The Twenty-fifth Amendment (Amendment XXV) to the United States Constitution deals with presidential succession and disability.

It clarifies that the vice president becomes president if the president dies, resigns, or is removed from office through impeachment, and establishes how a vacancy in the office of the vice president can be filled. It also provides for the temporary transfer of the president's powers and duties to the vice president, either on the initiative of the president alone or on the initiative of the vice president together with a majority of the president's cabinet. In either case, the vice president becomes acting president until the presidential powers and duties are returned to the president.

The amendment was submitted to the states on July 6, 1965, by the 89th Congress, and was adopted on February 10, 1967, the day that the requisite number of states (38) had ratified it.[1]

Text and effect

Section 1: Presidential succession

Further information: United States presidential line of succession

Section 1. In case of the removal of the President from office or of his death or resignation, the Vice President shall become President.

Section 1 clarifies that in the enumerated situations the vice president becomes president, instead of merely assuming the powers and duties of the presidency as acting president.[2] It operates automatically, without needing to be explicitly invoked.[3]: 108 

Section 2: Vice presidential vacancy

Further information: Vice President of the United States § Vacancies

Section 2. Whenever there is a vacancy in the office of the Vice President, the President shall nominate a Vice President who shall take office upon confirmation by a majority vote of both Houses of Congress.

Section 2 provides a mechanism for filling a vacancy in the vice presidency. Before the Twenty-fifth Amendment, a vice presidential vacancy continued until a new vice president took office at the start of the next presidential term; the vice presidency had become vacant several times due to death, resignation, or succession to the presidency, and these vacancies had often lasted several years.[2]

Section 3: President's declaration of inability

Section 3. Whenever the President transmits to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives his written declaration that he is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office, and until he transmits to them a written declaration to the contrary, such powers and duties shall be discharged by the Vice President as Acting President.

Section 3 allows for the voluntary transfer of presidential authority to the vice president (for example, in anticipation of a medical procedure) by the president declaring in writing to be unable to discharge the powers and duties of the presidency. The vice president then assumes those powers and duties as acting president;[note 1] the vice president does not become president and the president remains in office, although without authority. The president regains those powers and duties upon declaring, in writing, to be again able to discharge them.[3]: 112-3 

Section 4: Declaration by vice president and cabinet members of president's inability

Section 4. Whenever the Vice President and a majority of either the principal officers of the executive departments or of such other body as Congress may by law provide, transmit to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives their written declaration that the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office, the Vice President shall immediately assume the powers and duties of the office as Acting President.

Thereafter, when the President transmits to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives his written declaration that no inability exists, he shall resume the powers and duties of his office unless the Vice President and a majority of either the principal officers of the executive department [sic][note 2][7] or of such other body as Congress may by law provide, transmit within four days to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives their written declaration that the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office. Thereupon Congress shall decide the issue, assembling within forty-eight hours for that purpose if not in session. If the Congress, within twenty-one days after receipt of the latter written declaration, or, if Congress is not in session, within twenty-one days after Congress is required to assemble, determines by two-thirds vote of both Houses that the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office, the Vice President shall continue to discharge the same as Acting President; otherwise, the President shall resume the powers and duties of his office.

Section 4 addresses the case of a president who is unable to discharge the powers and duties of the presidency but cannot, or does not, execute the voluntary declaration contemplated by Section 3.[3]: 117  It allows the vice president, together with a "majority of either the principal officers of the executive departments or of such other body as Congress may by law provide",[note 3] to issue a written declaration that the president is unable to discharge his duties. Immediately upon such a declaration being sent to Congress, the vice president becomes acting president[note 4] while (as with Section 3) the president remains in office, albeit temporarily divested of authority.[9]

