Matthew S. Quay
History of Beaver County, Pennsylvania and its centennial celebration, (1904) (14804406853).jpg
United States Senator
from Pennsylvania
In office
March 4, 1887 – March 3, 1899
Preceded byJohn I. Mitchell
Succeeded byVacant
In office
January 16, 1901 – May 28, 1904
Preceded byVacant
Succeeded byPhilander C. Knox
Chair of the Republican National Committee
In office
July 12, 1888 – July 19, 1891
Preceded byBenjamin Jones
Succeeded byJames Clarkson
Secretary of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania
In office
GovernorJohn F. Hartranft
Preceded byFrancis Jordan
Succeeded byJohn Blair Linn
In office
GovernorHenry M. Hoyt
Preceded byJohn Blair Linn
Succeeded byFrancis Jordan
Treasurer of Pennsylvania
In office
GovernorRobert E. Pattison
James A. Beaver
Preceded byWilliam Livsey
Succeeded byWilliam Livsey
Member of the Pennsylvania House of Representatives for Beaver and Washington counties
In office
Preceded byIsaiah White (as member for Beaver and Lawrence counties)
Succeeded byThomas Nicholson
Recorder of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
In office
Preceded byoffice created
Succeeded byDavid H. Lane
Prothonotary of Beaver County, Pennsylvania
In office
Preceded byA.R. Thomson
Succeeded byMichael Weyand
Personal details
Matthew Stanley Quay

(1833-09-30)September 30, 1833
Dillsburg, Pennsylvania, U.S.
DiedMay 28, 1904(1904-05-28) (aged 70)
Beaver, Pennsylvania, U.S.
Political partyRepublican
EducationWashington and Jefferson College (BA)
Military service
Allegiance United States
Branch/service United States Army
Years of service1861–1862
Unit134th Pennsylvania Infantry
Battles/warsAmerican Civil War
 • Battle of Fredericksburg
AwardsMedal of Honor

Matthew Stanley "Matt" Quay (September 30, 1833 – May 28, 1904) was an American attorney, military officer, and Republican politician who represented Pennsylvania in the United States Senate from 1887 until 1899 and again from 1901 until his death. Quay's control of the autocratic Pennsylvania Republican political machine (known as the Quay machine) made him one of the most powerful and influential politicians in the country. He was influential in the 1888 election of Benjamin Harrison as President of the United States and the 1900 election of Theodore Roosevelt as Vice President. He served as chairman of the Republican National Committee during Harrison's presidential administration.

Quay graduated from college, studied law and opened a legal practice in 1854. During the Civil War, he served in the Union Army, commanding the 134th Pennsylvania Infantry Regiment as a colonel. Quay received the Medal of Honor for heroism at the battle of Fredericksburg. He later served as the Pennsylvania Militia's assistant commissary general, and as a personal assistant to Governor Andrew Curtin.

Quay's attention soon focused on politics, and he served in the Pennsylvania House of Representatives from 1865 to 1867. He later served as Secretary of the Commonwealth, Philadelphia County Recorder, and Pennsylvania Treasurer. Quay served in the United States Senate twice, the first time from 1887 to 1899, and the second from 1901 until his death in 1904. His tenure in the Senate was interrupted after his criminal trial for misappropriating public funds; though he was acquitted and eventually returned to the Senate, the reform faction in the Pennsylvania legislature blocked his re-election for twenty-two months.

From 1888 to 1891, Quay was Chairman of the Republican National Committee. In that role, he was credited with the leadership of Benjamin Harrison's successful campaign for president in 1888.[citation needed] As a party "boss" at the state and national levels, Quay had the ability to influence the selection of Republican nominees and the general election support they received.

Early life and career

Matthew Stanley Quay was born in Dillsburg, Pennsylvania on September 30, 1833. His father was Anderson Beaton Quay, a Presbyterian minister; his mother's name at birth was Catherine McCain.[1] Matthew was named for General Matthew Stanley, who raised Catherine McCain after her parents died, and was one of eight children and the oldest son to reach adulthood.[2] The Quay family was of Scottish and Manx descent; Matthew Quay had a Native American great-grandmother.[3]

The Quay family lived in several towns in central and western Pennsylvania during Matthew's childhood as Reverend Quay accepted new positions, before they finally settled in Beaver in 1850, where the family had previously lived in the early 1840s. Despite the itinerant nature of the family's existence, the education of the children, including the girls, was not neglected.[4] Matthew attended Beaver and Indiana academies, then enrolled at Jefferson College (now Washington and Jefferson College), where he became a member of Beta Theta Pi.[5]

After graduating in 1850, Quay visited Mississippi, where one of his classmates lived on a plantation. They had plans to go into business giving stereopticon lectures, but the equipment broke. Unable to find suitable employment in the South, he returned to Pennsylvania, where he read law in the Pittsburgh firm of Penney and Starrett. James C. Penney, partner in the firm, stated of Quay that "he had never known a man of his age whose mind was so well disciplined and mature".[6] In late 1852, uncertain that he was suited to the law, he embarked on another tour of the South but was again unable to find profitable employment and returned to complete his legal studies[7] under the tutelage of Colonel Richard Roberts of Beaver.[3] He was admitted to the bar October 13, 1854 in Beaver County.[8] In 1856, Governor James Pollock appointed Quay as prothonotary of Beaver County, to fill an unexpired term. The appointment came because the governor and his advisors respected Reverend Quay, but the young lawyer was elected to three-year terms in 1856 and 1859.[9] At this time, the Republican Party was being formed; Quay became a member[1] and was the Beaver County manager of that party's successful candidate for governor in 1860, Andrew Curtin.[10] Quay's success in getting delegates to the state convention from western Pennsylvania to support Curtin was crucial to his getting the nomination.[11] In October 1860, Curtin was elected, and won Beaver County by a large margin, causing him to admire Quay's political skill.[12]

Civil War

When I met him [Quay], he did not at first impress me as a man of more than ordinary parts. He was extremely modest and unassuming in manner, with a defective sight in one eye that made his face expressionless, excepting when very warmly aroused in conversation. Under ordinary conditions he might have filled the place of secretary to the Governor without commanding the special attention of the political leaders of the State, but the most momentous events were crowded upon us at Harrisburg immediately after Curtin assumed his official duties, and Quay soon became recognized as one of the most valuable of all the men connected with the administration in meeting sudden and severe emergencies.

