its citizens so that through that political process Armenia ceases to be an oligarchy."[111] In a September 2016 conference in Toronto, Acemoglu criticized the Armenian diaspora for legitimizing the successive governments in Armenia, especially when the rights of its citizens are violated and a wrong economic and political line is being followed for the country.[112] In an April 2017 conference held by the USC Institute of Armenian Studies, Acemoglu stated that while "Armenia could have looked much more like the Czech Republic or Estonia and what we got instead is a country that looks much more like Azerbaijan or Uzbekistan, which is a real shame." He suggested that in the immediate post-Soviet years Armenia was "stronger and it's been getting worse and worse." He criticized the level of corruption of the government, which has systematically closed the political system.[113]

Other countries

In an op-ed for The Globe and Mail following the 2014 Ukrainian revolution, Acemoglu advocated Ukraine "to break with its past as quickly as possible. It needs to move away from Russia, politically and economically, even if that means an end to the natural-gas subsidies Russia has used to keep it in the position of a client state. Even more important is for Ukraine’s leaders to spread political power and economic benefits to the maximum number of its people, including Russian speakers."[114]

Acemoglu argued that the Greek government-debt crisis was caused by the "terrible state of Greek institutions, and the clientelistic nature of its politics", and stated that the country's problems are "political not just macroeconomic." He identified lack of political integration within the EU as Greece's problem and that "the only way forward for Europe is to have greater fiscal and banking integration or to abandon monetary integration."[115][116]

Political involvement


Acemoglu in 2018[22]

In March 2011, Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu offered to appoint Acemoglu Turkey's permanent representative to the OECD in Paris, a post he turned down in order to continue his academic career.[117][118][119][120]

Acemoglu met with Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, leader of the opposition Republican People's Party (CHP) in October 2022.[121][122] In December 2022 Kılıçdaroğlu appointed Acemoglu, among others, as his economic adviser.[123] Pro-Erdogan circles criticized the move. One pro-government columnist said: "The Armenian Daron Acemoğlu, praised by FETÖ, prepared Kılıçdaroğlu's vision program, (resembling his own roots)." In response, finance professor Özgür Demirtaş defended Acemoglu. "This tweet is both racist and presumptuous. The influence of Daron Acemoğlu on world’s economy-finance professors is greater than the number of cells in your body. It's terrible that you talk like this about a professor who made us proud and is going for the Nobel prize."[124] Yeni Şafak, a pro-government newspaper, ran the headline: "Daron Acemoğlu, one of the new economic advisors of the CHP, could not solve the economic crisis of Armenia."[125]


Following the 2018 Armenian revolution, opposition leader-turned-Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan wrote on his Facebook page that Acemoglu told him that he is ready to help Armenia to "restore and develop" its economy.[126][127] Pashinyan and Acemoglu talked via the internet in June 2018.[128] Acemoglu met with Deputy Prime Minister Tigran Avinyan in Boston in July 2019.[129][130]


According to data collected by Research Papers in Economics (RePEc), Acemoglu was the most cited economist of the decade leading to 2015.[131][9][11] According to Google Scholar, his works (including co-authored works) have been cited more than 200,000 times as of January 2023.[37] In a 2011 survey of 299 economics professors in the U.S. Acemoglu ranked third, behind Paul Krugman and Greg Mankiw, in the list of "Favorite Living Economists Under Age 60".[132]

He was listed 88th in Foreign Policy's 2010 list of Top 100 Global Thinkers "for showing that freedom is about more than markets."[133] Acemoglu was voted by the readers of Prospect Magazine as the world’s top thinker for 2024.[134]

Francis Fukuyama has described Acemoglu and his long-time collaborator James A. Robinson as "two of the world's leading experts on development."[135] Clement Douglas wrote in the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis publication that the "scope, depth and sheer volume of [his] scholarship are nothing short of breathtaking, verging on implausible."[40] Angus Deaton called him a "young superstar" and noted that Acemoglu is "a very good example of the way things ought to be going, which is you do history but you know enough mathematics to be able to model it too."[136]

Acemoglu is widely considered a prospective Nobel laureate in Economics.[137][138][139][140][141]