John Feerick, the principal draftsman of the amendment,[3]: xii,xx [4]: 5 [10] writes that Congress deliberately left the terms unable and inability undefined "since cases of inability could take various forms not neatly fitting into [a rigid] definition ... The debates surrounding the Twenty-fifth Amendment indicate that [those terms] are intended to cover all cases in which some condition or circumstance prevents the President from discharging his powers and duties ..." [3]: 112  A survey of scholarship on the amendment found

no specific threshold – medical or otherwise – for the "inability" contemplated in Section 4. The framers specifically rejected any definition of the term, prioritizing flexibility. Those implementing Section 4 should focus on whether – in an objective sense taking all of the circumstances into account – the President is "unable to discharge the powers and duties" of the office. The amendment does not require that any particular type or amount of evidence be submitted to determine that the President is unable to perform his duties. While the framers did imagine that medical evidence would be helpful to the determination of whether the President is unable, neither medical expertise nor diagnosis is required for a determination of inability ... To be sure, foremost in [the minds of the framers] was a physical or mental impairment. But the text of Section 4 sets forth a flexible standard intentionally designed to apply to a wide variety of unforeseen emergencies.[4]: 7,20 

Among potential examples of such unforeseen emergencies, legal scholars have listed kidnapping of the president and "political emergencies" such as impeachment. Traits such as unpopularity, incompetence, impeachable conduct, poor judgment, or laziness might not in and of themselves constitute inability, but should such traits "rise to a level where they prevented the President from carrying out his or her constitutional duties, they still might constitute an inability, even in the absence of a formal medical diagnosis." In addition, a president who already manifested disabling traits at the time he or she was elected is not thereby immunized from a declaration of inability.[4]: 21n63,22n67 

The "principal officers of the executive department[s]" are the fifteen Cabinet members enumerated in the United States Code at 5 U.S.C. § 101:[11][12]

Acting secretaries can participate in issuing the declaration.[3]: 117-8 [4]: 13 

If the president subsequently issues a declaration claiming to be able, then a four-day period begins during which the vice president remains acting president.[3]: 118-9 [4]: 38n137  If by the end of this period the vice president and a majority of the "principal officers" have not issued a second declaration of the president's inability, then the president resumes his powers and duties; but if they do issue a second declaration within the four days, then the vice president remains acting president while Congress considers the matter. Then if within 21 days the Senate and the House determine, each by a two-thirds vote, that the president is unable, then the vice president continues as acting president; otherwise the president resumes his powers and duties.[note 5]

Section 4's requirement of a two-thirds vote of the House and a two-thirds vote of the Senate is more strict than the Constitution's requirement for impeachment and removal of the president for "high crimes and misdemeanors" – a majority of the House followed by two-thirds of the Senate.[3]: 120n [14][15][16] In addition, an impeached president retains his authority unless and until the Senate votes to remove him or her at the end of an impeachment trial; in contrast, should Congress be called upon to decide the question of the president's ability or inability under Section 4, presidential authority remains in the hands of the vice president (as acting president) unless and until the question is resolved in the president's favor.[3]: 118–20 

Historical background

Article II, Section 1, Clause 6 of the Constitution reads:

In Case of the Removal of the President from Office, or of his Death, Resignation, or Inability to discharge the Powers and Duties of the said Office, the Same shall devolve on the Vice President ...

This provision is ambiguous as to whether, in the enumerated circumstances, the vice president becomes the president, or merely assumes the "powers and duties" of the presidency. It also fails to define what constitutes inability, or how questions concerning inability are to be resolved.[17] The Twenty-fifth Amendment addressed these deficiencies.[2] The ambiguities in Article II, Section 1, Clause 6 of the Constitution regarding death, resignation, removal, or disability of the president created difficulties several times:

On the death of William Henry Harrison, John Tyler (pictured) became the first vice president to succeed to the presidency.

The 1951 novel The Caine Mutiny and its 1954 film version influenced the drafters of the amendment. John D. Feerick told The Washington Post in 2018 that the film was a "live depiction" of the type of crisis that could arise "if a president ever faced questions about physical or mental inabilities but disagreed completely with the judgment", which was not dealt with in the Constitution. Lawmakers and lawyers drafting the amendment wanted no such "Article 184 situation" as depicted in the film, in which the Vice President of the U.S. or others could topple the President by merely saying that the President was "disabled".[25]

Proposal, enactment, and ratification

Keating–Kefauver proposal

In 1963, Senator Kenneth Keating of New York proposed a Constitutional amendment which would have enabled Congress to enact legislation providing for how to determine when a president is unable to discharge the powers and duties of the presidency, rather than, as the Twenty-fifth Amendment does, having the Constitution so provide.[26]: 345  This proposal was based upon a recommendation of the American Bar Association in 1960.[26]: 27 

