Recovery of Helen by Menelaus. Attic black-figure amphora, c. 550 BC. Homer calls Helen "white-armed".

The description of populations as white in reference to their skin colour predates and is distinct from the race categories constructed from the 17th century onward.[1] Coloured terminology is occasionally found in Graeco-Roman ethnography[2][3] and other ancient and medieval sources, but these societies did not have any notion of a white or pan-European race.[4] In Graeco-Roman society whiteness was a somatic norm, although this norm could be rejected and it did not coincide with any system of discrimination or colour prejudice.[5][6][7] Historically, before the late modern period, cultures outside of Europe and North America, such as those in the Middle East and China, employed concepts of whiteness.[8] Eventually these were progressively marginalised and replaced by the European form of racialised whiteness.[8] Whiteness has no enduring "true essence", but instead is a social construct that is dependent on differing societal, geographic, and historical meanings.[9][10] Scholarship on race distinguishes the modern concept from pre-modern descriptions, which focused on skin colour, complexion and other physical traits.[11]


Beginning with the rise of agricultural economies and the increasing stratification of societies around the world approximately 6000 years ago, light skin came to be increasingly associated with higher social status.[12] Because lower status individuals were typically required to participate in arduous outdoor toil, dark skin began to be associated with lower social status in agricultural societies around the world. Over time whiteness became associated with happiness, success, freedom from outdoor toil, and even spiritual purity.[12] In the ancient and medieval societies of Europe, Asia, and North Africa, light skin, especially among women, came to be a sign of living a privileged lifestyle, having noble ancestry, and also became an indicator of beauty.[12][13]

Fertile Crescent


In ancient Mesopotamia healthy skin colours were described as sāmu ("ruddy" or "reddish") or peṣû ("white") while ill-health was associated with the skin colour arqu ("pale-brown" or "yellow"), a reference to jaundice.[14][15][16] Peṣû was descended from the Proto-Semitic word f/pṣḥ, which was related to whiteness and brightness.[17] The word sāmu would also be used to refer to red hair, either dyed or natural, with natural red hair being associated with the Eurasian Steppe.[18] For Akkadians, peṣû might also be used to refer to medical conditions such as albinism or severe anaemia, or a woman's fair complexion.[17][19] In contrast the Akkadian word ṣalmu ("black") would be used to describe people with dark skin, such as the Nubian pharaoh of Egypt's 25th Dynasty.[20] Along with brown eyes, blue eyes or namru ("dazzling(-blue)), are also referred to in Mesopotamian writings.[21]

Ancient Egypt

Further information: Ancient Egyptian race controversy

According to anthropologist Nina Jablonski:

1820 drawing of a Book of Gates fresco of the tomb of Seti I, 1279 BC, depicting (from left) four groups of people: four Libyans, a Nubian, an Asiatic, and an Egyptian.[22]

In ancient Egypt as a whole, people were not designated by color terms [...] Egyptian inscriptions and literature only rarely, for instance, mention the dark skin color of the Kushites of Upper Nubia. We know the Egyptians were not oblivious to skin color, however, because artists paid attention to it in their works of art, to the extent that the pigments at the time permitted.[23]

The Ancient Egyptian (New Kingdom) funerary text known as the Book of Gates distinguishes "four groups" in a procession. These are the "red-brown" Egyptians, the "pale" Levantine and Canaanite peoples or "Asiatics", the "black" "Nubians" and the "fair-skinned Libyans".[24][25] The Egyptians are depicted as considerably darker-skinned than the Levantines (persons from what is now Lebanon, Israel, Palestine and Jordan) and Libyans, but considerably lighter than the Nubians (modern Sudan). Sex differences in skin colour were also depicted in Egyptian art, with women being depicted as noticeably lighter skinned than men.[26] Men would be painted dark reddish-brown, while women could be painted "white, tan, cream, or yellow".[27] Classical archaeologists typically ascribe this divergence to the differing lifestyles of men and women.[28] According to Charles Freeman, depictions of women with light skin suggested a high status, and were a "sign that a woman did not have to work in the sun".[29] As with other Mediterranean cultures, light skin came to be the feminine ideal in Egyptian art.[30]