Economics awards
State orders and awards
Honorary degrees

Acemoglu has been awarded honorary degrees from the following universities: Utrecht University (2008),[40] Bosporus University (2011), Bilkent University (2015),[152] University of Bath (2017),[153] ENS Paris-Saclay (2017), London Business School (2018), Boğaziçi University, and the University of Athens.[16]


Selected bibliography



  1. ^ Western Armenian: Տարօն Աճէմօղլու.[5][6] Acemoğlu is the Turkified version of the Armenian last name Ajemian (Աճէմեան). Its root derives from the Arabic term ajam, used for non-Arabs, especially Persians. Most of Turkey's Armenians changed their last names due to the 1934 Surname Law. His first name is the Western Armenian version of Taron, a male given name from a historic region.
  2. ^ "... the middle-of-the-roaders Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson ..."[80]
    "Daron Acemoglu, a more centrist economist at MIT ..."[81]
    "... Acemoglu, who aligns more with the center than with the populists."[82]


  1. ^ a b c d e f https://economics.mit.edu/sites/default/files/2022-08/Daron%20Acemoglu%20CV.pdf
  2. ^ "192,209 Authors". opensyllabus.org. Open Syllabus. Archived from the original on 21 September 2022.
  3. ^ "Arşaluys Acemoğlu". Milliyet (in Turkish). 14 May 1985. Archived from the original on 13 October 2017. ...Kevork ve İrma Acemoğulları...Kamer Daron Acemoğlu...
  4. ^ a b Acemoglu, Kamer Daron (1992). Essays in microfoundations of macroeconomics : contracts and macroeconomic performance (Ph.D). British Library Board. Archived from the original on 13 October 2017.
  5. ^ "Աճեմօղլու արաջին դիրքի վրայ". Jamanak (in Armenian). 31 July 2015.
  6. ^ "Տարօն Աճէմօղլու Ստացաւ "Կալաթասարայ" Մրցանակը". Asbarez (in Armenian). 28 June 2012. Archived from the original on 17 September 2017. Retrieved 16 September 2017.
  7. ^ a b c "Curriculum Vitae Daron Acemoglu". economics.mit.edu. Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Archived from the original on 2021-07-28. Retrieved 2017-09-16. (archived)
  8. ^ Sorman, Guy (2013). Economics Does Not Lie: A Defense of the Free Market in a Time of Crisis. Encounter Books. p. 31. ISBN 978-1594032547. ...Daron Acemoğlu, an Armenian from Turkey...
  9. ^ a b "Istanbul-born MIT professor named world's most influential economist". Hürriyet Daily News. 31 July 2015. Archived from the original on 26 September 2021.
  10. ^ "Daron Acemoğlu, dünyanın en önemli 10 iktisatçısından biri". Agos (in Turkish). 28 October 2013. Archived from the original on 8 September 2017.
  11. ^ a b c "Daron Acemoglu Named Most Influential Economist". Armenian Weekly. 7 August 2015. Archived from the original on 8 March 2021.
  12. ^ a b c d Gavin, Robert (15 June 2005). "MIT professor named top economist under 40". The Boston Globe. (archived)
  13. ^ "Daron Acemoğlu kimdir? Kaç yaşında, nereli, mesleği ne? Prof. Dr. Daron Acemoğlu'nun hayatı ve biyografisi!". haberler.com (in Turkish). Archived from the original on 20 August 2021. İlköğrenimini İstanbul Kadıköy'deki Aramyan Uncuyan Ermeni İlkokulu'nda tamamladıktan...
  14. ^ a b Tarjimanyan, Arman (2 April 2015). "Տարոն Աճեմօղլու. "Արտագաղթը սարսափելի վտանգ է Հայաստանի համար"". azatutyun.am (in Armenian). Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (via Voice of America). Archived from the original on 28 December 2019. «Ծնվել ու մեծացել եմ հայկական ընտանիքում, ավարտել Ստամբուլի հայկական տարրական դպրոցը, և, իհարկե, ինձ միշտ հետաքրքրել են տնտեսական, քաղաքական և սոցիալական զարգացումները Հայաստանում», - ասաց պրոֆեսորը։
  15. ^ "Galatasaray Ödülü Daron Acemoğlu'na". Agos (in Turkish). 16 December 2011. Archived from the original on 17 March 2020.