Alexander Kelly McClure[13]

When Curtin became governor in January 1861, he made Quay his private secretary.[13] This was a considerable advancement for a rural lawyer. At the start of the Civil War, Quay was among the earliest from Beaver County to volunteer. During May 1861, he was commissioned as a first lieutenant in the 19th Division Pennsylvania Uniformed Militia, but did not take up that place. Instead, Governor Curtin made him assistant commissary general of Pennsylvania, with the rank of lieutenant colonel. After the functions of the state commissariat were transferred to Washington, Curtin continued Quay as his private secretary. Curtin sought to be a friend of and advocate for Pennsylvania's soldiers, and hundreds of letters poured in each day, letters that the governor had decreed must be individually answered, no matter how petty the grievance. This task was delegated to Quay, and he performed it flawlessly, even reproducing Curtin's signature so perfectly even the governor could not tell the difference.[14][15]

Other tasks Quay performed for Curtin included being liaison to the legislature. The Republicans lost their majority in the Pennsylvania House of Representatives in the 1861 election, but Quay was able to forge an alliance between the Republican minority and the War Democrats, assuring a legislature that would work with Curtin on war matters. Curtin found Quay's services valuable, and was reluctant to lose him, but Quay wanted a combat assignment, which in August 1862 he got, as colonel with 134th Pennsylvania volunteers. He and his troops joined General George McClellan's Army of the Potomac in late September 1862, as it pursued General Robert E. Lee's Confederate Army of Northern Virginia after the Battle of Antietam. He did not see combat at that time, as McClellan was content to let Lee retreat into Virginia without a battle. Shortly thereafter, Quay fell ill of typhoid fever, and on medical advice, and because Curtin wanted him to serve as Pennsylvania's military agent in Washington, he submitted his resignation on December 5, 1862, though there were delays in accepting it.[16][17]

In late 1862, Union forces, Quay's among them, prepared for an attack on Fredericksburg, Virginia, on the road to Richmond, the Confederate capital. The acceptance of Quay's resignation was received on the eve of the Battle of Fredericksburg, and he refused to leave his men, persuading commanders to accept him as a voluntary aide-de-camp.[18][19] Quay was warned by the chief surgeon not to join in the battle because of his health, and was told he would die by a fool. He replied, "I'd rather die like a fool than live like a coward."[20] The attack was a disaster for Union forces, as the Confederate soldiers were well-emplaced, and could not be dislodged. Quay's troops were sent to attack the Confederate positions on Marye's Heights; hidden behind a stone wall, Confederate forces were able to unleash a torrent of fire against the attackers. Astride a horse, Quay urged his men forward, and they were able to get within 25 or 30 yards (23 to 28 meters) of the wall before retreating, with half the soldiers dead or wounded. Quay was not wounded, his conduct earned him the Medal of Honor.[18][19]

Quay then served as Pennsylvania's military agent in Washington.[19] There, he had some contact with President Abraham Lincoln, and would know every president to serve in the remainder of his lifetime.[3] Although the federal government took a predominant role over the states in the Civil War, state governors appointed agents to liaison with federal officials, to see to the well-being of the state's soldiers, and to answer letters and complaints from troops. Unhappy in the role, in 1863, he secured a transfer back to Harrisburg as Curtin's military secretary, where he did similar work, and where he could work on the governor's successful re-election campaign in 1863.[21]

Entry into politics (1864–1872)

In 1864, Quay was elected to the state House of Representatives for Beaver and Washington counties, he was re-elected in 1865 and 1866.[22] In 1866, he became the leader of the Republican majority in the House and the chairman of the Ways and Means Committee. Rarely participating in debate, he sought efficiency, causing the appropriations bills to be brought forward early in the session, rather than late, as was customary.[23][24]

In 1867, the legislature was to elect a United States Senator, since senators before 1913 were chosen by legislators, not the people. Curtin sought the seat, as did former senator and U.S. Secretary of War Simon Cameron. In addition to supporting Curtin, Quay wanted to be Speaker of the Pennsylvania House, but Curtin's senatorial rivals saw that granting Quay the powers of the speakership would lead to the election of Curtin. Thus, they combined to defeat him. Cameron gained the party legislative caucus's nomination for senator, and Quay healed relations by moving to make the nomination unanimous. Cameron was thereafter elected by the full legislature.[25][26] Senator Cameron took full control of the state Republican Party over the next years, as Curtin lost power, especially when he was appointed Minister to Russia by President Ulysses S. Grant in 1869, leading to his extended absence from the state, and rising Republicans had to choose between alliance with Cameron or political oblivion. Quay chose the former. Nevertheless, not wanting to be seen as a traitor to Curtin, Quay's change of loyalty was so gradual it was not until 1872 that it was complete.[27][28]

Quay did not seek re-election to the legislature in 1867, instead returning to his hometown and founding a weekly newspaper, the Beaver Radical, which began publication in January 1868. Quay, the editor, declared it to be Republican in outlook but not devoted to any faction. Circulation grew rapidly, and by 1872, the Radical claimed to be the most-distributed weekly in western Pennsylvania. The Radical opposed President Andrew Johnson, but decried the Tenure of Office Act, that Johnson was impeached for violating, as plainly unconstitutional. The Radical also urged Northern states to support African Americans by giving full force to the FIfteenth Amendment's promise of universal male suffrage.[29][30] According to Frank Bernard Evans in his thesis on Pennsylvania politics of the 1870s, Quay made the Radical to be among "the best-known and most widely-quoted journals in the state".[31]

Cameron lieutenant (1872–1879)

Beginning shortly after the Civil War, Simon Cameron had begun to build a powerful Republican political machine in Pennsylvania.[32] The statewide machine was effectively an alliance of municipal and county Republican machines whose interests had to be harmonized by its leader, with the most important being the organizations of strongly-Republican Philadelphia County and Allegheny County (Pittsburgh).[33] Beyond personal leadership of the boss, success required efficient party organization, a political program that could unify the party, and a failure of the Democratic Party, deemed the party of treason after the Civil War, to regain the trust of the Pennsylvania electorate.[34]

After his return from Russia, Curtin in 1872 destroyed his remaining influence in the Pennsylvania Republican Party by supporting the Liberal Republican Party, made up of those Republicans opposed to the policies of President Ulysses S. Grant, or alienated by the corruption in his administration. Quay fully broke with Curtin, strongly supporting the regular Republican ticket.[35][36] Quay backed both Grant for re-election over the Liberal Republican/Democratic candidate, Horace Greeley of New York, as well as the Republican nominee for governor, Pennsylvania Auditor General (and former Union General) John F. Hartranft. Both Republican candidates were successful, and Quay was rewarded for his efforts for Hartranft with the post of Secretary of the Commonwealth. Returning to the center of Republican politics, he gave up the Radical, selling it to James S. Rutan, his lieutenant in the Cameron machine[37] In January 1873, Quay managed Cameron's campaign for re-election to the Senate—the Republicans had a majority of 31 overall in the legislature, but dissident Republicans were promoting the industrialist Charlemagne Tower, a political novice, for the seat. Quay disposed of the challenge by calling an early caucus of the Republicans in the legislature, which Tower was unprepared for, and Cameron won easy re-election.[38]