The text of the proposal read:[26]: 350 

In case of the removal of the President from office or of his death or resignation, the said office shall devolve on the Vice President. In case of the inability of the President to discharge the powers and duties of the said office, the said powers and duties shall devolve on the Vice President, until the inability be removed. The Congress may by law provide for the case of removal, death, resignation or inability, both of the President and Vice President, declaring what officer shall then be President, or, in case of inability, act as President, and such officer shall be or act as President accordingly, until a President shall be elected or, in case of inability, until the inability shall be earlier removed. The commencement and termination of any inability shall be determined by such method as Congress shall by law provide.

Senators raised concerns that the Congress could either abuse such authority,[26]: 30  or neglect to enact any such legislation after the adoption of this proposal.[26]: 34–35  Tennessee senator Estes Kefauver, the Chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee's Subcommittee on Constitutional Amendments, a long-time advocate for addressing the disability question, spearheaded the effort until he died in August 1963.[26]: 28  Senator Keating was defeated in the 1964 election, but Senator Roman Hruska of Nebraska took up Keating's cause as a new member of the Subcommittee on Constitutional Amendments.[24]

Kennedy assassination

By the 1960s, medical advances had made it increasingly plausible that an injured or ill president might live a long time while incapacitated. The assassination of John F. Kennedy in 1963 underscored the need for a clear procedure for determining presidential disability,[27] particularly since the new president, Lyndon Johnson, had once suffered a heart attack[28] and – with the office of vice president to remain vacant until the next term began on January 20, 1965 – the next two people in the line of succession were the 71-year-old Speaker of the House John McCormack[27] and the 86-year-old Senate President Pro Tempore Carl Hayden.[27][29] Senator Birch Bayh succeeded Kefauver as chairman of the Subcommittee on Constitutional Amendments and set about advocating for a detailed amendment dealing with presidential disability.[27]

Bayh–Celler proposal

The Twenty-fifth Amendment in the National Archives
Page 1
Page 2

On January 6, 1965, Senator Birch Bayh proposed S.J. Res. 1 in the Senate and Representative Emanuel Celler (Chairman of the House Judiciary Committee) proposed H.J. Res. 1 in the House of Representatives. Their proposal specified the process by which a president could be declared "unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office", thereby making the vice president an acting president, and how the president could regain the powers of their office. Also, their proposal provided a way to fill a vacancy in the office of vice president before the next presidential election. This was as opposed to the Keating–Kefauver proposal, which neither provided for filling a vacancy in the office of vice president prior to the next presidential election, nor provided a process for determining presidential disability. In 1964, the American Bar Association endorsed the type of proposal which Bayh and Celler advocated.[26]: 348–350  On January 28, 1965, President Johnson endorsed S.J. Res. 1 in a statement to Congress.[24] Their proposal received bipartisan support.[5]: 6 

On February 19, the Senate passed the amendment, but the House passed a different version of the amendment on April 13. On April 22 it was returned to the Senate with revisions.[24] There were four areas of disagreement between the House and Senate versions:

On July 6, after a conference committee ironed out differences between the versions,[30] the final version of the amendment was passed by both Houses of the Congress and presented to the states for ratification.[26]: 354–358 


Nebraska was the first state to ratify, on July 12, 1965, and ratification became complete when Nevada became the 38th state to ratify, on February 10, 1967.[note 6]

When President Lyndon B. Johnson underwent planned surgery in 1965, he was unable to temporarily transfer power to Vice President Hubert H. Humphrey because ratification remained incomplete. On February 23, 1967, at the White House ceremony certifying the ratification, Johnson said:

It was 180 years ago, in the closing days of the Constitutional Convention, that the Founding Fathers debated the question of Presidential disability. John Dickinson of Delaware asked this question: "What is the extent of the term 'disability' and who is to be the judge of it?" No one replied. It is hard to believe that until last week our Constitution provided no clear answer. Now, at last, the 25th amendment clarifies the crucial clause that provides for succession to the Presidency and for filling a Vice Presidential vacancy.[33]