  16. ^ a b c d e "Faculty & Research: Daron Acemoglu". mit.edu. Archived from the original on 9 September 2017.
  17. ^ a b "Daron Kamer Acemoglu". genealogy.ams.org. Mathematics Genealogy Project (Department of Mathematics, North Dakota State University). Archived from the original on 2017-11-08.((cite web)): CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link)
  18. ^ Shimer 2007, p. 191.
  19. ^ Kling, Arnold (3 October 2007), Acemoglu on Growth, Library of Economics and Liberty
  20. ^ a b c d "Daron Acemoglu". BBVA Foundation Frontiers of Knowledge Award. 2016. Archived from the original on 2017-11-04. (, )
  21. ^ Examples of Acemoglu speaking Turkish:
  22. ^ a b "Հայաստանը թեւակոխեց զարգացման նոր փուլ՝ Տարոն Աճեմօղլու [Armenia entered a new stage of development: Daron Acemoglu]" (in Armenian). Voice of America Armenian Service. May 31, 2018. Archived from the original on 4 January 2023. Retrieved 4 January 2023.((cite web)): CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link)
  23. ^ Hardesty, Larry (18 June 2013). "Gaming the System". MIT Technology Review. ...Ozdaglar and her husband, the MIT economist Daron Acemoglu...
  24. ^ "Asuman Ozdaglar". National Bureau of Economic Research.
  25. ^ "Asuman Ozdaglar". Google Scholar. Archived from the original on 2020-10-13. Retrieved 2017-11-10.
  26. ^ "Political Institutions and Comparative Development". nber.org. National Bureau of Economic Research. Archived from the original on 15 September 2017.
  27. ^ a b c d e Willson, Simon (March 2010). "Breacher of the Peace". Finance & Development. 47 (1): 1–4. Archived from the original on 16 October 2017. Alt URL
  28. ^ a b Mallard, Graham (2012). The Economics Companion. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 265. ISBN 9780230356450.
  29. ^ a b c Dizikes, Peter (July 10, 2019). "Daron Acemoglu named Institute Professor". news.mit.edu. MIT News Office. Archived from the original on 11 July 2019.
  30. ^ Bingham, Emma (2 June 2016). "MIT's highest pay goes to administrators, MITIMCo leadership". The Tech. Archived from the original on 17 September 2017.((cite news)): CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link)
  31. ^ "Current Fellows". www.econometricsociety.org. Retrieved 2024-01-23.
  32. ^ "Member Directory | American Academy of Arts and Sciences". www.amacad.org. Retrieved 2024-01-23.
  33. ^ "Member Search". www.nasonline.org. Retrieved 2024-01-23.
  34. ^ "Daron Acemoglu". cifar.ca.
  35. ^ "Daron Acemoglu". nber.org. National Bureau of Economic Research.
  36. ^ "Past Editors and Co-editors of Econometrica". econometricsociety.org. Econometric Society. Archived from the original on 2016-11-30.((cite web)): CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link)
  37. ^ a b c "Daron Acemoglu". Google Scholar.
  38. ^ Shimer 2007, pp. 199–200.
  39. ^ "Daron Acemoglu". cifar.ca. Canadian Institute for Advanced Research.
  40. ^ a b c d Clement, Douglas (27 September 2011). "Interview with Daron Acemoglu". Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis. Archived from the original on 17 September 2017. Retrieved 16 September 2017. (archived)
  41. ^ a b Johnson, Simon (8 March 2012). "The Koch Brothers, the Cato Institute and Why Nations Fail". The New York Times.
  42. ^ Dzionek-Kozłowska, Joanna; Matera, Rafał (October 2015). "New Institutional Economics' Perspective on Wealth and Poverty of Nations. Concise Review and General Remarks on Acemoglu and James A. Robinson's Concept". Annals of the Alexandru Ioan Cuza University – Economics. 62 (1): 11–18. doi:10.1515/aicue-2015-0032.
  43. ^ Keefer, Philip; Knack, Stephen (2005). "Social capital, social norms and the New Institutional Economics". Handbook of New Institutional Economics. pp. 700–725.