With Cameron re-elected to the Senate and Quay as Governor Hartranft's chief advisor, the Cameron machine was much more deeply entrenched than it had been before the Liberal Republican challenge.[39] When not in Washington, Cameron, by now in his mid-seventies, spent time traveling, increasingly leaving day-to-day administration of the machine to his son Don Cameron, Quay, and Robert Mackey.[40] In 1874, the entire Democratic statewide ticket was elected, leading Quay and Mackey to immediately start work on Hartranft's re-election campaign for the following year. Journalist and legislator Alexander McClure credited Quay's handling of the third parties such as the Greenback Party with getting Hartranft re-elected[41]—Hartranft gained only a plurality of the vote in his re-election.[42]

Quay was a delegate to the 1876 Republican National Convention, and with Don Cameron helped frustrate the ambitions of Senator James G. Blaine of Maine in favor of those of Ohio Governor Rutherford B. Hayes.[43] Don Cameron and Quay offered Blaine's managers the state's votes in exchange for a promise to appoint a Pennsylvanian to the Cabinet but Blaine refused. The following year Quay would write to Hayes, "I am immediately responsible for the action of the Pennsylvania delegation which resulted in your nomination. Mr. Blaine will tell you this ..."[44] Quay was chairman of the state Republican Party, and helped win the state for Hayes over Samuel Tilden by fewer than 10,000 votes despite a frosty relationship with the nominee. This was the largest state in terms of electoral votes won by Hayes. With the presidential election disputed, Quay was among the Republicans invited by President Grant to go to Louisiana, one of the states at issue, and investigate the situation there, which he did, acting as a partisan for the Republicans. An electoral commission ruled for Hayes. Grant had made Don Cameron Secretary of War; Hayes refused to retain him or appoint anyone else from Pennsylvania. Angered, Simon Cameron resigned from the Senate, though he engineered the election of his son Don by the legislature as his replacement.[45][46]

The Democrats did well in Pennsylvania's 1877 elections, making the following year's elections important, especially since Hartranft's successor was to be elected and Don Cameron's Senate seat would be filled by the 1879 legislature. With Quay and Mackey from western Pennsylvania and the Camerons based in Harrisburg, Philadelphia had no representation at the high levels of the Republican machine. They decided that Quay should relocate to Philadelphia to take on a new, and lucrative, position as County Recorder. The legislature duly created the position, and Hartranft appointed Quay, who resigned as Secretary of the Commonwealth, to it, and Quay relocated to Philadelphia, taking a large double house at 11th and Spruce Streets. The maneuver backfired, as Philadelphians were resentful it was not filled by one of their own. Quay worked to elect a Republican governor and legislature, persuading out of staters like House Minority Leader James A. Garfield of Ohio to give speeches in Pennsylvania. He stayed in Philadelphia long enough to see out the elections, in which Republican Henry M. Hoyt was narrowly elected by a plurality, and the Republicans gained a majority in both houses of the legislature. Though Mackey died on New Year's Day 1879, Don Cameron was re-elected to a full term. Quay resigned, and was re-appointed as Secretary of the Commonwealth by Governor Hoyt.[47][48] According to McClure, "It was in this campaign that Quay made himself the acknowledged Republican master in the State, as Mackey died a few weeks after the election, and Quay, green with the laurels of his great victory, became the supreme leader of the party."[49]

Rise to the Senate (1880–1887)

Requests for jobs litter the paper of politicians of this era. Quay was no exception. His correspondence with Governor James Addams Beaver invariably dealt with two subjects: getting elected and putting people into offices. Both were inseparable functions of the boss, and, with building a war chest, demanded constant attention.

—Historian William Alan Blair[50]

Quay was involved in a financial scandal in 1880. J. Blake Walters, cashier of the Pennsylvania Treasury, made deposits in favored banks using worthless securities, retaining the actual money for stock speculation with Quay and others. Amos C. Noyes was the treasurer, and with Walters gave assurances that the money would not be required from the banks until Quay and his associates had time to restore it. The speculation went badly, and when Samuel Butler, an anti-boss Republican, took office as treasurer in 1880, he demanded a full accounting of state funds. There was a deficit of about $250,000, for which Quay accepted responsibility and sold much of his property, with a gap of about $100,000 filled with a loan from Don Cameron, repaid in 1886 with, according to McClure, a legacy Quay had received. Quay's acceptance of responsibility satisfied the public, as did his statement that Walters (who committed suicide) had acted without his instructions.[51][52]

To avoid sending a delegation supportive of Blaine to the 1880 Republican National Convention in Chicago, Don Cameron and Quay called a state convention early in the year, before the Blaine supporters could organize, and got the selected delegation to agree to vote as a unit for former president Grant, who was seeking a third term.[53] While Quay and Cameron would likely have made peace with a President Blaine to keep control of Pennsylvania, Grant was more amenable to the bosses' demands.[54] Quay and Cameron acted in spite of the fact that Blaine was widely popular in Pennsylvania.[55] The national convention deadlocked and the nomination fell to Garfield. Cameron and Quay were among the "Immortal 306", the delegates who voted for Grant on the 36th and final ballot. Although Garfield narrowly won both in Pennsylvania and nationwide, Quay's support for Grant meant that he and Cameron would not be in the president-elect's inner circle. This showed when the machine's candidate for Senate in early 1881, Henry W. Oliver, was blocked by the combined strength of the Democrats and independent Republicans; Garfield was asked by Quay to intervene, but he would not do so. The senatorship eventually fell to an independent Republican, Congressman John I. Mitchell.[56] Later in 1881, the assassination of Garfield brought Chester A. Arthur to the White House, who was more aligned with the bosses.[57]

In 1882, a replacement for Governor Hoyt was to be elected, and the Republican Party divided. The Cameron-Quay machine backed James A. Beaver, while the independent Republicans, who backed the views of the Republican Party, but abhorred the bossism, supported John Stewart. When Hoyt endorsed Stewart, Quay resigned as Secretary of the Commonwealth in protest. Democrat Robert E. Pattison was elected.[58] Henry C. Lea, a 19th century historian, said of Quay at this juncture, "vague rumors ascribed to him various delinquencies, but nothing was publicly and positively known, and as he remained out of office several years the rumors died away and he was generally regarded as one whose political career was closed."[59] Don Cameron had backed Beaver early in the campaign; his brusque style helped prompt the reaction which defeated the candidate, who was himself well-liked in the Republican Party.[60]