The Levant

Ancient Greeks labeled the Phoenicians, and Levantines in general, as Phoinike (Φοινίκη), a word derived from the Greek work Phoinos, meaning "ruddy", possibly in reference to the skin colour of Ancient Levantines.[31][32][33] In the Hebrew Bible, figures such as Esau and King David are described as "ruddy".[34][35] According to scholar David M. Goldenberg, the ancient Israelites and Judean peoples preferred women with a "fair complexion".[36] This preference is established in both biblical and post-biblical literature.[37] For example, The Genesis Apocryphon describes Sarah as being "beautiful" in "her whiteness."[37] A later scenario is written about by one of the Tannaim in which a potential groom refuses to marry a woman who he believes to be "ugly" and "black" (sḥehorah) until he finds out she is in fact "beautiful" and "white" (levanah).[37] In the Song of Songs a woman praises her lover for being "white and ruddy" while she is described as "clear as the moon".[38][39]

Goldenberg wrote:

A rabbinic text commenting on the skin diseases mentioned in the Bible (Leviticus, chs. 13–14; Deut 24:8), states: "An intensely bright white spot [baheret] appears faint on the very light-skinned [germani], while a faint spot appears bright on the very dark-skinned [kushi]. Rabbi Ishmael said: 'The Jews—may I be like an expiatory sacrifice for them [an expression of love]—are like the boxwood tree [eshkeroae], neither black nor white, but in between.'"2 This statement records a second-century (R. Ishmael) perception that the skin color of Jews is midway between black and white.3 More precisely it is light brown, the color of the boxwood tree.4 This early perception of the intermediate, light-brown shade of the Jewish complexion is corroborated by a number of papyri from the Ptolemaic period in Egypt that describe the complexion of various Jews as "honey-colored."[40]


Further information: Historical definitions of races in India

The nature of skin colour and its role in the Indian caste system is strongly contested.[41] According to the Indian sociologist G. S. Ghurye the groups mentioned in the Vedas, the Arya and Dasa, were distinguished by their skin colour or "varna" with the Arya being associated with a fair complexions and the Dasa being associated with dark complexions.[42][43] Similarly, sociologist James Alfred Aho states that skin colour was used as a marker for what eventually became the caste system.[44] Anthropologist Arthur Helweg states that the initial basis for the varna system was skin colour.[45] Bengali scholar Jayantanuja Bandyopadhyaya records that in the Rigveda, the god Indra distributed the lands of the conquered Dasa to the "white-coloured" Arya.[46] As such, Bandyopadhyaya characterises the conflict between the "white-skinned" Arya and "black-skinned" Anarya, or non-Aryans, as having racial overtones.[46] The Indian Marxist historian D. D. Kosambi, wrote that the darker skin of the Dasyu "contrasted with the lighter skin-colour of the newcomers [Aryans]."[47] The Mahabhashya, Ṛgveda, and Gopatha Brahmana contain, according to Kenneth A.R. Kennedy, references to Brahmins with "white skins and red or yellow hair."[48] Per David Lorenzen, there are some references in later Vedic literature that suggest the Brahmin and Vaishya castes are referred to as "white or fair".[49]

The Indian scholars Varsha Ayyar and Lalit Khandare assert that colourism, or discrimination based on skin pigmentation, has existed in India since pre-colonial times, predating any Eurocentric concepts of whiteness.[50] Similarly, the scholar Nina Kullrich submits that references to colour in Indian culture predate European colonialism and that although racism and colourism are linked together, they are not equivalent, with a desire for whiteness being a part of Indian culture that is distinguished from European concepts.[51]

Others, such as Michael Witzel, state that the Rigveda uses krsna tvac "black skin" as a metaphor for irreligiosity.[52] The Indian historian Romila Thapar states that skin colour differences are more likely to be symbolic descriptors.[53] Kadira Pethiyagoda also states that while varna does literally mean colour, and was used to classify groups of people and express differences, recent scholarship suggests these terms were symbolic.[54]