  44. ^ "Introductory Reading List: New Institutional Economics". coase.org. Ronald Coase Institute. Archived from the original on 25 December 2019. Retrieved 11 January 2020.
  45. ^ Why Nations Fail, "Acknowledgments", p. 209 "Two people played a particularly significant role in shaping our views and encouraging our research, and we would like to take this opportunity to express our intellectual debt and our sincere gratitude to them: Joel Mokyr, and Ken Sokoloff...
  46. ^ Wilkinson, Will (10 May 2016). "The Great Enrochment and Social Justice". Niskanen Center. Douglass North and his followers, such as Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson...
  47. ^ a b Dewan, Torun; Shepsle, Kenneth A. (July 2008). "Recent Economic Perspectives on Political Economy, Part II". British Journal of Political Science. 38 (3): 543–564. doi:10.1017/S0007123408000276. PMC 3630075. PMID 23606754. ...Seymour Martin Lipset and Barrington Moore, for example, have clearly influenced Acemoglu and Robinson and other contributors to the literature on redistribution...
  48. ^ "Economic Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy". Cambridge University Press.
  49. ^ Wacziarg, Romain (15 September 2006). "Determinants of Democratization". Science. 313 (5793): 1576–1577. doi:10.1126/science.1131936. JSTOR 20031295. S2CID 154213515.
  50. ^ Drazen, Allan (February 2007). "Review: Four Reviews of "Economic Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy"". The Economic Journal. 117 (517): F162–F183. doi:10.1111/j.1468-0297.2007.02031_1.x. JSTOR 4625479.
  51. ^ e.g., p. 143
  52. ^ a b Radelet, Steven (12 October 2012). "Why Nations Fail by Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson". United States Agency for International Development. Archived from the original on 16 September 2017.
  53. ^ p. 150.
  54. ^ "Creating economic wealth: The big why". The Economist.
  55. ^ a b Friedman, Thomas L. (31 March 2012). "Why Nations Fail". The New York Times.
  56. ^ Collier, Paul (11 March 2012). "Why Nations Fail by Daron Acemoğlu and James Robinson – review". The Guardian.
  57. ^ Hunter, Janet (31 August 2012). "Book Review: Why Nations Fail: the Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty by Daron Acemoglu & James A Robinson". London School of Economics.
  58. ^ Bass, Warren (20 April 2012). "Book review: 'Why Nations Fail,' by Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson". The Washington Post.
  59. ^ Crook, Clive (4 April 2012). "'Why Nations Fail' Is Not Quite as Good as They Say". Bloomberg News. Archived from the original on 27 October 2017.((cite news)): CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link)
  60. ^ Sachs, Jeffrey (2012). "Government, Geography, and Growth: The True Drivers of Economic Development". Foreign Affairs. 91 (5): 142–150. JSTOR 41720868.
  61. ^ Gates, Bill (26 February 2013). "Good Ideas, but Missing Analysis". gatesnotes.com. Archived from the original on 17 October 2017.
  62. ^ R.A. (6 March 2013). "Institutions matter, a lot". The Economist.
  63. ^ Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson, The Narrow Corridor: States, Societies, and the Fate of Liberty. New York: Penguin, 2019.
  64. ^ Daron Acemoglu and Simon Johnson, Power and Progress: Our Thousand-Year Struggle Over Technology and Prosperity. New York: PublicAffairs, 2023.
  65. ^ Daron Acemoglu and Simon Johnson, Power and Progress: Our Thousand-Year Struggle Over Technology and Prosperity. New York: PublicAffairs, 2023, Ch. 11.
  66. ^ Acemoglu, Daron (January 2001). "Good Jobs versus Bad Jobs". Journal of Labor Economics. 19 (1): 1–21. CiteSeerX doi:10.1086/209978. JSTOR 10.1086/209978. S2CID 2316641.