Invocations and considered invocations

Sections 1 and 2: Richard Nixon, Gerald Ford, Nelson Rockefeller

Further information: 1973 United States vice presidential confirmation and 1974 United States vice presidential confirmation

On October 10, 1973, Vice President Spiro Agnew resigned; two days later President Richard Nixon nominated Representative Gerald Ford to replace Agnew as new vice president pursuant to Section 2. Ford was confirmed by the Senate and the House on November 27 and December 6 respectively, and sworn in December 6.[34]

On August 9, 1974 Nixon resigned and Ford became president under Section 1; Ford is the only president to have never been elected to either the presidency or the vice presidency.[35] The office of vice president was thus again vacant, and on August 20 President Ford nominated former New York governor Nelson Rockefeller.[3]: 167–169  Rockefeller was confirmed by the Senate and the House on December 10 and 19 respectively, and sworn in December 19.[3]: 186–187 

Feerick writes that the Twenty-fifth Amendment helped pave the way for Nixon's resignation during the Watergate scandal. Nixon and Agnew were Republicans, and in the months immediately following Agnew's resignation, with the vice presidency empty, removal or resignation of Nixon would have transferred the presidential powers to House Speaker Carl Albert, a Democrat. But once Ford (a Republican) became vice president under Section 2, removal of Nixon became more palatable because it would, now, not result in a change in the party holding the presidency, and therefore "the momentum for exposing the truth about Nixon's involvement in Watergate increased." [3]: 158 

Section 3

Further information: Acting president of the United States

On December 22, 1978, President Jimmy Carter considered invoking Section 3 in advance of hemorrhoid surgery.[36] Since then, presidents Ronald Reagan, George H. W. Bush, Bill Clinton, Barack Obama, and Donald Trump also contemplated invoking Section 3 at various times without doing so.[37] Trump, according to Stephanie Grisham, underwent a colonoscopy without anesthesia in November 2019, likely in order to avoid having to invoke Section 3.[38]

1985: George H. W. Bush

On July 12, 1985, President Ronald Reagan underwent a colonoscopy and was diagnosed with bowel cancer. He elected to have the lesion removed immediately,[39] and consulted with White House counsel Fred Fielding about whether to invoke Section 3, and in particular about whether doing so would set an undesirable precedent. Fielding and White House Chief of Staff Donald Regan recommended that Reagan transfer power, and two letters were drafted: one specifically invoking Section 3, the other mentioning only that Reagan was mindful of its provisions. On July 13, Reagan signed the second letter[40] before being placed under general anesthesia for a colectomy,[41] and Vice President George H. W. Bush was acting president from 11:28 a.m. until 7:22 p.m., when Reagan transmitted a letter declaring himself able to resume his duties.[42]

In the Fordham Law Review, commentator John Feerick asserted that although Reagan disclaimed any use of the Twenty-fifth Amendment in his letter (likely out of "fear of the reaction of the country and the world to a 'President' who admitted to being disabled, and concern ... [over] set[ting] a harmful precedent"), he followed the process set forth in Section 3. Furthermore, Feerick noted that "no constitutional provision except the Twenty-Fifth Amendment would have allowed" him to designate the vice president as acting president. Reagan later stated in a memoir that he had, in fact, invoked the Twenty-fifth Amendment.[43]

2002 and 2007: Dick Cheney

On June 29, 2002, President George W. Bush explicitly invoked Section 3 in temporarily transferring his powers to Vice President Dick Cheney before undergoing a colonoscopy, which began at 7:09 a.m. Bush awoke about forty minutes later, but did not resume his presidential powers until 9:24 a.m. to ensure any aftereffects had cleared.[40][44] According to his staff, Vice President Cheney (as acting president) held his regular national security and homeland security meetings with aides at the White House, but made no appearances and took no recorded actions while being acting president.[44]

On July 21, 2007, Bush again invoked Section 3 before another colonoscopy. Cheney was acting president from 7:16 a.m. until 9:21 a.m.[40] During that time, Vice President Cheney remained at home.[45] This 2007 invocation and the 2002 invocation received relatively little attention in the press overall.[45]

In the view of commentator Adam Gustafson, George W. Bush's unambiguous application of Section 3 "rectified" President Reagan's "ambivalent invocation" and provided an example of a "smooth and temporary transition" under Section 3 that paved the way for future applications. The two invocations established the reasonableness of invocation for relatively minor inabilities, promoting continuity in the Executive Branch.[45]

2021: Kamala Harris

On November 19, 2021, President Joe Biden temporarily transferred his powers and duties to Vice President Kamala Harris before undergoing a colonoscopy, making her acting president from 10:10 a.m. until 11:35 a.m.[46][47] Harris is the first woman to hold the powers and duties of the U.S. presidency.[48][49]

Section 4

Section 4 has never been invoked, though on several occasions its use was considered.