While Cameron demanded absolute loyalty to the party machine, in the years after Pattison's victory in 1882, Quay worked to reunite the party and conciliate the independent Republicans. When Blaine again sought the presidential nomination in 1884, Quay surrendered some party offices to the independents in exchange for the state party chairmanship going to his nominee, Thomas V. Cooper. Blaine was nominated, with Quay and Senator Cameron absent from the national convention, but was defeated by Democrat Grover Cleveland. With the White House in the hands of the other party, and with federal offices becoming less political due to the 1883 Pendleton Civil Service Act, Quay sought to dominate at the state level.[61] Appointed state employees, of whatever parties, were dunned a percentage of their salaries, and would lose office if they did not pay.[62] Businesses compensated Quay in cash because of his influence over members of the key committees of the state legislature. Pliable legislators were rewarded by Quay with money for themselves and their campaigns; those unwilling to deal faced well-financed candidates as they sought re-election. Friend and foe had their transactions recorded in files that became known as "Quay's coffins", along with any incidents that might embarrass them, to be brought forth as necessary. In doing do, Quay achieved a level of control over the state government that the Camerons had never reached.[61] This was aided by a sense that Quay was different from Don Cameron, according to Frank W. Leach, Quay's personal secretary, "There was a general feeling that Colonel Quay was nearer the people [than Cameron]".[63]

Quay had long wanted to become a U.S. senator, if only to place himself on the same footing as Don Cameron, and McClure related that Quay had confided that he had considered taking Curtin's place in the 1867 senatorial battle. Quay wanted Senator Mitchell's seat, that would be filled by the legislature in early 1887.[64] In 1885, he sought election as state treasurer. This would allow him tremendous control over the party apparatus,[59] and a strong position from which to fight the battle to gain the Senate seat in 1887.[65] Quay, who stated the race for treasurer was one for "self-protection and self-preservation", faced some criticism at his attempt to gain the office of treasurer, but had no serious opposition at the Republican convention, and was easily elected.[66] James K. Pollock, in his article on Quay for the Dictionary of American Biography, stated that Quay ran for the office of treasurer to gain vindication after the 1880 treasury scandal.[67] Possession of this office would always be critical to the Quay machine; he once stated, "I don't mind losing the governorship or a legislature now and then, but I always need the state treasuryship."[68]

In his new office, Quay had the funds of the state as his command. His ability to deposit state moneys in friendly banks led to an income of some $150,000 per year to the machine. Loans could be granted to favored individuals, with interest or security not required.[69] To gain the senatorship, Quay needed the Republicans to have a successful 1886 election. As part of the deal to become state treasurer, he had agreed to support the party's 1882 candidate, Beaver, who was now acceptable to both machine and independent Republicans. Quay became the power behind the Beaver campaign. When one reporter asked Quay to arrange an interview with Beaver, Quay agreed and handed the reporter an unsealed envelope with a note inside, "Dear Beaver: Don't talk. M.S. Quay."[66] With a united party at his back, Beaver was elected along with the entire Republican statewide ticket, and the Republicans had nearly a two-thirds majority in each house of the legislature.[70]

Determined to be elected by as near a unanimous vote as possible, Quay arranged conferences in each congressional district to which the legislators of that district were invited and told to support the majority sentiment, that is for Quay. On January 4, 1887, the Republican legislative caucus nominated Quay with 154 votes to 9 for the runner-up, Galusha Grow. When the two houses of the legislature voted, Quay received two-thirds majorities in each, and was declared elected a senator.[70] With the victory, he had almost completely eclipsed Don Cameron.[53] According to John W. Oliver in his journal article on Quay, "By this time Quay had become the undisputed political leader of Pennsylvania. More than that, he was rapidly becoming one of the recognized leaders of the Republican party throughout the nation."[29]


1888 presidential campaign

Main article: 1888 United States presidential election

Although Quay's first term in the Senate began March 4, 1887, Congress at that time did not convene until December, and so, not yet sworn in, Quay remained as treasurer until resigning in August. He chose state senator Boies Penrose of Philadelphia to act for him while he was absent in Washington; this proved an effective choice as he, through Penrose, would exercise unparalleled power over state politics. Congress convened in December, but with Democratic President Cleveland still in office, the term was relatively quiet for Quay.[71]

As the 1888 Republican National Convention approached, there were a number of favorite son candidates seeking support to become the nominee to challenge Cleveland. Blaine had been ambiguous about whether he would be a candidate, though he still had adherents. Quay was the chairman of the Pennsylvania delegation, which did not strongly support any particular candidate, though there were some leanings toward Ohio Senator John Sherman—the Camerons were related by marriage to him. Quay was willing to support Senator Sherman, but primarily he wanted a condidate who, if victorious, would reward Pennsylvania for its support.[72] The convention deadlocked; Quay, realizing that Sherman could not win, opened negotiations with the managers of former senator Benjamin Harrison of Indiana. Quay wanted a written commitment to appoint a Pennsylvanian acceptable to Quay to the cabinet, but Harrison refused. Nevertheless, as the convention swung towards Harrison on the eighth and final ballot, Quay cast Pennsylvania's votes for the Indianan, but the circumstances did not give the state the credit for getting Harrison the nomination as Quay had hoped.[73]

At the time, the chairman of the Republican National Committee served as campaign manager for the presidential candidate,[74] and Quay, a member of that committee, remained away from its post-convention session in New York. He was elected as RNC chairman by one vote, that of his alternate, and proceeded to raise what was estimated then as between $1 million and $3 million to elect Harrison.[75] Quay recruited Philadelphia businessman John Wanamaker to do much fundraising. Wanamaker contributed $10,000 himself, led a committee of ten businessmen who contributed an equal sum, and raised over $200,000. While the sums were not outlandish by later standards, they were at the time the largest sum ever raised in a presidential campaign.[76] Among those Quay appointed to the national executive campaign committee was Cleveland industrialist Mark Hanna, introducing the future senator to national politics.[67] Quay's technique of assessing corporations for campaign contributions equal to a percentage of their assets would be copied by Hanna when he was RNC chair during the 1896 election.[77]

While Quay ran the campaign out of New York City, Harrison conducted a front porch campaign from his hometown of Indianapolis. Quay originally opposed Harrison's plan, but in August, wired to the candidate, "Keep at it, you're making votes."[78] Blaine's 1884 campaign had been derailed when a clergyman at a rally with the candidate present called the Democrats the party of "Rum, Romanism and Rebellion", and both Quay and Harrison were determined to avoid another damaging unscripted remark.[79][80] After Blaine gave a speech describing trusts as innocuous business associations with which no one should interfere, a position contrary to the Republican platform, Quay saw to it that he stuck to less-controversial topics, and limited his speaking engagements.[81]

