Dallas was born in Philadelphia on July 10, 1792, to Alexander James Dallas and Arabella Maria Smith Dallas.[2] His father, of Scottish descent[3], born in Kingston, Jamaica, to Dr. Robert Dallas and educated in Edinburgh, was the Secretary of the Treasury under United States PresidentJames Madison, and was also briefly the Secretary of War.[2] Dr Dallas left Jamaica in 1764, having mortgaged his estate, Dallas Castle, and put it in a trust. This property included 900 acres and 91 slaves.[4][5] George Dallas was given his middle name after Thomas Mifflin, another politician who was good friends with his father.[6]
His mother Arabella Smith was English, born in England.[7]
Dallas was the second of six children,[2] another of whom, Alexander, would become the commander of Pensacola Navy Yard. During Dallas's childhood, the family lived in a mansion on Fourth Street, with a second home in the countryside, situated on the Schuylkill River. He was educated privately at Quaker-run preparatory schools, before studying at the College of New Jersey (now Princeton University), from which he graduated with highest honors in 1810.[6] While at College, he participated in several activities, including the American Whig–Cliosophic Society.[8] Afterwards, he studied law in his father's office, and he was admitted to the bar in 1813.[2]
As a new graduate, Dallas had little enthusiasm for legal practice; he wanted to fight in the War of 1812, a plan that he dropped due to his father's objection.[2] Just after this, Dallas accepted an offer to be the private secretary of Albert Gallatin, and he went to Russia with Gallatin who was sent there to try to secure its aid in peace negotiations between Great Britain and the United States.[2] Dallas enjoyed the opportunities offered to him by being in Russia, but after six months there he was ordered to go to London to determine whether the War of 1812 could be resolved diplomatically.[2] In August 1814, he arrived in Washington, D.C., and delivered a preliminary draft of Britain's peace terms.[2] There, he was appointed by James Madison to become the remitter of the treasury, which is considered a "convenient arrangement" because Dallas's father was serving at the time as that department's secretary.[2] Since the job did not entail a large workload, Dallas found time to develop his grasp of politics, his major vocational interest.[2] He later became the counsel to the Second Bank of the United States.[2] In 1817, Dallas's father died, ending Dallas's plan for a family law practice, and he stopped working for the Second Bank of the United States and became the deputy attorney general of Philadelphia, a position he held until 1820.[2]
Political career
Polk/Dallas campaign poster
After the War of 1812, Pennsylvania's political climate was chaotic, with two factions in that state's Democratic party vying for control.[2] One, the Philadelphia-based "Family party", was led by Dallas, and it espoused the beliefs that the Constitution of the United States was supreme, that an energetic national government should exist that would implement protective tariffs, a powerful central banking system, and undertake internal improvements to the country in order to facilitate national commerce.[2] The other faction was called the "Amalgamators", headed by the future President James Buchanan.[2]
Voters elected Dallas mayor of Philadelphia as the candidate of the Family party, after the party had gained control of the city councils.[2] However, he quickly grew bored of that post, and became the United States attorney for the eastern district of Pennsylvania in 1829, a position his father had held from 1801 to 1814, and continued in that role until 1831.[2] In December of that year, he won a five-man, eleven-ballot contest in the state legislature, that enabled him to become the Senator from Pennsylvania in order to complete the unexpired term[2] of the previous senator who had resigned.[9]
Dallas served less than fifteen months—from 13 December 1831 to 3 March 1833. He was chairman of the Committee on Naval Affairs. Dallas declined to seek re-election, in part due to a fight over the Second Bank of the United States, and in part because his wife did not want to leave Philadelphia for Washington.[10]
Dallas resumed the practice of law, was attorney general of Pennsylvania from 1833 to 1835, was initiated to the Scottish Rite Freemasonry at the FranklinLodge #134, Pennsylvania,[11][12] and served as the Grand Master of Freemasons in Pennsylvania in 1835.[13] He was appointed by President Martin Van Buren as Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to Russia from 1837 to 1839, when he was recalled at his own request. Dallas was offered the role of Attorney General, but declined, and resumed his legal practice.[10] In the lead-up to the 1844 presidential election, Dallas worked to help Van Buren win the Democratic nomination over Dallas's fellow Pennsylvanian, James Buchanan.[10]
Vice presidency (1845–1849)
At the May 1844 Democratic National Convention in Baltimore, James K. Polk and Silas Wright were nominated as the Democratic ticket. However, Wright declined the nomination, and the delegates chose Dallas as his replacement. Dallas, who was not at the convention, was awakened at his home by convention delegates who had traveled to Philadelphia to tell him the news. Dallas somewhat reluctantly accepted the nomination. The Democratic candidates won the popular vote by a margin of 1.5%, and won the election with an electoral vote of 170 out of 275.[10]
During his time as vice president, Dallas was committed to advancing two major objectives: tariff reduction and territorial expansion. He had traditionally supported the protectionist tariff policy that his state's coal and iron interests demanded, but he agreed to do anything necessary to realize the goal of tariff reduction. Dallas equated the vice president's constitutional power to break tied votes in the Senate with the president's constitutional power to veto acts of Congress. At the end of his vice-presidential term, Dallas said he had cast thirty tie-breaking votes during his four years in office. However, he sought to avoid having to exercise his singular constitutional prerogative on the tariff issue, actively lobbying senators during the debate over Treasury Secretary Walker's tariff bill in the summer of 1846. Despite his efforts, the Senate completed its voting on the Walker Tariff with a 27-to-27 tie, and Dallas cast the tie-breaking vote in favor of the tariff on July 28, 1846.