1981: Reagan assassination attempt

See also: Attempted assassination of Ronald Reagan

Draft Section 3 letter prepared (though never signed) after Ronald Reagan was shot on March 30, 1981
Draft Section 4 letter prepared (though never signed) after Ronald Reagan was shot on March 30, 1981

Following the attempted assassination of Ronald Reagan on March 30, 1981, Vice President George H. W. Bush did not assume the presidential powers and duties as acting president. Reagan had been rushed into surgery with no opportunity to invoke Section 3; Bush did not invoke Section 4 because he was on a plane at the time of the shooting, and Reagan was out of surgery by the time Bush landed in Washington.[50] In 1995, Birch Bayh, the primary sponsor of the amendment in the Senate, wrote that Section 4 should have been invoked.[51] Physician to the President Daniel Ruge, who supervised Reagan's treatment immediately after the shooting, said he had erred by not having Reagan invoke Section 3 because the president needed general anesthesia and was in an intensive care unit.[52]

1987: Reagan's possible incapacity

From the end of the 1980s onwards, Reagan's political opponents alleged that he showed signs of dementia.[53] According to Reagan biographer Edmund Morris, staffers to White House chief of staff Howard Baker intended to use their first meeting with Reagan in 1987 to evaluate whether he was "losing his mental grip". However, Reagan "came in stimulated by the press of all these new people and performed splendidly".[54][55][56]

Reagan was diagnosed with Alzheimer's disease in 1994, five years after leaving office.[57] The president told neurosurgeon Daniel Ruge, according to Ruge in 1980, that he expected doctors to test his memory, and promised to resign if it deteriorated. After the 1994 diagnosis, Ruge said he never found any sign of Alzheimer's while talking to him almost every day from 1981 to 1985.[52]

2017: Trump fires James Comey

See also: Dismissal of James Comey

After President Donald Trump dismissed FBI director James Comey in May 2017, acting FBI director Andrew McCabe claimed that Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein held high-level discussions within the Justice Department about approaching Vice President Mike Pence and the Cabinet about possibly invoking Section 4.[58] Miles Taylor, who anonymously authored "I Am Part of the Resistance Inside the Trump Administration" and A Warning, also wrote that he and other aides considered approaching Pence to invoke the Twenty-fifth Amendment.[59] A spokesperson later said that Rosenstein denied pursuing the Twenty-fifth Amendment, and Pence strongly denied considering invoking Section 4.[59][60] On March 15, 2019, Senator Lindsey Graham stated the Senate Judiciary Committee would investigate the discussions and seek related documents.[61]

2021: Trump and the Capitol attack

See also: Second impeachment of Donald Trump

After the January 6 United States Capitol attack, President Trump was accused of having incited the incident,[62][63][64] leading to several calls for Section 4 to be invoked. Proponents included Representatives Ted Lieu and Charlie Crist, former Defense Secretary William Cohen, and the National Association of Manufacturers (which asked Vice President Pence to "seriously consider" invoking the amendment).[65] By evening, some of Trump's Cabinet members were also reportedly considering invoking Section 4.[66] In a New York magazine article, law professor Paul Campos also supported using Section 4 "immediately" and "for the good of the nation."[67] On January 7, incoming Senate majority leader Chuck Schumer and Speaker of the House of Representatives Nancy Pelosi also called for Section 4 to be invoked.[68][69] Ultimately, no action was taken to invoke Section 4.