Quay believed that vote fraud committed by Tammany Hall had given Cleveland New York's electoral votes in 1884, and the election, and the senator was determined to prevent a repetition. In order to ensure that voter fraud did not occur in New York City, Quay hired agents whose work was ostensibly to compile a city directory, but which would contain the names of all of the city's eligible voters, greatly reducing the scope for voter fraud. Once the work was completed, Quay made it known. He offered rewards for providing evidence resulting in convictions for illegal registration or illegal voting, something the public took more seriously after the first reward paid was for the conviction of a Republican.[82] [83] McClure stated that Quay used some of the campaign fund to bribe Tammany Hall leaders who were disenchanted with Cleveland.[84]

There was the start of a scandal just before the election when a letter from campaign treasurer William W. Dudley offering advice as to how to organize men to vote multiple times was pulled from the mails. Quay responded with outrage, threatening prosecutions for interfering with the mails, and the election occurred before the scandal could fully develop.[85] Although Cleveland got more votes in New York City, Harrison won New York and the presidency despite losing the national popular vote. Harrison credited "Providence" with his victory, a remark which prompted Quay to state that "Providence hadn't a damn thing to do with it,"[82] adding that that Harrison would never know how close to the gates of the penitentiary some of his supporters had come to make Harrison president.[86] Despite Harrison's comments, the successful 1888 campaign gave Quay a national reputation, proving he could elect a president.[87]

President-elect Harrison appointed one Pennsylvanian to his cabinet—Wanamaker, who took the patronage-rich position of Postmaster General. Quay, who did not want a cabinet post for himself, would have preferred Wanamaker to receive a diplomatic post, but supported the appointment once it was made clear, for it at least put a Pennsylvanian in the cabinet. The appointment of Wanamaker proved a mixed blessing at best for Quay, since it elevated to high office a man who would be a thorn in his side for years to come.[88]

Harrison years (1889—1893)

Quay and Harrison quickly came to differ about presidential appointments of federal officials. The president wanted to keep control of appointments and minimize the possibility of appointing corrupt people who might reflect badly on him; the state bosses had made promises during the campaign they needed to make good on or lose influence. The situation was made worse when the newspapers characterized each Pennsylvania appointment as either a victory for Quay or for Harrison, something that both men were aware of.[89] In one incident, Quay handed Harrison a list of people he and Cameron wanted appointed, and replied, when the president asked for their qualifications, that the senators from Pennsylvania vouched for them. Harrison refused to appoint without making investigations, saying he could not blindly delegate the power of appointment.[90] In another incident, Quay tried to discourage an office seeker by telling him the president likely would disregard a recommendation. The office seeker, incredulous, asked, "Doesn't he know that you elected him?" to which Quay replied, "No. Benny thinks God did it."[91]

Thomas Nast cartoon calling Quay "a branded criminal", 1890
Thomas Nast cartoon calling Quay "a branded criminal", 1890

When Congress convened in December 1889, the Republicans, in full control of government for the first time since the Grant administration, were anxious to get their legislative priorities through that had been campaign pledges in 1888: tariff legislation, monetary legislation, and an elections bill that would allow African-Americans in the South to more freely cast a ballot. The monetary legislation, the Sherman Silver Purchase Act, passed Congress in May 1890.[92] The tariff bill, the McKinley Tariff (named for its sponsor, House Ways and Means Committee chair William McKinley of Ohio), passed the House in May 1890 with no Democrats in favor, but languished in the Senate.[93] while the Lodge Bill, to reform federal elections in the South, passed the House in July, but faced uncertain prospects in the Senate, as white Southerners saw it as a return to Reconstruction.[93]

Quay wanted the tariff to pass because it was supported by many manufacturers who helped finance the Republican Party, especially in Pennsylvania, and he had made promises of protectionist policies during the 1888 campaign. On the other hand, African Americans had no financial gifts to bestow.[94] He also believed the Lodge Bill would provoke renewed sectional conflict.[95] He sought to break the deadlock over the two bills by introducing a resolution in the Republican caucus to set a definite date to vote on the McKinley Tariff while postponing consideration of most other bills, including the Lodge elections legislation, until the next session of Congress in December. This appalled Harrison and bitterly divided the Republican Senate caucus. Eventually a compromise was worked out whereby the Republicans agreed to press the tariff legislation and to bring up the Lodge Bill on the first day of the new session in December. [96][97] Harrison signed the McKinley Tariff into law on October 1, 1890.[98] When the Lodge Bill came to the floor of the Senate in December, Southern senators announced their intention to filibuster, and Republicans with other priorities, mostly from the West, joined with the Democrats to indefinitely postpone its consideration.[99]

In the early part of the Harrison administration there began to be newspaper exposés about Quay and his methods. Although Quay supporters hailed him as a political genius, others deemed him a sinister power behind Harrison's throne. Others who joined the ranks opposing Quay were Pennsylvania reformers such as Henry Lea and Wharton Barker, and disappointed rivals for political power such as Christopher Magee of Pittsburgh.[100] In early 1890, the New York World published a series of articles bringing up incidents from Quay's past, such as the 1880 Treasury scandal, as well as a more successful speculation with state funds that netted him $260,000. Quay responded with silence, which he was wont to do—one commentator said he could remain silent in sixteen different languages.[101] In the 1890 elections, Republicans not only lost control of Congress, but in Pennsylvania, the Democrat, Pattison, was elected governor for a second, non-consecutive term. When asked why the Republican candidate, George W. Delamater had failed, Quay attributed it to "a lack of votes",[102] but historian William Alan Blair stated that Delamater paid the price for the opposition to Quay.[63]

Quay finally answered the allegations against him in February 1891, addressing the Senate, which he rarely did, and calling the allegations "false and foul to the core".[103] This did little to satisfy his opponents, and there were calls for his resignation as RNC chairman. Harrison had long desired his departure, and was unwilling to defend him. Quay in June 1891 announced that he would not lead the next presidential campaign, and resigned the following month.[104] Quay was not supportive of Harrison as the president faced renomination in 1892, but also disliked the only real rival, Blaine.[105] At the 1892 Republican National Convention in Minneapolis, Quay realized that Harrison's renomination could not be prevented, and himself voted for McKinley, by then governor of Ohio, who was third in the balloting although not a declared candidate. Not wishing to be deprived of patronage if Harrison was re-elected, the senator pledged to work for the Republican ticket, but did little until October, when after negotiations and unknown concessions, he appeared at campaign headquarters, and pledged to help raise money. Nevertheless, Harrison was defeated by former president Cleveland.[106] According to Pollock, Quay's "break with Harrison and his failure to take an active part in the campaign of 1892 was [sic] one of the prime factors in the Democratic victory of that year".[67]