Dallas rationalized that he had studied the distribution of Senate support and concluded that backing for the measure came from all regions of the country. Additionally, the measure had overwhelmingly passed the House of Representatives, a body closer to public sentiment. While his action earned Dallas the respect of the president and certain party leaders—and possible votes in 1848 from the southern and western states that supported low tariffs—it effectively demolished his home state political base, ending any serious prospects for future elective office.
Dallas was influential as the presiding officer of the Senate, where he worked to support Polk's agenda and cast several tie-breaking votes. He called for the annexation of all of the Oregon Territory and all of Mexico during the Mexican–American War, but was satisfied with compromises that saw the United States annex parts of both areas. Though Dallas was unsuccessful in preventing Polk from appointing Buchanan as Secretary of State, he helped convince Polk to appoint Robert J. Walker as Secretary of the Treasury. As vice president, Dallas sought to maneuver himself into contention for the presidency in the 1848 election, as Polk had promised to serve only one term. However, Dallas's reluctant vote to lower a tariff destroyed much of his base in Pennsylvania, and his advocacy of popular sovereignty on the question of slavery strengthened opposition against him.Could you please improve it?===Tariffs===
Dallas determined that he would use his vice-presidential position to advance two of the administration's major objectives: tariff reduction and territorial expansion. As a Pennsylvanian, Dallas had traditionally supported the protectionist tariff policy that his state's coal and iron interests demanded. But as vice president, elected on a platform dedicated to tariff reduction, he agreed to do anything necessary to realize that goal. Dallas equated the vice president's constitutional power to break tied votes in the Senate with the president's constitutional power to veto acts of Congress. At the end of his vice-presidential term, Dallas said he had cast thirty tie-breaking votes during his four years in office (although only nineteen of these have been identified in Senate records). Taking obvious personal satisfaction in this record, Dallas singled out this achievement and the fairness with which he believed he accomplished it in his farewell address to the Senate. Not interested in political suicide, however, Dallas sought to avoid having to exercise his singular constitutional prerogative on the tariff issue, actively lobbying senators during the debate over Treasury Secretary Walker's tariff bill in the summer of 1846. He complained to his wife (whom he sometimes addressed as "Mrs. Vice") that the Senate speeches on the subject were "as vapid as inexhaustible ... All sorts of ridiculous efforts are making, by letters, newspaper-paragraphs, and personal visits, to affect the Vice's casting vote, by persuasion or threat."
Despite Dallas's efforts to avoid taking a stand, the Senate completed its voting on the Walker Tariff with a 27-to-27 tie. (A twenty-eighth vote in favor was held in reserve by a senator who opposed the measure but agreed to follow the instructions of his state legislature to support it.) When he cast the tie-breaking vote in favor of the tariff on July 28, 1846, Dallas rationalized that he had studied the distribution of Senate support and concluded that backing for the measure came from all regions of the country. Additionally, the measure had overwhelmingly passed the House of Representatives, a body closer to public sentiment. He apprehensively explained to the citizens of Pennsylvania that "an officer, elected by the suffrages of all twenty-eight states, and bound by his oath and every constitutional obligation, faithfully and fairly to represent, in the execution of his high trust, all the citizens of the Union" could not "narrow his great sphere and act with reference only to [Pennsylvania's] interests." While his action, based on a mixture of party loyalty and political opportunism, earned Dallas the respect of the president and certain party leaders—and possible votes in 1848 from the southern and western states that supported low tariffs—it effectively demolished his home state political base, ending any serious prospects for future elective office. (He even advised his wife in a message hand-delivered by the Senate Sergeant at Arms, "If there be the slightest indication of a disposition to riot in the city of Philadelphia, owing to the passage of the Tariff Bill, pack up and bring the whole brood to Washington.")