See also


  1. ^ As acting president, the vice president may employ "all the powers and tools of the office of the president", taking actions such as moving troops, reporting on the state of the Union, proposing budgets, nominating judges, and removing cabinet secretaries.[4]: 44  But it is unclear whether the vice president, while acting president, retains all the powers and duties of the vice presidency; for example, authorities express reservation as to whether the vice president would continue to preside over the Senate, especially since doing so could put him or her in the position of overseeing the Senate's deliberations on the validity of his or her determination, under Section 4, that the president is unable to discharge his or her duties.[3]: 44n155  Article I, Section 3, clause 5 of the Constitution provides that, "The Senate shall chuse their other Officers, and also a President pro tempore, in the Absence of the Vice President, or when he shall exercise the Office of President of the United States." [5]: 3 
  2. ^ Here the word department should read departments. Feerick has written that on the very day the Senate was to vote on the amendment, "I noticed a scrivener's error in the draft of the conference report. When I reached Senator Bayh's staff by telephone, possibly on July 6, with my observation, I was told that the amendment had just been approved that day by the Senate, 68 to 5, and was on its way to the states for ratification. In other words, the amendment was beyond rescue for correction." [6]: 1101 
  3. ^ No such "other body" has ever been designated,[3]: 120  though there have been proposals.[8] Congress's discretion in designating such a body and how it would deliberate is "vast" – it could even designate itself[4]: 16  – but any designating act would be subject to presidential veto (which in turn can be overridden by two-thirds of both the House and Senate) just like any other statute.[4]: 14  Should such a body be created, it would become the only body capable of acting in concert with the vice president under Section 4; the fifteen cabinet officers would no longer have a role.[4]: 14-15  However, the vice president's participation is essential, and vacancy in the vice presidency rules out invocation of Section 4.[3]: 121 
  4. ^ The transfer of power to the vice president occurs at the moment the declaration is sent to the Speaker and President pro tempore, not at the moment of receipt,[4]: 39 [3]: 118  whether or not Congress is in session at the time of transmittal is immaterial.[3]: 118 
  5. ^ If Congress is in session when it receives the second declaration of incapacity, the 21 days begins at that point; otherwise they begin at the end of the 48 hours given for Congress to assemble. The president resumes his powers and duties when either the Senate or the House holds a vote on the question which falls short of the two-thirds requirement, or the 21 days pass without both votes having been taken.[4]: 52 [13]
  6. ^ The states ratified as follows:[31]
    1. Nebraska (July 12, 1965)
    2. Wisconsin (July 13, 1965)
    3. Oklahoma (July 16, 1965)
    4. Massachusetts (August 9, 1965)
    5. Pennsylvania (August 18, 1965)
    6. Kentucky (September 15, 1965)
    7. Arizona (September 22, 1965)
    8. Michigan (October 5, 1965)
    9. Indiana (October 20, 1965)
    10. California (October 21, 1965)
    11. Arkansas (November 4, 1965)
    12. New Jersey (November 29, 1965)
    13. Delaware (December 7, 1965)
    14. Utah (January 17, 1966)
    15. West Virginia (January 20, 1966)
    16. Maine (January 24, 1966)
    17. Rhode Island (January 28, 1966)
    18. Colorado (February 3, 1966)
    19. New Mexico (February 3, 1966)
    20. Kansas (February 8, 1966)
    21. Vermont (February 10, 1966)
    22. Alaska (February 18, 1966)
    23. Idaho (March 2, 1966)
    24. Hawaii (March 3, 1966)
    25. Virginia (March 8, 1966)
    26. Mississippi (March 10, 1966)
    27. New York (March 14, 1966)
    28. Maryland (March 23, 1966)
    29. Missouri (March 30, 1966)
    30. New Hampshire (June 13, 1966)
    31. Louisiana (July 5, 1966)
    32. Tennessee (January 12, 1967)
    33. Wyoming (January 25, 1967)
    34. Washington (January 26, 1967)
    35. Iowa (January 26, 1967)
    36. Oregon (February 2, 1967)
    37. Minnesota (February 10, 1967)
    38. Nevada (February 10, 1967, at which point ratification was complete)[32]
    39. Connecticut (February 14, 1967)
    40. Montana (February 15, 1967)
    41. South Dakota (March 6, 1967)
    42. Ohio (March 7, 1967)
    43. Alabama (March 14, 1967)
    44. North Carolina (March 22, 1967)
    45. Illinois (March 22, 1967)
    46. Texas (April 25, 1967)
    47. Florida (May 25, 1967)