  67. ^ Acemoglu, Daron; Pischke, Jörn-Steffen (2003). Minimum Wages and On-the-job Training (PDF). Vol. 22. pp. 159–202. doi:10.1016/S0147-9121(03)22005-7. hdl:1721.1/63851. ISBN 978-0-7623-1026-5. ISSN 0147-9121. ((cite book)): |journal= ignored (help)
  68. ^ Acemoglu, Daron; Naidu, Suresh; Restrepo, Pascual; Robinson, James A. (March 2014). "Democracy Does Cause Growth". NBER Working Paper No. 20004. doi:10.3386/w20004. ((cite journal)): Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  69. ^ Acemoglu, Daron; Naidu, Suresh; Restrepo, Pascual; Robinson, James A. (December 2013). "Democracy, Redistribution and Inequality". NBER Working Paper No. 19746. doi:10.3386/w19746. ((cite journal)): Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  70. ^ Acemoglu, Daron; Aghion, Philippe (2001). "Deunionization, technical change and inequality". Carnegie-Rochester Conference Series on Public Policy. 55: 229–264. doi:10.1016/s0167-2231(01)00058-6. S2CID 17495766. Archived from the original on 2018-08-10. Retrieved 2017-11-24.
  71. ^ Acemoglu, Daron; Robinson, James A. (2013). "Economics versus Politics: Pitfalls of Policy Advice". Journal of Economic Perspectives. 27 (2): 173–192. doi:10.1257/jep.27.2.173. hdl:1721.1/82599. Archived from the original on 2020-01-25. Retrieved 2019-12-01.
  72. ^ a b Acemoglu, Daron; Robinson, James A.; Verdier, Thierry (October 2012). "Can't We All Be More Like Scandinavians? Asymmetric Growth and Institutions in an Interdependent World". National Bureau of Economic Research. doi:10.3386/w18441. ((cite journal)): Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  73. ^ Acemoglu, Daron (20 October 2015). "A Scandinavian U.S. Would Be a Problem for the Global Economy". The New York Times.
  74. ^ "Will everyone be worse off if the United States turns social democratic?". Lane Kenworthy. 2012-09-29. Retrieved 2020-10-17.
  75. ^ Acemoglu, Daron; Johnson, Simon; Robinson, James A. (June 2000). "The Colonial Origins of Comparative Development: An Empirical Investigation". Working Paper Series. National Bureau of Economic Research. doi:10.3386/w7771. Retrieved 12 March 2022. This quote is from a subsequent abstract, appearing before page 1, to their article but NOT in the abstract to their original article. ((cite journal)): Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  76. ^ Acemoglu, Daron; Johnson, Simon; Robinson, James A. (2001). "The Colonial Origins of Comparative Development: An Empirical Investigation". The American Economic Review. 91 (5): 1369–1401. CiteSeerX doi:10.3386/w7771. JSTOR 2677930.
  77. ^ Levitt, Steven D. (20 April 2012). "Acemoglu and Robinson Answer Your Questions". Freakonomics. Archived from the original on 6 November 2017.
  78. ^ Acemoglu, Daron, Simon Johnson, James A. Robinson, and Pierre Yared, "Income and Democracy." American Economic Review 98(3) 2008: 808-42.
  79. ^ Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson, "Non-Modernization: Power–Culture Trajectories and the Dynamics of Political Institutions." Annual Review of Political Science 25(1) 2022: 323-339, p. 324.[1]
  80. ^ McCloskey, Deirdre (January 2015). "It was ideas and ideologies, not interests or institutions, which changed in Northwestern Europe, 1600–1848". Journal of Evolutionary Economics. 25 (1): 57. doi:10.1007/s00191-015-0392-x. S2CID 154238344.
  81. ^ Edsall, Thomas B. (28 January 2014). "Capitalism vs. Democracy". The New York Times.
  82. ^ a b c Keller, Bill (22 December 2013). "Inequality for Dummies". The New York Times.
  83. ^ Abrams, Paul (5 June 2012). "Romney-Ryan's Why Nations Fail Economy vs. Obama's Built to Last Economy". HuffPost.
  84. ^ Acemoglu, Daron; Johnson, Simon (15 August 2017). "It's Time to Found a New Republic". Foreign Policy.
