Javier Gerardo Milei[note 1] (born 22 October 1970) is an Argentine politician and economist who has served as President of Argentina since December 2023. Milei has taught university courses in macroeconomics, economic growth, microeconomics, and mathematics for economists. He is an author on economics and politics, and also hosted radio programs on the subject. Milei's views distinguish him in the Argentine political landscape and have garnered significant public attention and polarizing reactions.
In November 2021, Milei was elected to the Argentine Chamber of Deputies, representing the City of Buenos Aires for La Libertad Avanza. As a national deputy, he limited his legislative activities to voting, focusing instead on critiquing what he sees as Argentina's political elite and its propensity for high government spending. Milei pledged not to raise taxes and donated his national deputy salary through a monthly raffle. He defeated economy minister Sergio Massa in the second round of the 2023 Argentine presidential election on a platform that held the ideological dominance of Peronism responsible for the still ongoing 2018 Argentine monetary crisis.
Milei is known for his flamboyant personality, distinctive personal style, and strong media presence. He has been described politically as a right-wing populist and right-wing libertarian, and supports laissez-faire economics, aligning specifically with minarchist and anarcho-capitalist principles. Milei has proposed a comprehensive overhaul of the country's fiscal and structural policies. He supports freedom of choice on drug policy, firearms, prostitution, same-sex marriage, sexual preference, and gender identity, while opposing abortion and euthanasia. In foreign policy, he advocates closer relations with the United States and Israel, supporting Ukraine in response to the Russian invasion of the country, and distancing Argentina from geopolitical ties with China.
Early life and education
Javier Gerardo Milei was born on 22 October 1970 in Palermo, Buenos Aires.[1][2] He grew up in the Villa Devoto neighborhood and later moved to Sáenz Peña, Buenos Aires.[3] Milei's mother, Alicia, was a housewife,[4] and his father, Norberto, was a bus driver.[5][6] His father is of Italian descent, while his mother, whose maiden name is Lucich, is of Croatian descent. They are related to Uruguayan TV presenter Rodrigo Lussich [es], who said their grandparents migrated from Croatia to Argentina.[7] His parents, according to Milei in 2018, beat and verbally abused him,[8] causing him to not speak to them for a decade;[4] he regarded them as dead.[9] He was supported by his maternal grandmother and his younger sister Karina,[1] with whom he had a close bond,[10] and whom he calls "the boss".[11]
Javier Milei attended Catholic schools,[1] including the secondary school Cardenal Copello.[3] At school, he was nicknamed el Loco ("The Crazy One") for his outbursts and aggressive rhetoric.[1] In his late teens and early adulthood, Milei sang in the cover band Everest, which mostly played Rolling Stones covers. He also played goalkeeper for the Chacarita Juniors football team until 1989,[5][12] when Argentina suffered a period of hyperinflation and he committed to a career in economics.[13]
The collapse of Argentina's exchange rate led to Milei becoming interested in economics during the early 1980s.[3][5] Milei studied introductory economics and the law of supply and demand, which he thought seemed to be at odds with the ongoing hyperinflation; he said he saw people throwing "themselves on top of the merchandise" in a supermarket and began to study economics in more detail to understand it.[14] Milei obtained an economics degree (licentiate) from the private University of Belgrano and two master's degrees from the Instituto de Desarrollo Económico y Social [es] and the private Torcuato di Tella University.[3]
Economics career
For over 20 years,[when?] Milei was a professor of macroeconomics, economics of growth, microeconomics, and mathematics for economists.[3] He specializes in economic growth and has taught several economic subjects in Argentine universities and abroad. He had written more than 50 academic papers by 2016.[15][16]