    The following states have not ratified:

    1. Georgia
    2. North Dakota
    3. South Carolina


  1. ^ Mount, Steve. "Ratification of Constitutional Amendments". Archived from the original on April 23, 2018. Retrieved July 20, 2018.
  2. ^ a b c "Interpretation: The Twenty-Fifth Amendment | The National Constitution Center".
  3. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s Feerick, John D. (2014). The Twenty-Fifth Amendment: Its Complete History and Applications. Fordham University Press. ISBN 978-0-8232-5201-5.
  4. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l Yale Law School Rule of Law Clinic (2018). The Twenty-Fifth Amendment to the United States Constitution: A Reader's Guide (PDF).
  5. ^ a b "Presidential Disability: An Overview" (PDF). Congressional Research Service. July 12, 1999. p. 6. Retrieved January 27, 2017.
  6. ^ Feerick, John D. (2017). "The Twenty-Fifth Amendment: A Personal Remembrance". Fordham Law Review. Vol. 86, no. 3. pp. 1075–1110.
  7. ^ Bayh, Birch and Constitutional Amendments Subcommittee; Committee on the Judiciary. Senate. United States., "Selected Materials on the Twenty-Fifth Amendment, Senate Document No. 93-42." (1973). Congressional Materials. 17.
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  11. ^ "Operation of the Twenty-Fifth Amendment Respecting Presidential Succession" (PDF). United States Department Of Justice.
  12. ^ Prokop, Andrew (January 2, 2018). "The 25th Amendment, explained: how a president can be declared unfit to serve". Vox. Archived from the original on June 6, 2017. Retrieved August 9, 2018.
  13. ^ Kalt, Brian C. (2012). Constitutional cliffhangers: a legal guide for presidents and their enemies. New Haven, CN: Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-12351-7. OCLC 842262440.
  14. ^ United States Constitution, Article I, Section 3, Clauses 6 and 7.
  15. ^ "The 25th Amendment: The Difficult Process to Remove a President". The New York Times. September 6, 2018.
  16. ^ Neale, Thomas H. (November 5, 2018). Presidential Disability Under the Twenty-Fifth Amendment: Constitutional Provisions and Perspectives for Congress (PDF). Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service. Retrieved November 11, 2018.
  17. ^ Feerick, John. "Essays on Article II: Presidential Succession". The Heritage Guide to the Constitution. The Heritage Foundation. Archived from the original on August 22, 2020. Retrieved June 12, 2018.
  18. ^ Chitwood, Oliver. John Tyler: Champion of the Old South. American Political Biography Press, 1990, p. 206
  19. ^ "John Tyler". The White House. White House Historical Association. Retrieved January 22, 2018.
  20. ^ "John Tyler, Tenth Vice President (1841)". Retrieved April 29, 2009.
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  23. ^ Amar, Akhil Reed; Amar, Vikram David (November 1995). "Is the Presidential Succession Law Constitutional?". Stanford Law Review R. 48 (1): 113–139. doi:10.2307/1229151. ISSN 0038-9765.
  24. ^ a b c d e "25th Constitutional Amendment". The Great Society Congress. Association of Centers for the Study of Congress. Archived from the original on April 20, 2016. Retrieved April 6, 2016.
  25. ^ Flynn, Meagan (September 10, 2018). "How 'The Caine Mutiny' and the paranoid Capt. Queeg influenced the 25th Amendment's drafters, making it harder to sideline a president". The Washington Post. Retrieved March 22, 2019.
  26. ^ a b c d e f g h Bayh, Birch (1968). One Heartbeat Away. ISBN 978-0-672-51160-8.
  27. ^ a b c d How JFK's assassination led to a constitutional amendment Archived January 6, 2014, at the Wayback Machine, National Constitution Center, Accessed January 6, 2013
  28. ^ What is the 25th Amendment and When Has It Been Invoked? History News Network, Accessed January 6, 2013
  29. ^ Presidential Succession During the Johnson Administration Archived January 3, 2014, at the Wayback Machine LBJ Library, Accessed January 6, 2014
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