Ancient Greece

The Alexander Mosaic, Pompeii, c. 100 BC, depicting the Macedonian cavalry of Alexander the Great fighting Persians under Darius III at the Battle of Issus in 333 BC.[55]

As with Ancient Egyptians, Mycenaean Greeks and Minoans generally depicted women with pale or white skin and men with dark brown or tanned skin.[56] As a result, men with pale or light skin, leukochrōs (λευκόχρως, "white-skinned") could be considered weak and effeminate by Ancient Greek writers such as Plato and Aristotle.[57] According to Aristotle, "Those whose skin is too dark are cowardly: witness Egyptians and the Ethiopians. Those whose skin is too light are equally cowardly: witness women. The skin colour typical of the courageous should be halfway between the two."[58] Similarly, Xenophon of Athens describes Persian prisoners of war as "white-skinned because they were never without their clothing, and soft and unused to toil because they always rode in carriages" and states that Greek soldiers as a result believed "that the war would be in no way different from having to fight with women."[59][60]

In Greek literature women including goddesses such as Hera and Aphrodite and mortals such as Penelope, Andromache, and Nausicaa can be described as leukōlenos (λευκώλενος, "white-armed").[61][62] Athena is described as having golden-hair or xanthe (Ξανθή) and blue, green, or grey eyes.[63][64] Contrarily male warriors like Odysseus were usually described as having brown or bronzed skin, unless attention was being brought to skin that was vulnerable to injury in battle.[61][62] Greek visual art usually showed women as white, much lighter than the typical male.[65] As a goddess of beauty, Aphrodite was usually given very white skin in both graphic and textual art.[37] Whiteness was generally seen as a desirable part of femininity in Ancient Greek culture.[66][62]

Fresco of a woman in the Ostrusha mound, 4th century BC.[67]

Classicist James H. Dee states "the Greeks do not describe themselves as 'White people'—or as anything else because they had no regular word in their colour vocabulary for themselves."[68] People's skin colour did not carry useful meaning; what mattered is where they lived.[69]

Herodotus described the Scythian Budini as having deep blue eyes and bright red hair[70] and the Egyptians – quite like the Colchians – as melánchroes (μελάγχροες, "dark-skinned") and curly-haired.[71] He also gives the possibly first reference to the common Greek name of the tribes living south of Egypt, otherwise known as Nubians, which was Aithíopes (Αἰθίοπες).[72] Later Xenophanes of Colophon described the Aethiopians as black and snub-nosed and the Thracians as having red hair and blue eyes.[73] In his description of the Scythians, Hippocrates states that the cold weather "burns their white skin and turns it ruddy."[74][75]

The 2nd century Anatolian Greek sophist Polemon of Laodicea advocated a view of ancient physiognomy which attributed variations in skin and hair colour to the actions of the Sun. An anonymous 4th century Latin treatise, based on the work of Polemon, describes several stereotypes, including some related to skin colour, such as the claim that light-skinned "Northern" people are "courageous and bold and so forth". The Arabic translations of Polemon similarly includes white skin in a list of several traits held by Greeks of Hellenic or Ionian descent.[76]

Ancient Rome

The Caribbean scholar Mervyn C. Alleyne states that the Romans used the term candidus, a neutral term for white, to refer to themselves.[77] Romans would also use the term albus, which referred to the physical phenomenon of whiteness, to refer to their skin colour.[78][79] Vitruvius used candidus in his description for populations of northern Europe that "have huge bodies and are white in colour".[80] The Roman writer Julius Firmicus Maternus would contrast the Germaniae candidi (white Germans) with Ethiopians, while Pliny spoke of Northern Europeans having candida atque glacialis cutis or "white and frosty skins".[81] According to the Roman geographers Pomponius Mela and Pliny, a group of white Ethiopians (leukaethiopes), possibly a reference to lighter-skinned Berbers, inhabited the North African interior.[82][83] The term candidus was later replaced during the Germanic invasion of Rome by the term blancus, which served a similar purpose, and which has survived in modern languages such as French blanc, Spanish blanco, Portuguese branco, and Italian bianco.[84] Like candidus, blancus, was a neutral term used for Caucasian peoples.[77]