The 1892 legislative elections were also of concern to Quay as the following year's legislature would vote on whether to give him a second term as senator. There was opposition to Quay within the Republican Party, largely centered on Philadelphia, though Pittsburgh bosses such as Magee were also opposed to him, and put forth Congressman John Dalzell of Allegheny County as a rival. In addition to bossism, Quay was attacked for his sporadic attendance in Congress, which he defended by stating he was still often ill from his exertions in the 1888 presidential race, and had to spend time at his Florida home at St. Lucie. His statements were bolstered when he fell ill early in 1892, causing his wife Agnes to make one of her rare trips away from Beaver to tend to him in Florida. Dalzell was vulnerable to attack as a railroad and corporation lawyer, and an agreement was reached to place both their names on the Republican primary ballot, with local legislators in theory bound to abide by the result. With support from fellow Civil War veterans, Quay defeated Dalzell in almost every county, was the overwhelming choice of the Republican legislative caucus in January 1893, and won his second term later that month with two-thirds of the legislature voting for him.[107]

Cleveland administration; rise of McKinley (1893–1896)

With Cleveland back in the White House, the Republicans returned to minority status in Congress. The Democrats wanted to revisit the McKinley Tariff, but other matters, such as the repeal of the Sherman Silver Purchase Act, had higher priority, and it was not until 1894 that what became known as the Wilson-Gorman Tariff passed the House. Seeking to preserve protectionist tariffs for Pennsylvania’s manufacturers, Quay threatened to talk the original bill to death. Since he had not addressed the Senate on a legislative matter in his first term, he was not taken seriously, but he proceeded to do what was very close to that, for the bill that eventually emerged from the Senate was so transformed that President Cleveland refused to sign it, letting it pass into law without his signature. Quay kept control of the Senate floor for over two months, from April 14 to June 16, 1894, himself consuming 14 legislative days, and did not conclude his remarks until he and other pro-tariff legislators had secured a compromise that preserved tariffs on manufactures, as favored by Pennsylvania industry, and included other protectionist provisions.[108] John Oliver wrote, "one can readily see the connection between Quay's fight for a high protective tariff and liberal contributions from the Pennsylvania manufacturers".[109]

Quay faced further rebellion within the Pennsylvania Republican Party in 1895. Republicans had elected Daniel H. Hastings as governor in 1894; he was the candidate the reform element had wanted in 1890 instead of Delamater, and, this time, Quay acquiesced in his nomination. With Hastings elected, the anti-Quay faction pressed its advantage, defeating Penrose in his attempt to gain the Republican nomination for mayor of Philadelphia in early 1895.[110] With Governor Hastings friendly to the opposition, Quay brought the matter to a head by challenging the opposition-aligned chair of the Republican State Committee for his position. He appealed to rural politicians, alleging that the Philadelphia and Pittsburgh machines were trying to take them over. At the state convention, a deal was reached whereby Quay would get the post, and he moved the adoption of a platform that committed the party to reform. This delighted the opposition, and many embraced Quay as a reformed sinner.[111]

McKinley acted early to begin his presidential campaign, meeting with Republican politicians from the South in early 1895 at Thomasville, Georgia, the winter home of his friend and advisor, Mark Hanna. On his return north, Hanna met with former Michigan governor Russell Alger, who was acting as emissary for Quay and New York's Republican political boss, former senator Thomas C. Platt, to discuss a possible deal for the presidential nomination. Despite this and a second meeting, between Hanna and Quay, McKinley insisted he would make no deals to gain the Republican nomination. Platt and Quay decided to promote favorite son candidates to deny McKinley a first-round majority at the 1896 Republican National Convention and force him to the bargaining table. Quay was Pennsylvania's favorite son and he found considerable enthusiasm in the state for nominating a Pennsylvanian as the state had been among the largest to be consistently loyal to the party, but had never received a place on a Republican ticket. Assured of 61 of Pennsylvania's 64 votes, Quay journeyed to McKinley's home in Canton, Ohio for discussions, but, according to the press, received only unspecified assurances. After Governor Hastings nominated Quay for president, the senator received 611/2 votes, third behind McKinley, who was nominated, and Speaker of the House Thomas B. Reed of Maine.[112][113]

Although Quay was reluctant, he served on the national campaign advisory committee under the new RNC chairman, Hanna, reversing their positions from1888. Quay played only a small role in the fall campaign, helping to run the campaign's New York headquarters, and making recommendations that Hanna spend more money in several Southern states, part of which Hanna agreed to. McKinley won the election over the Democratic and Populist candidate, William Jennings Bryan, winning Pennsylvania by almost 300,000 votes, providing nearly half of his margin in the popular vote.[114]

Battles with Wanamaker; fight for re-election (1896–1901).

Main article: 1899 United States Senate election in Pennsylvania

Don Cameron was to retire as senator when his term expired in 1897, and former postmaster general Wanamaker wanted his seat. Although Wanamaker gave his usual $10,000 to the Republican presidential candidate, he was not able to gain Quay's backing to become senator, as Quay feared that should he not gain re-election in 1899, Wanamaker might take power in the state party.[115] According to McClure, the two initially agreed, but the pact fell apart when Wanamaker named someone to conduct financial transactions who was unacceptable to the senator. Wanamaker made speeches throughout Pennsylvania to promote himself as a senatorial candidate, and sought the endorsement of legislative candidates, but was faced with the strength of the Quay machine, which had the support of a majority of the elected Republican legislators. In January 1897, Penrose defeated Wanamaker in the Republican caucus, 133–75, and was elected as Pennsylvania's junior senator.[116]

He was elected by the legislature in 1887 to the United States Senate, serving from March 4, 1887 until March 3, 1899, with repeated re-elections. Shortly after his election to the Senate, Quay outmaneuvered fellow Senator Donald Cameron to become the boss of the state Republican Party.[117] Quay was elected as chairman of the Republican National Committee in 1888. Quay served as Benjamin Harrison's campaign manager in the 1888 presidential election.[118]

In the 1896 presidential election, Quay finished third on the Republican National Convention's presidential ballot. Quay aided New York party boss Thomas C. Platt in making Theodore Roosevelt the party's vice presidential nominee in 1900.[119]