While Dallas's tariff vote destroyed him in Pennsylvania, his aggressive views on Oregon and the Mexican War crippled his campaign efforts elsewhere in the nation. In his last hope of building the necessary national support to gain the White House, the Vice President shifted his attention to the aggressive, expansionist foreign policy program embodied in the concept of "Manifest Destiny". He actively supported efforts to gain control of Texas, the Southwest, Cuba, and disputed portions of the Oregon territory.[10]
Dallas was influential as the presiding officer of the Senate, where he worked to support Polk's agenda and cast several tie-breaking votes. Dallas called for the annexation of all of the Oregon Territory and all of Mexico during the Mexican–American War, but was satisfied with compromises that saw the United States annex parts of both areas. Though Dallas was unsuccessful in preventing Polk from appointing Buchanan as Secretary of State, he helped convince Polk to appoint Robert J. Walker as Secretary of the Treasury. As vice president, Dallas sought to maneuver himself into contention for the presidency in the 1848 election, as Polk had promised to serve only one term. However, Dallas's reluctant vote to lower a tariff destroyed much of his base in Pennsylvania, and Dallas's advocacy of popular sovereignty on the question of slavery strengthened opposition against him.
In 1856, Franklin Pierce appointed Dallas minister to Great Britain, and he served in that post from February 4, 1856, until the appointment by President Lincoln of Charles F. Adams, who relieved him on May 16, 1861. At the very beginning of his diplomatic service in England he was called to act upon the Central American question and the request made by the United States to the British government that Sir John Crampton, the British minister to the United States, should be recalled. Dallas managed these delicate questions in a conciliatory spirit, but without any sacrifice of national dignity, and both were settled amicably. In 1859, following the US Supreme Court's ruling in the Dred Scott decision, Dallas refused Frederick Douglass a passport, on the grounds that Douglass was not a citizen; decades later, in Life and Times of Frederick Douglass, Douglass remarked "This man is now dead and generally forgotten... but I have lived to see myself everywhere recognized as an American citizen." At the close of his diplomatic career, Dallas returned to private life and took no further part in public affairs except to express condemnation of secession.[10]
Death
Dallas returned to Philadelphia, where he lived until his death from a heart attack on Saturday, December 31, 1864, at the age of 72.[14] He is interred at St. Peter's Episcopal churchyard in Philadelphia.
^Berre Heleen (1837). Journal. Vol. 47 (Part 2). pp. 576–577. ISBN978-1847245748. OCLC145380045. Archived from the original on 24 October 2018. Retrieved 24 Oct 2018. Report attempting upon the account of George M. Dallas, a witness attending before the committed appointed to inquire into the evils of Freemasonry, at the session of 1835-1836.
Ambacher, Bruce (1975). "George M. Dallas and the Bank War". Pennsylvania History: A Journal of Mid-Atlantic Studies. 42 (2): 116–135. JSTOR27772269.
Ambacher, Bruce (1973). "George M. Dallas, Cuba, and the Election of 1856". The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography. 97 (3): 318–332. JSTOR20090763.
Ambacher, Bruce Irwin (1971). George M. Dallas: Leader of the "Family" Party. Temple University.
Belohlavek, John M. (1972). "Dallas, the Democracy, and the Bank War of 1832". The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography. 96 (3): 377–390. JSTOR20090654.
Belohlavek, John M. (1974). "The Democracy in a Dilemma: George M. Dallas, Pennsylvania, and the Election of 1844". Pennsylvania History: A Journal of Mid-Atlantic Studies. 41 (4): 390–411. JSTOR27772234.
Belohlavek, John (2010). "George Mifflin Dallas". In L.Edward Purcell (ed.). Vice Presidents: A Biographical Dictionary. Infobase Publishing. pp. 108–118. ISBN9781438130712.
"George Mifflin Dallas." Dictionary of American Biography Base Set. American Council of Learned Societies, 1928–1936.
Hatfield, Mark O. George Mifflin Dallas.Vice-Presidents of the United States, 1789–1983. Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office. 1979.
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