1st century AD Pompeian fresco, showing Dido, enthroned, attended by a handmaiden (left), looking towards the personification of Africa (right).[85]

As with the ancient Greeks, the ancient Romans saw whiteness as an important part of feminine beauty.[66] For example, in Virgil's Aeneid, Dido, the Phoenician queen of Carthage, and lover of Aeneas, is described as candida or "white".[77] Virgil also refers to the goddess Venus as having "snow white arms".[86] The Carthaginian poet Luxorius wrote disparagingly of the skin colour of Ethiopian women while praising the colour white as the ideal colour for women.[86]

References to skin colour appear in Roman literature beyond references to women. Being unable to tell the difference between a white person and a black person was a common Roman idiom, used metaphorically to establish a state of ignorance.[87] These idioms are attested in the writings of Cicero and Catullus.[87] In the second of his Satires, the Roman satirist Juvenal writes "let the straight-legged man laugh at the club-footed man, the white man (albus) at the black (aethiops)",[88] although many varying translations are possible.[89][90][91][92][93] In his fictional dialogue Hermotimus, the Hellenised Syrian satirist Lucian speculates on whether an isolated Ethiopian would assume out of hand that there are no "white or yellow" men on Earth.[94][95][96]

Several Roman authors, such as Tacitus and Suetonius, expressed concerns in their writings about Roman "blood purity" as Roman citizens from outside of Roman Italy increased in number. Neither author, however, suggested that the naturalisation of new citizens should stop, only that manumissions (freeing slaves) and grants of citizenship should be less frequent. Their concerns of blood purity did not match modern ideas of race or ethnicity, and had little to do with features such as skin colour or physical appearance.[97] Terms such as Aethiop, which Romans used for black people, carried no social implications, and though phenotype-related stereotypes certainly existed in Ancient Rome, inherited physical characteristics were typically not relevant to social status;[98] people who looked different from the typical Mediterranean populace, such as black people, were not excluded from any profession and there are no records of stigmas or biases against mixed race relationships.[99] The main dividing social differences in Ancient Rome were not based on physical features, but rather on differences in class or rank. Romans practised slavery extensively, but slaves in Ancient Rome were part of various different ethnic groups and were not enslaved because of their ethnic affiliation.[100] According to the English historian Emma Dench, it was "notoriously difficult to detect slaves by their appearance" in Ancient Rome.[97]

Late antiquity

In late antiquity, some early Christian writers began connecting the metaphorical goodness and morality associated in European culture with the colour white to the physical skin colour itself, while at the same time associating the negative concepts attached to the colour black with dark skin.[101][102] For example, the writer Paulinus of Nola claimed that Ethiopians had been turned black due to committing vices.[101] Similarly Gregory of Nyssa believed that "Christ came into the world to make blacks white … Babylonians into Jerusalemites, the prostitute into a virgin, Ethiopians radiantly white."[101] When speaking of baptising an Ethiopian, Fulgentius of Ruspe said he saw the Ethiopian as one who was "not yet whitened by the grace of Christ."[101] According to a 7th century biography, Pope Gregory I bemoaned the presence of Anglo-Saxon child slaves in Rome who were "white of body and have blonde hair".[103][81] In the 8th century, the English monk The Venerable Bede, generally associated the black skin of Ethiopians with "spiritual darkness" but at the same time rejected any idea that the colour differences between, as he termed it, "a black Ethiopian and a white Saxon" would affect their fates during the Last Judgement.[81]

The 6th century Byzantine scholar Procopius referred to various invading barbarian tribes as being white, such as the Gothic tribes who he claimed had "white bodies and fair hair" and the Hephthalites or "White Huns" who, according to him, had "white bodies and countenances".[104][81] Indian scholars also referred to the Hephthalites as Sveta Huna (White Huns).[105] Hephthalites portrayed in the Sogdian art of the Afrasiab palace are shown as having pale or ruddy faces.[106]


A 1st century image of a soldier in a red uniform, part of the Sampul tapestry, found in north-western China. The figure is believed to represent a member of the Yuezhi.[107][108]