By 2016, Milei had been the chief economist at Máxima AFJP, a private pension company; a head economist at Estudio Broda, a financial advising company; head economist of Corporación América; and a government consultant at the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes.[15] He was also a senior economist at HSBC Argentina.[citation needed] He served as chief economist at several national and international government public bodies.[3] Since 2012, Milei has led the division of Economic Studies at Fundación Acordar, a national think tank.[15] He is also a member of the B20 and a member of the Economic Policy Group of International Chamber of Commerce, an advisor to the G20. For 15 years,[when?] he worked at the private company Corporación América as the chief economist and financial adviser to Eduardo Eurnekian.[17]
Milei is the author of several books,[18] including El camino del libertario.[19] He has a notable presence on television, with a 2018 ranking by Ejes showing him as the most interviewed economist on television, at 235 interviews and 193,347 seconds.[20] Milei also hosted his own radio show, Demoliendo mitos (Demolishing Myths),[21] featuring regular appearances by Alberdian and right-wing libertarian personalities, including the economist and businessman Gustavo Lazzari, the lawyer Pablo Torres Barthe, and the political scientist María Zaldívar.[22][23]
During the 2010s, Milei achieved significant notoriety and public exposure in debates featured on Argentine television programs characterized by insults to his rivals,[24][25][26] foul language,[27][28] and aggressive rhetoric when expressing and debating his ideals and beliefs,[29][30] such as one with Buenos Aires chief of government Horacio Rodríguez Larreta.[31][32] This led many commentators to label him antipolitical or disruptive.[33]Ted Cruz, a United States senator, shared an interview between Viviana Canosa [es] and Milei on Twitter, jokingly proposing to invite him to the 2024 Republican Party presidential debates.[34]
In February 2017, Milei generated controversy by naming Domingo Cavallo Argentina's best economy minister, a choice that remains contentious due to Cavallo's unfavorable image in the country.[35] In November 2017, he caused a stir by declaring that "the main producer of Argentina's economists is a Marxist indoctrination center", in reference to the Faculty of Economic Sciences, University of Buenos Aires, leading to what he called "the ubiquitous proliferation of Keynesian brutes".[36]
On 26 June 2018, Milei called journalist Teresita Frías a burro (literally "donkey", meaning "ignorant" or "uneducated" in Argentine slang) after she criticized his ideological views as totalitarian.[37][38] As he refused to apologize, Milei was accused of exerting gender violence, and a local court mandated a psychological examination. Family and Gender judge Carmelo Paz forbade him from participating in public gatherings as a panelist or lecturer within the boundaries of the city of Metan, under the threat of legal action.[39][40] In 2018, he made his acting debut in his play El consultorio de Milei, with Claudio Rico and Diego Sucalesca. In 2019, Noticias named him one of the most influential people in Argentina. In 2020, he spoke in favor of protests against Alberto Fernández's government.[3]
2021 legislative campaign
From 2020 to 2021, Milei was a member of Avanza Libertad (Freedom Advances), a political party founded by José Luis Espert.[41] During his campaign for the Argentine Chamber of Deputies, Milei focused on Buenos Aires neighborhoods, where he took strolls and had talks with ordinary people.[42] He pledged not to support any tax increases or new taxes.[43] He ran under the slogan "I didn't come here to lead lambs, but to awaken lions", denouncing what he saw as a political caste,[44][45][46] which he said was composed of "useless, parasitic politicians who have never worked".[47] He called politicians "rats", and said they form "a parasitic caste" that thinks only about getting rich.[48] He used phrases like "I'm here to kick these criminals out",[1][49] and was especially supported by youth;[50] he promoted his political views on television, radio, and YouTube.[3] Additionally, Milei reconciled with his parents.[51]
Upon assuming office as deputy, Milei fulfilled one of his campaign promises by raffling his salary to a random person each month, aiming to "return money to the citizens". He described this monthly raffle, which is open to anyone,[58][59] as a way to get rid of what he considered dirty money, saying: "The state is a criminal organization that finances itself through taxes levied on people by force. We are returning the money that the political caste stole."[1] As a national deputy, Milei had been present in the chamber 52 percent of the time as of April 2023.[60] As of August 2023, he had not proposed any laws or joined any parliamentary commissions.[61][62] One of his absences was particularly criticized by the Juntos por el Cambio opposition because it allowed the national government to raise taxes on plane tickets by a single vote.[63][64][65] His monthly raffle for his salary has given away more than seven million pesos since his parliamentary election.[62]