  85. ^ a b "Is democratic socialism the right path for America?". CNN. 28 October 2015. (archived)
  86. ^ a b Acemoglu, Daron (5 January 2009). "The Crisis of 2008: Lessons for and from Economics". Hoover Institution.
  87. ^ Shea, Christopher (24 September 2008). "Anti-bailout economists". The Boston Globe.
  88. ^ a b c Roell, Sophie (December 2011). The best books on Inequality recommended by Daron Acemoglu. ((cite book)): |website= ignored (help)
  89. ^ a b Korones, Sarah (2 April 2012). "Q&A: Daron Acemoglu, economist, on why nations fail". ZDNet. Archived from the original on 13 October 2017.
  90. ^ a b Acemoglu, Daron (18 January 2017). "We Are the Last Defense Against Trump". Foreign Policy. Archived from the original on 8 November 2017. (, )
  91. ^ Acemoglu, Daron; Robinson, James A. (11 March 2012). "The Problem With U.S. Inequality". HuffPost. (cached)
  92. ^ "Over 600 Economists Sign Letter In Support of $10.10 Minimum Wage". Economic Policy Institute. 14 January 2014. Archived from the original on 9 October 2017.
  93. ^ Schiller, Ben (17 February 2017). "Economists Are Not Very Enthusiastic About The Idea Of A Universal Basic Income". Fast Company. Archived from the original on 7 November 2017.
  94. ^ Acemoglu, Daron (June 7, 2019). "Why Universal Basic Income Is a Bad Idea". Project Syndicate.
  95. ^ https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/why-universal-basic-income-is-a-bad-idea-by-daron-acemoglu-2019-06?barrier=accesspaylog
  96. ^ Giridharadas, Anand (26 August 2011). "For Libya, a Light Hand May Be Best". The New York Times.
  97. ^ "Drug Use Policies". Initiative on Global Markets. 12 December 2011.
  98. ^ "A Letter of Support From the Academic Community: Yes on Amendment 64". Colorado Campaign to Regulate Marijuana Like Alcohol. 2012. Archived from the original on March 4, 2013. Retrieved February 28, 2013.
  99. ^ Jiang, Jess (26 February 2016). "Economists On Candidates' Proposals: Mostly Bad". NPR.
  100. ^ a b c Edsall, Thomas B. (April 24, 2019). "Bernie Sanders Scares a Lot of People, and Quite a Few of Them Are Democrats". The New York Times.
  101. ^ Acemoglu, Daron; Robinson, James A. (2015). "The Rise and Decline of General Laws of Capitalism". Journal of Economic Perspectives. 29 (1): 3–28. CiteSeerX doi:10.1257/jep.29.1.3. hdl:1721.1/113636. S2CID 14001669. Archived from the original on 2017-02-13.((cite journal)): CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link)
  102. ^ Sauga, Michael (12 October 2019). "Political Economist Daran Acemoglu: 'Trump Poses a Great Risk to U.S. Democracy'". Der Spiegel.
  103. ^ Freeland, Chrystia (1 March 2012). "Dignity and the Wealth of Nations". The New York Times.
  104. ^ Acemoglu, Daron; Robinson, James A. (2012-03-21). "Will China Rule the World?". HuffPost. Archived from the original on 6 November 2017.
  105. ^ Laidler, John (28 April 2015). "Understanding Turkey". Harvard Gazette. Harvard University. Archived from the original on 15 September 2017.
  106. ^ "Inside Turkey's Economy – Interview with Daron Acemoglu". GEDProject. Bertelsmann Stiftung. 22 August 2016. Archived from the original on 2021-09-24. 11:40 "The overall, sort of, unwillingness to come to grips with this, sort of, multiethnicity has, of course, characterized much of the Republican period."
  107. ^ Freeland, Chrystia (6 June 2013). "The perils of authoritarian overreaction". The Globe and Mail.
  108. ^ Acemoglu, Daron (5 June 2013). "Development Won't Ensure Democracy in Turkey". The New York Times.
  109. ^ Acemoglu, Daron (22 May 2014). "The Failed Autocrat: Despite Erdogan's Ruthlessness, Turkey's Democracy Is Still on Track". Foreign Affairs. (archived)