Quay was perhaps the preeminent state party boss of the late 19th century, and other party bosses in states like New York and Illinois followed Quay's example. With his control of state patronage, Quay built an organization with a budget comparable to mid-sized railroads of the era.[120] Quay rarely spoke in public, but instead conducted most of his business in one-on-one meetings, locking down support before making a public move.[117] He was meticulous in tracking the activities of individual legislators and kept track of favors granted to people and details of their lives in card files known as "Quay's coffins".[121] Despite his power, Quay frequently clashed with reformers in Pennsylvania, particularly with Philadelphia's Committee of One Hundred.[117] Quay was succeeded as party boss by fellow Senator Boies Penrose.[117] The fictional "Senator Mark Simpson" in Theodore Dreiser's The Financier was based on Quay.[122]

Senate seating controversy

Main article: 1899 United States Senate election in Pennsylvania

In 1898, Quay was brought to trial on a charge of misappropriating state funds. Although he was acquitted the following year, the feeling among the reform element in his own party was so opposed to him that the legislature became deadlocked over filling the Senate vacancy. As the legislature was unable to build consensus for anyone to be elected to the seat, Governor William Stone appointed Quay to fill the ensuing vacancy. Quay presented his credentials to the Senate in December 1899, but the Senate refused to seat him, declaring that he was not entitled to the seat. Pennsylvania held a special election to fill the persistent vacancy, and Quay was re-elected to the seat. Quay would serve in the Senate until his death in 1904.[118]

Standard Oil

One of the first politicians that Standard Oil bought was Matthew Quay - at least on record. Quay was given the code name "Black" according to a note that John D. Rockefeller's personal secretary sent to associate Henry M. Flagler. In early 1880, Quay asked for a "loan" of $15,000, which Rockefeller thought was worth the price. Quay continued to be in Standard Oil's pay until his death in 1904 when he was representing both the State of Pennsylvania and Standard Oil in the United States Senate.[123]


Quay was a central figure in Pennsylvania politics from the 1860s until his death. He was responsible year in and year out for supervising the party organization and patronage system. His role in the U.S. Senate was to supervise political affairs back in Pennsylvania. He paid little attention to legislation except for higher tariffs to benefit his state's manufacturing industries and keep wages high. He did however control much of the national patronage regarding the building of federal buildings nationwide, which made him the object of attention of all Republican Congressman. Quay achieved his goal of making Pennsylvania the most safely Republican, and most boss-controlled state. The most comparable boss was Thomas C. Platt of New York.[124]


Agnes Barclay
Agnes Barclay

In 1855, Quay married Agnes Barclay (1831–1911); they were the parents of several children, of whom five lived to adulthood.[125]

Quay was interested in his family's history and genealogy.[126] After discovering that two of his ancestors, John Quay and John Quay, Jr., had married American Indians, Quay took an interest in Native Americans in the United States, and worked on their behalf in the Senate.[126] The Delawares recognized him as a member of their tribe; Quay attended their annual summer convocations, and received several gifts and honors over the years, including election as a war chief in recognition of his military service and efforts on their behalf while serving as a member of the Senate's Indian Affairs Committee.[126]

Quay died in Beaver in 1904, and was buried at Beaver Cemetery and Mausoleum in Beaver.

The Matthew S. Quay House in Beaver has been designated as a National Historic Landmark. In addition, another of his residences, the Roberts-Quay House in Philadelphia was added to the National Register of Historic Places in 1976.[127]


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Quay County, New Mexico and the small community of Quay, New Mexico and the community of Quay, Oklahoma are all named in his honor.

Matthew Quay appears on a 45p (£0.45) commemorative stamp from the Isle of Man Post Office, as part of a series honoring Manx-Americans.

In the 1890s in Pennsylvania there was an attempt to create a county from existing counties and name it after him. The county would have been created out of Schuylkill, Carbon and Luzerne Counties. The bill passed the Legislature but was vetoed by Governor Daniel Hastings. Governor Hastings was hanged in effigy on the streets of Hazleton, which would have been the seat of justice of the new county if Hastings had approved the bill.

Medal of Honor citation

Medal of honor old.jpg

Rank and Organization:

Colonel, 134th Pennsylvania Infantry. Place and date: At Fredericksburg, Va., December 13, 1862. Entered service at: Beaver County, Pa. Born: September 30, 1833, Dillsburg, Pa. Date of issue: July 9, 1888.


Although out of service, he voluntarily resumed duty on the eve of battle and took a conspicuous part in the charge on the heights.[128]