In July 2023, Milei faced an investigation into alleged selling of candidacies within La Libertad Avanza.[66][67] Businessman Juan Carlos Blumberg said that the coalition "made politics a business", which prompted Milei to deny that there were paid candidates. Milei was also accused of having been funded and supported by Peronism. Journalist Juan Luis González said that Milei "allowed himself to be financed by provincial governments, received technical, logistical, and monetary aid from the Peronism that he claims to fight, threatened all those who wanted to open their mouths".[68] Statements by the prosecutor Ramiro González did not provide concrete data about the allegations. While the investigation was still progressing as of July 2023, Milei dismissed it as a political operation to discredit him,[69] and demanded that Ramiro González be investigated, accusing him of damaging his image.[70]
A member of the Libertarian Party, Milei ran for president of Argentina as part of La Libertad Avanza. His running mate was Victoria Villarruel.[71][72] His younger sister, Karina Milei, managed his campaign.[3] In May 2022, Milei was rising in the polls.[73] In June 2022, he officially launched his presidential campaign.[74] In March 2023, a poll showed that 17 percent of Argentines would vote for him and that his political coalition would become the third parliamentary force in the Argentine Congress. His rhetoric was attractive to under-30 voters born during the 1998–2002 Argentine great depression and facing the still ongoing economic stagnation. His supporters include those who once voted for Kirchnerism but would now vote for Milei as a protest even if they did not support his economic ideas.[48]
As inflation rose above 100 percent in May 2023,[75] Milei's position in the polls rose.[76] In June 2023, the markets welcomed Sergio Massa's presidential candidacy, as it polarized the election between the ruling party and Juntos por el Cambio, reducing what was called the "Milei factor".[77] Notable moments in Milei's campaign included a viral video of him tearing cards from a wallboard with the names of ministries that he wants to abolish and tossing them into the air as he said afuera ("out"),[78] wielding a chainsaw on stage,[79] smashing a piñata on air to symbolize his plans, calling Pope Francis "a filthy leftist", and praising American gangster Al Capone as "a hero".[80]
In the August 2023 primary elections, which is seen as an indication of how citizens are likely to vote in the October 2023 general election,[81] Milei emerged as the leading candidate,[82][83][84] with 30 percent of the vote, ahead of the traditional Peronism–Kirchnerism and Macrism that dominated the country in the 2010s.[3] Milei's victory was celebrated by far-right figures including Jair Bolsonaro,[84]José Antonio Kast,[84]Ted Cruz,[34] and the Spanish far-right political party Vox.[85] Polls had predicted that Massa would secure the most votes as a candidate in the primaries, with Juntos por el Cambio expected to be the most supported coalition overall;[86] Milei polled at about 20 percent,[3] and was seen as an outsider candidate.[87][88] Initially, for the first round of the general election, with the possibility of a runoff in November,[89] Peronists saw Milei as a possible ally who would divide the votes of the Juntos por el Cambio coalition.[90]
As a result of his strong performance in the primaries, Milei was considered the front-runner in the general election. His rise has been placed within the context of the last two presidencies, those of Mauricio Macri and Alberto Fernández. On 22 October, Milei advanced to the runoff, in which he faced Massa,[91] in what polls showed to be a tight race.[92] In the runoff on 19 November, Milei defeated Massa in a landslide,[93][94][95] and in what was called a historic election.[96] It was the highest percentage of the vote since Argentina's transition to democracy. Observers generally saw Milei's win as a sign more of discontent with the status quo than support for his politics,[80] and his victory was likened to Donald Trump's in the United States and Jair Bolsonaro's in Brazil.[97][98] Within the Argentine Congress, Milei's coalition achieved about 20% in the Chamber of Deputies and 10% in the Senate.[99] In his victory speech, Milei pledged a new political era,[100][101] vowing to begin "the reconstruction of Argentina" and end its economic decline.[101]