  110. ^ Erciyes, Cem (December 30, 2019). "How will Turkey enter the 'Narrow Corridor'?". Gazete Duvar.
  111. ^ "Acemoglu's Advice to Armenia – Abolish the Oligarchy". civilnet.am. 24 October 2013. Archived from the original on 17 September 2017.((cite news)): CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link)
  112. ^ Balyan, Varduhi (22 September 2016). "Acemoğlu'ndan Ermenistan ve Diaspora yorumu". Agos (in Turkish). Archived from the original on 16 September 2017. (, )
  113. ^ "Daron Acemoglu: Armenia's Problems Within Its Own Political System". civilnet.am. 10 April 2017. Archived from the original on 17 September 2017.((cite news)): CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link)
  114. ^ Acemoglu, Daron (14 March 2014). "Ukraine's legacy of serial oligopoly". The Globe and Mail.
  115. ^ "Greece". Initiative on Global Markets. 24 February 2015.
  116. ^ Kurtaran, Gokhan (4 August 2015). "EU needs political and economic integration: Acemoglu". Anadolu Agency.
  117. ^ Gürcanlı, Zeynep (30 March 2011). "İlk Ermeni kökenli Türk büyükelçi Paris'e". Hürriyet (in Turkish). Archived from the original on 16 September 2017.
  118. ^ Düven, Alparslan (30 March 2011). "Paris'e Ermeni asıllı Büyükelçi atanacak iddiası" (in Turkish). Doğan News Agency. Archived from the original on 16 September 2017.
  119. ^ Moraitis, Stratos (30 March 2011). "Ethnic Armenian in Turkey rejects diplomatic post". Greek Reporter. Archived from the original on 16 September 2017.
  120. ^ "Armenian Declines Davutoglu Appointment". Asbarez. 30 March 2011.
  121. ^ Kılıçdaroğlu, Kemal (October 11, 2022). "ABD'deki vizyon programımız kapsamında, dünyaca ünlü ekonomist Daron Acemoğlu ile bir araya geldik". Twitter (in Turkish). Archived from the original on 6 December 2022.
  122. ^ "Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, Daron Acemoğlu ile görüştü". Gazete Duvar. 11 October 2022. Archived from the original (tr) on 23 October 2022.
  123. ^ "Turkish main opposition leader unveils new vision to overcome economic crisis: Structural changes needed". duvarenglish.com. Duvar. 3 December 2022. Archived from the original on 4 December 2022.
  124. ^ "Turkish pro-gov't columnist targets economist Acemoğlu, says 'I am his master'". Duvar. December 5, 2022. Archived from the original on 6 December 2022.
  125. ^ "CHP'nin yeni ekonomi danışmanlarından Daron Acemoğlu Ermenistan'ın ekonomik krizini çözememişti". Yeni Şafak (in Turkish). 4 December 2022. Archived from the original on 6 December 2022.
  126. ^ "Հենց նոր հեռախոսազրույց ունեցա հայազգի աշխարհահռչակ տնտեսագետ Դարոն Աճեմօղլուի հետ" (in Armenian). Nikol Pashinyan on Facebook. 13 May 2018. Archived from the original on 2022-02-26.
  127. ^ "Economist Daron Acemoglu to Advise Armenian Government, Says PM Pashinyan". Hetq. 13 May 2018.
  128. ^ "Nikol Pashinyan holds videoconference with Daron Acemoglu". primeminister.am. Prime Minister of Armenia. 11 June 2018.
  129. ^ "We had an interesting discussion with Professor Daron #Acemoglu and entrepreneur Noubar #Afeyan in Boston. The socio-economic situation in Armenia, investments, new jobs, public administration #reform, women empowerment were among the topics discussed". AvinyanTigran on Twitter. July 22, 2019. Archived from the original on 13 April 2022.
  130. ^ Arkun, Aram (August 1, 2019). "Deputy Prime Minister Avinyan Speaks at Armenian Business Network Cambridge Event". Armenian Mirror-Spectator.
  131. ^ "Top 10% Authors (Last 10 Years Publications), as of September 2015". ideas.repec.org. Archived from the original on 5 September 2015.