In pre-modern China, the Han Chinese used whiteness as a non-racial social category that included themselves while excluding many non-Chinese peoples.[109] While whiteness was used to identify and define Chinese people, Chinese culture did not exclusively apply the term to any single ethnicity, and other ethnic groups, such as Manchus and Europeans, could be described as white.[109] Other groups, however, such as Indonesians, and Malaysians, were referred to as "black".[109] Chinese culture also associated light skin with having a higher social status due to light complexions signifying "freedom from manual labour".[109]

Scholars of Ancient China also describe Indo-European-speaking peoples of north-western China, such as the Yuezhi, as having "white" or "reddish white" skin.[110] Similarly, the Wusun tribe are said to have had green eyes and red beards.[111]

Muslim world

Further information: Medieval Arab attitudes to Black people

Sclavinia, Germania, Gallia and Roma bringing gifts to Otto III, from Otto's Gospels, c. 1000.[112]

During and after the middle ages, the peoples of the Middle East used the term white to distinguish themselves from darker-skinned "others".[109] "White", "red", and "black" became ethnic identifiers with "black" signifying inferiority.[109] These colour terms became fixed after the initial Arab Conquests.[113] Whiteness in this era became a valued physical attribute, with a white complexion being associated with the social elite.[113]

Middle Easterners noted that Europeans were "excessively white" with "pale blue" eyes.[113] Muslim scholars of the Islamic Golden Age, such as Avicenna, described the northern tribes bordering the Muslim world as white; Avicenna writes: "The Slavs acquire whiteness / Until their Skins turn soft."[114] The Arab explorer Ahmad ibn Fadlan during his northern travels detailed the Rus' people of the Viking Age as being "blonde and ruddy" and "big men with white bodies."[115][116] The medieval Muslim sociologist Ibn Khaldun noted that those north of the Arabic-speaking world typically didn't use the term white:[117]

The inhabitants of the north are not called by their color, because the people who established the conventional meanings of the words were themselves white. Thus whiteness was something usual and common to them, and they did not see anything sufficiently remarkable in it to cause them to use it as a specific term.

— Ibn Khaldun, Muqaddimah (1377)[118][119]

The medieval Arab world used various terminology for people in reference to their skin colour with terms like al-bidan and al-abyad meaning "white people" and al-Sudan and Zanj meaning "black people".[120][121] In general in the Arab world, the term "white" was used to refer to Arabs, Persians, Greeks, Turks, Slavs, and other peoples in the north.[122] According to historian Arnold J. Toynbee, Arab rulers of the Umayyad Caliphate would sometimes refer to Persians and Turkish subjects as "the ruddy people", implying their racial inferiority.[123] Despite this, some Islamic hagiographies record the Prophet Muhammad, as well as other Abrahamic figures, as having a "white or ruddy colour".[124]

The term "white" was also used within Koranic exegesis as part of the "Curse of Ham". According to the 9th century scholar, Ibn Qutaybah, the religious writer and son of a companion of Muhammad, Wahb ibn Munabbih, related an interpretation of the story of Noah that stated Noah's son Ham had been a white man, but was later cursed by God to have his skin and the skin of his descendants turned black.[125] As such Ham became the ancestor of all dark skinned people including Ethiopians, Nubians, Copts, and Berbers who were, according to other Islamic traditions related to the "Curse of Cannan", now also cursed to be bondsmen or slaves.[126]

White slavery

Main article: White slavery

Slave-market in the town of Zabid in Yemen offered slaves of multiple races. Illustration from a 13th century book produced in Baghdad by al-Wasiti.[127]