Milei took office as president on 10 December 2023. In addition to a lack of support in Congress,[102] observers pointed to a 200% inflation rate,[103] rising poverty, and a polarized population as challenges for his presidency.[104] His foreign minister, Diana Mondino, announced that Argentina would not accept Argentina's accession to BRICS.[105] In his first speech as president, Milei warned of an economic shock, which has been described as shock therapy in economic terms, to be used as a means to fix Argentina's economic woes.[106][107][108] Following his inauguration, Milei saw his popularity rise. After the first governmental and economic reforms he and his ministers made, 53% of the Argentine people had a good or very good opinion of him, according to a poll by Aresco on 15 December.[109]
First acts
Milei's cabinet includes ministers from La Libertad Avanza and Juntos por el Cambio.[110][111][112] In his first acts as president, Milei signed 13 decrees, mostly related to his cabinet members. He also lowered the number of ministries from 18 to 9, and appointed three secretariats with portfolio rank, including his sister to the position of General Secretary of the Presidency, after modifying the law prohibiting the appointment of family members.[113]
Milei signed Decree 70/2023, deregulating the Argentine economy. It is subject to approval by Congress, which was called for an extraordinary session to be held in the first months of 2024.[114] As part of the measure, an estimated 5,000 public sector employees will be affected.[115] An Argentinian court halted the labor reforms that were part of the decree.[116]
In a major foreign policy reversal, the Milei administration shelved plans to join BRICS, which Argentina was slated to join on January 1.[117]
Economically, Milei is influenced by the Austrian School and admires former president Carlos Menem's policies.[138] He supports capitalism, viewing socialism as embodying envy and coercion.[134] Milei proposes reducing government ministries and addressing economic challenges through spending cuts and fiscal reforms, criticizing previous administrations for excessive spending.[3][139] He has praised the economic policies of former British prime minister Margaret Thatcher and called her "a great leader".[140][141][142]
Milei has cultivated a complex and controversial public image marked by a blend of populist, right-wing libertarian, and conservative ideologies. Known for his ultra-liberal economic views and right-wing populist rhetoric, Milei's political stance has been subject to various interpretations by international media and political commentators.[48][49] His rise to prominence during the 2023 presidential campaign, fueled by his primary win, sparked widespread attention,[82][83][84] as did his central bank abolition and dollarization proposals.[156]
Milei is known for his flamboyant personality, distinctive personal style, and strong media presence, which at times causes controversy, and his embrace of conspiracy theories,[157] including the Cultural Marxism conspiracy theory.[158] He has also called climate change "a socialist lie" and said that concerns about it are nothing more than "deceptions promoted by the neo-Marxists",[159][160] as are those related to the attempts to overturn the 2020 United States presidential election.[161] Echoing Donald Trump, he also claimed electoral fraud ahead of the 2023 presidential runoff.[162][163] Like other right-wing populists, his rhetoric focuses on opposing what he calls "the political caste".[164] Milei's party was criticized for including among his candidates neo-Nazis and apologists for the last Argentine military dictatorship.[68] During his political career, Milei has also been involved in several investigations, and has been accused of having a violent attitude toward journalists and critics, as well as of misogynistic behavior, including toward women in journalism.[33]