See also


  1. ^ a b Kehl, James A. (February 1, 2000). "Quay, Matthew Stanley (1833-1904), politician". American National Biography. Retrieved August 19, 2022.
  2. ^ Kehl, p. 4.
  3. ^ a b c "Matthew Stanley Quay". Beaver Area Heritage Foundation. Retrieved August 19, 2022.
  4. ^ Kehl, pp. 4–5.
  5. ^ Johnson, L.E. (2010). Beta Statesmen. p. 7.((cite book)): CS1 maint: url-status (link)
  6. ^ Kehl, pp. 5, 8.
  7. ^ Kehl, pp. 8–9.
  8. ^ Bausman Vol 1, p. 367.
  9. ^ Kehl, p. 9.
  10. ^ Kehl, p. 10.
  11. ^ Evans, p. 18.
  12. ^ Oliver, pp. 2–3.
  13. ^ a b McClure Vol 1, p. 457.
  14. ^ Kehl, pp. 9–11.
  15. ^ McClure Vol 1, p. 458.
  16. ^ Kehl, pp. 12–13.
  17. ^ McClure Vol 1, pp. 458–460.
  18. ^ a b Kehl, pp. 14–15.
  19. ^ a b c McClure Vol 1, p. 461.
  20. ^ Oliver, p. 3.
  21. ^ Kehl, pp. 16–17.
  22. ^ "Matthew Stanley Quay". Pennsylvania House of Representatives. Retrieved August 19, 2022.
  23. ^ McClure Vol 1, pp. 461–462.
  24. ^ Kehl, p. 20.
  25. ^ McClure Vol 1, pp. 462–464.
  26. ^ Kehl, pp. 21–22.
  27. ^ McClure Vol 2, pp. 208–211.
  28. ^ Kehl, pp. 23–24, 31.
  29. ^ a b Oliver, p. 4.
  30. ^ Kehl, pp. 31–34.
  31. ^ Evans, p. 19.
  32. ^ Berman, p. 182.
  33. ^ Evans, p. 20.
  34. ^ Evans, pp. ii, 28.
  35. ^ McClure Vol 2, p. 215.
  36. ^ Kehl, p. 37.
  37. ^ Kehl, pp. 37–38.
  38. ^ Evans, pp. 60–62.
  39. ^ Evans, p. 71.
  40. ^ Kahan, pp. 263–264.
  41. ^ Chapman, p. 3.
  42. ^ Evans, p. 340.
  43. ^ Kehl, pp. 38–39.
  44. ^ Kahan, pp. 238–239.
  45. ^ Kehl, pp. 39–42.
  46. ^ Kahan, pp. 269–271.
  47. ^ McClure Vol 2, p. 499.
  48. ^ Kehl, pp. 43–45.
  49. ^ McClure Vol 2, p. 497.
  50. ^ Blair, p. 82.
  51. ^ Kehl, pp. 64–66.
  52. ^ McClure Vol 2, pp. 503–505.
  53. ^ a b Chapman, p. 4.
  54. ^ McClure Vol 2, p. 507.
  55. ^ McClure Vol 2, p. 509.
  56. ^ Kehl, pp. 49–51.
  57. ^ Kehl, p. 52.
  58. ^ Kehl, pp. 53–55.
  59. ^ a b Chapman, p. 5.
  60. ^ Blair, p. 85.
  61. ^ a b Kehl, pp. 64.
  62. ^ Blair, p. 81.
  63. ^ a b Blair, p. 83.
  64. ^ McClure Vol 2, pp. 558–559.
  65. ^ McClure Vol 2, p. 558.
  66. ^ a b Kehl, pp. 65–66.
  67. ^ a b c Pollock, p. 297.
  68. ^ Blair, p. 80.
  69. ^ Kehl, pp. 66–67.
  70. ^ a b McClure Vol 2, pp. 562–565.
  71. ^ Kehl, pp. 84–85.
  72. ^ Kehl, pp. 85–88.
  73. ^ Kehl, pp. 88–92.
  74. ^ Kehl, pp. 93–94.
  75. ^ Chapman, p. 9.
  76. ^ Gibbons, pp. 258–262.
  77. ^ Horner, p. 195.
  78. ^ Bourdon, p. 254.
  79. ^ Kehl, p. 99.
  80. ^ Bourdon, pp. 251–252.
  81. ^ Kehl, pp. 100–101.
  82. ^ a b "Matthew Quay and the 1888 Presidential Election". United States Senate. Retrieved August 29, 2022.
  83. ^ Kehl, pp. 102–107.
  84. ^ McClure Vol 2, p. 571.
  85. ^ Kehl, pp. 106–107.
  86. ^ Chapman, p. 12.
  87. ^ Blair, p. 88.
  88. ^ Kehl, pp. 118–119.
  89. ^ Kehl, pp. 123–124.
  90. ^ Calhoun, pp. 216–217.
  91. ^ Kehl, p. 122.
  92. ^ Kehl, p. 128.
  93. ^ a b Calhoun, pp. 270–271.
  94. ^ Kehl, pp. 129, 133.
  95. ^ Oliver, p. 8.
  96. ^ Calhoun, pp. 311–317.
  97. ^ Kehl, p. 133.
  98. ^ Calhoun, p. 323.
  99. ^ Kehl, p. 136.
  100. ^ Kehl, pp. 137–139.
  101. ^ Chapman, pp. 19–21.
  102. ^ Kehl, pp. 153–154.
  103. ^ Kehl, pp. 155–156.
  104. ^ Kehl, pp. 155–158.
  105. ^ McClure Vol 2, p. 584.
  106. ^ Kehl, pp. 156–176.
  107. ^ Kehl, pp. 180–182.
  108. ^ Kehl, pp. 184–185.
  109. ^ Oliver, p. 10.
  110. ^ Kehl, pp. 187–188.
  111. ^ Kehl, pp. 188–195.
  112. ^ Kehl, pp. 197–203.
  113. ^ Horner, pp. 143–144.
  114. ^ Kehl, pp. 202–205.
  115. ^ Gibbons, pp. 347–349.
  116. ^ McClure Vol 2, pp. 596–599.
  117. ^ a b c d Blair, William Alan (April 1989). "A Practical Politician: The Boss Tactics of William Stanley Quay". Pennsylvania History. 56 (2): 78–89.
  118. ^ a b "Matthew S. Quay Historical Marker". Explore PA History. Explore PA Retrieved November 19, 2014.
  119. ^ Reichley, pg. 160.
  120. ^ Reichley, A. James (2000). The Life of the Parties. Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 127–131.
  121. ^ James A. Kehl. 1981. Boss Rule in the Gilded Age: Matt Quay of Pennsylvania. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, p. 63.
  122. ^ Beers, Paul B. (November 1, 2010). Pennsylvania Politics Today and Yesterday: The Tolerable Accommodation. Penn State Press. p. 44. ISBN 978-0271044989. Retrieved November 25, 2014.
  123. ^ Hawke, David Freeman (1980). John D. The Founding Father of the Rockefellers. Harper & Row. p. 135. ISBN 978-0060118136.
  124. ^ Leonard C. Schlup, and James Gilbert Ryan, eds. Historical dictionary of the Gilded Age )2003) p.
  125. ^ United States Congress, Joint Committee on Printing (1905). Matthew Stanley Quay, Late a Senator from Pennsylvania. Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office. pp. 36, 44, 70–71.
  126. ^ a b c Matthew Stanley Quay, Late a Senator from Pennsylvania.
  127. ^ "National Register Information System". National Register of Historic Places. National Park Service. July 9, 2010.
  128. ^ "QUAY, MATTHEW S., Civil War Medal of Honor recipient". American Civil War website. November 8, 2007. Retrieved November 8, 2007.


Further reading

Political offices Preceded byWilliam Livsey Treasurer of Pennsylvania 1885–1887 Succeeded byWilliam Livsey U.S. Senate Preceded byJohn Mitchell United States Senator (Class 1) from Pennsylvania 1887–1899 Served alongside: J. Donald Cameron, Boies Penrose Vacant Preceded byDwight M. Sabin Chair of the Senate Civil Service Committee 1887–1889 Succeeded byAnthony Higgins Preceded byJohn H. Mitchell Chair of the Senate Seaboard Transportation Routes Committee 1889–1891 Succeeded byJacob Gallinger Preceded byGeorge Vest Chair of the Senate Public Buildings Committee 1895–1899 Succeeded byCharles W. Fairbanks Vacant United States Senator (Class 1) from Pennsylvania 1901–1904 Served alongside: Boies Penrose Succeeded byPhilander Knox Preceded byLouis E. McComas Chair of the Senate Executive Oversight Committee 1901–1904 Succeeded byThomas H. Carter Party political offices Preceded byBenjamin Jones Chair of the Republican National Committee 1888–1891 Succeeded byJames Clarkson