  132. ^ Davis, William L.; Figgins, Bob; Hedengren, David; Klein, Daniel B. (May 2011). "Economics Professors' Favorite Economic Thinkers, Journals, and Blogs (along with Party and Policy Views)" (PDF). Econ Journal Watch. 8 (2): 139. (archived)
  133. ^ "The FP Top 100 Global Thinkers". Foreign Policy. 23 November 2010. p. 92. JSTOR 29764933
  134. ^ Clark, Tom (January 24, 2024). "Daron Acemoglu: the opportunity economist". Prospect Magazine. Archived from the original on 24 January 2024.
  135. ^ "Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty". Barnes & Noble.
  136. ^ Pilling, David (30 September 2016). "Crash and learn: should we change the way we teach economics?". Financial Times. Archived from the original on 2022-12-11.
  137. ^ Sonin, Konstantin (6 October 2015). "Predictions for the 2015 Nobel Prize". Higher School of Economics. Archived from the original on 20 August 2021. (1) Daron Acemoglu (MIT) and James Robinson (University of Chicago) for their research on the role of institutions in economic development.
  138. ^ Kihara, David (6 October 2016). "NYU accidentally announces one of its professors wins Nobel Prize". Politico. Archived from the original on 20 July 2021. Some other economists who have been touted as possible Nobel winners include William Baumol, William Nordhaus, Esther Duflo and Daron Acemoglu.
  139. ^ "Paul Romer and William Nordhaus – why they won the 2018 'economics Nobel'". The Conversation. October 8, 2018. Archived from the original on 20 August 2021. Other economists followed this line of thinking (Robert Barro, Daron Acemoglu, Philippe Aghion – all prize candidates for a few years now)...
  140. ^ Smith, Noah (October 11, 2019). "Five Economists Whose Work Is Worthy of a Nobel". BloombergQuint. Archived from the original on 20 August 2021. No. 5. Daron Acemoglu
  141. ^ "Clarivate Reveals Citation Laureates 2022 – Annual List of Researchers of Nobel Class". London: Clarivate. September 21, 2022. Archived from the original on 3 October 2022. Economics: Daron Acemoglu [...] For far-reaching analysis of the role of political and economic institutions in shaping national development
  142. ^ Shimer 2007.
  143. ^ "John von Neumann Award". Rajk László College for Advanced Studies. Archived from the original on 2014-12-15. Retrieved 2018-08-12. 2007 Daron Acemoglu (MIT)
  144. ^ Tremmel, Pat Vaughan (16 April 2012). "Nemmers Prizes Announced". northwestern.edu. Archived from the original on 16 June 2021.
  145. ^ "Daron Acemoglu earns the Frontiers of Knowledge award for proving the influence of institutions over economic development". bbva.com. 21 February 2017. Archived from the original on 18 October 2020.
  146. ^ Dizikes, Peter (21 February 2017). "Daron Acemoglu wins BBVA Foundation Frontiers of Knowledge Award". news.mit.edu. MIT News Office. Archived from the original on 5 June 2021.
  147. ^ "Daron Acemoglu talk & prize". Toulouse School of Economics. 3 October 2018.
  148. ^ "2018 Jean-Jacques Laffont prize". jjlaffont.org. L’Association Jean-Jacques Laffont.
  149. ^ "The Narrow Corridor to Liberty: Daron Acemoglu". civilnet.am. 16 February 2019. Archived from the original on 11 July 2019.
  150. ^ "Professor Daron Acemoglu FBA". thebritishacademy.ac.uk. British Academy. Archived from the original on 23 November 2021.
  151. ^ "2013 'Presidential Culture and Arts Grand Awards' conferred". Anadolu Agency. 24 December 2013.
  152. ^ "Bilkent Honorary Doctorate Conferred Upon Daron Acemoğlu". bilkent.edu.tr. 7 September 2015. Archived from the original on 19 September 2018. Retrieved 16 September 2017.
  153. ^ "Professor Daron Acemoglu – Honorary Degree, Public Lecture and Workshop". bath.ac.uk. 21 March 2017.
  154. ^ "Daron Acemoglu". carnegie.org. Carnegie Corporation of New York. Archived from the original on 20 March 2019.