Milei is a cosplayer, and has a superhero persona called "General AnCap".[165] He also champions free love.[166][167][168] In addition to being nicknamed el Peluca ("The Wig") for his eccentric hair,[169][170][171] which has been compared to that of Trump and fellow right-wing populists Boris Johnson and Geert Wilders,[172] Milei is known as el Loco ("The Crazy One").[173] News outlets have called him a "rock singer and tantric sex instructor",[174] a "former tantric sex coach",[84] and a "mixture of a messianic preacher and a rock star",[79] and have likened him to both Trump and Wolverine.[175] His admirers also call him "The Lion" because of a particular song he sings in his public acts, coupled with his looks (in particular, his long hair).[176][177]
The chainsaw has become an enduring and popular symbol associated with Milei[178] (he has been called the "chainsaw candidate"[179]), specifically symbolizing of his "cutting" of regulations, bureaucracy, and red tape in Argentina.[180] Some commentators have called Milei's economic policy of cutting regulations "chainsaw economics".[181] Milei's supporters often carry chainsaws at rallies, symbolizing "his promise to cut down the size of the state".[182]
Milei is not married and said that, if elected president, he would have his sister take the role of First Lady of Argentina.[164] In August 2023, Milei announced that he was dating actress Fátima Flórez.[183] Previously, he dated the singer Daniela Mori.[184]
Milei owns five English Mastiffs, with the progenitor being Conan, who died in 2017 after suffering from spinal cancer.[68][173][197] He considers Conan his son and has named four of Conan's six clones, including one named after the original and another named Angelito,[198] Milton (in honor of Milton Friedman), Murray (in honor of Murray Rothbard), Robert, and Lucas (both named after Robert Lucas Jr.).[199][200] Milei said that he cloned Conan because he understands cloning as "a way of approaching eternity".[197] To do this, he went to a clinic in the United States; the process cost him about $50,000.[197] He has called his dogs his four-legged children and thanked them after his electoral win.[3][201]
— (2014). Lecturas de Economía en tiempos de Kirchnerismo [Economic Readings in Times of Kirchnerism] (in Spanish). Grupo Unión. ISBN978-987-3773-00-6.
— (2014). Política Económica Contrarreloj [Economic Politics Against the Clock] (in Spanish). Ediciones Barbarroja. ISBN978-987-45133-2-8.
— (2015). El retorno al sendero de la decadencia Argentina [The Return to the Road of Argentine Decadence] (in Spanish). Grupo Unión. ISBN978-987-3677-18-2.
—; Giacomini, Diego (2016). Maquinita, Infleta y Devaluta [Money Printer, Inflation and Devaluation] (in Spanish). Grupo Unión. ISBN978-987-3677-44-1.
— (2017). Otra vez sopa: maquinita, infleta y devaluta: ensayos de economía monetaria para el caso argentino [Soup Again: Money Printer, Inflation, and Devaluation. Monetary Economy Essays for the Argentine Case] (in Spanish). Ediciones B, Grupo Zeta. ISBN978-987-627-814-0.
— (2018). Desenmascarando la mentira Keynesiana. Keynes, Friedman y el triunfo de la Escuela Austriaca [Unmasking the Keynesian Lie: Keynes, Friedman, and the Triumph of the Austrian School] (in Spanish). Grupo Unión. ISBN978-84-7209-727-8.
—; Giacomini, Diego (2019). Libertad, libertad, libertad [Liberty, Liberty, Liberty] (in Spanish). Galerna. ISBN978-950-556-739-3.
— (2020). Pandenomics. La economía que viene en tiempos de megarrecesión, inflación y crisis global [Pandenomics: The Coming Economy in Times of Mega Recession, Inflation, and Global Crisis] (in Spanish). Galerna. ISBN978-950-556-779-9.
— (2023). El fin de la inflación. Eliminar el Banco Central, terminar con la estafa del impuesto inflacionario y volver a ser un país en serio [The End of Inflation: Eliminate the Central Bank, End the Inflation Tax Scam, and Return to Being a Serious Country] (in Spanish). Planeta Argentina. ISBN978-950-498-171-8.
— (2014). "De los picapiedras a los supersónicos. Maravillas del progreso tecnológico con convergencia" [From the Flintstones to the Jetsons: Wonders of Technological Progress with Convergence]. Revista Actualidad Económica (in Spanish). National University of Córdoba, Faculty of Economic Sciences, Institute of Economics and Finance (83): 5–18.
—; with Diego Giacomini (2017). "Ensayos monetarios para economías Abiertas. El caso argentino" [Monetary Essays for Open Economies: The Argentine Case]. Revista Actualidad Económica (in Spanish). National University of Córdoba, Faculty of Economic Sciences, Institute of Economics and Finance (91): 5–24.
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