Different labels were used to categorise slaves in Islamic society, with white slaves being referred to as mamlūk ("owned") and blacks slaves referred to as abd ("slave") and white eunuchs referred to as jarādiyya ("locusts") and black eunuchs referred to as ghurābiyya ("ravens").[128] According to the Arab writer Al-Jahiz, the majority of white eunuchs in medieval Basra were Slavs.[129] By the 10th and 11th centuries, white slaves from Spain, Sicily, and the Balkans could be purchased in the Muslim slave markets of Damascus and Baghdad.[130] The Christian Arab intellectual Ibn Butlan of Baghdad wrote the first slave vade mecum, or handbook, in the 11th century, which recorded and described different ethnic and racial groups, dividing white slaves from black slaves and suggesting different tasks for each group based on their attributes.[131] Ibn Butlan suggested that white slaves, such as Turks and Slavs, should be used as soldiers while black slaves should be used as labourers, servants, and eunuchs.[132] Generally in the Arab world, white slaves came to be used to fill administrative and domestic positions while black slaves were used for rough labour.[133] According to Bernard Lewis, white slaves could also conceivably become "generals, provincial governors, sovereigns and founders of dynasties", while such positions were rarely bestowed upon black slaves.[133] Likewise, emancipated white slaves were offered more opportunities for social advancement in Arab society than emancipated black slaves.[134]

In medieval Southern Europe slaves came to be categorised based on colour with Christians using typical labels for Muslim slaves such as sarraceno blanco (white Saracen), sarracenno nigrium (black Saracen), and sarraceno lauram (Saracen of intermediate colour).[135] In 13th century Barcelona the majority of Muslim slaves listed were classified as blanche (white).[135] In 13th century Genoa slaves classified as albi (white) made up nearly half of the total recorded slave population.[135] Records show Provencal France would also distinguish between noir (black) and blanc (white) slaves.[135] In Islamic controlled Iberia (Al-Andalus) Muslims could own other Muslims as slaves, a practice usually banned within Islam, if the enslaved Muslims were either black or loro (of intermediate colour) but not if they were classified as white.[135][136] Generally, in medieval Iberia and Italy, people were described as white, black, or of intermediate colour.[137]


'The Luttrell Psalter', British Library MS 42130, fol. 82r, c. 1325–35.
Konrad von Limpurg as a knight being armed by his lady. Codex Manesse, c. 1304–40.

Medieval Christians seldom used "race" as a human category; the word emerged in 15th century Romance-language texts on animal husbandry, and writers tended instead to use words like gens and natio when classifying human groups. Medieval ideas about skin colour were complex. Dark skin – depicted in art using brown, black, blue, grey and sometimes purple hues – often signified negative moral and spiritual qualities distinct from physical appearance. Thus, the image of Saladin facing Richard I in the 14th century Luttrell Psalter depicts the Saracen with dark blue skin and a monstrous expression, even though the Muslims of the Levant at the time of the Third Crusade were predominantly light-skinned Mamluks. Christian theologians, for whom blackness represented sin and the devil, describe the newly baptised as "whitened" by the washing away of their sins.[138]

Female beauty

See also: Perceptions of the female body in medieval Europe

By the Late Middle Ages, the idealised, light-skinned features of high status figures in Gothic art signalled their moral purity, social rank, and political authority. The princesses of Chivalric romance and the noble ladies of courtly love literature similarly combined white skin with other positive social markers: slender proportions, graceful bearing, and expensive dress.[139]

The ideal of feminine beauty was formalised in the 12th century by Matthew of Vendôme in the Ars Versificatoria, which includes two descriptions Helen of Troy as a model. In the first example, her forehead is white as paper, the space between her eyes white and clear (a "milky way"), her colouring white and red (like rose and snow), and her teeth like ivory. In the second portrait, her forehead is like milk, teeth like ivory, neck like snow, legs fleshy (or white).[140]


According to the medievalist Candace Barrington:

White faces fill Chaucer's Canterbury Tales. Their ubiquity can be easy to ignore because they are not labeled as white. Aside from the occasional lady with the fair face—which could refer to her skin tone, her beauty, or both—skin color is noteworthy in Chaucer's tales not as a visible, essential bodily quality but as a changeable trait linked to such external factors as climate, work, and habit.[141]

Lower-class labourers ("churls") and drunkards typically have dark or ruddy faces and skin—for example, Perkyn Revelour ("brown and as berye") and the canon's yeoman (with a "leden hewe"). Dark skin is thus a consequence of "sin, sun, damnation, or putrefying flames", not a natural physical condition of certain groups of people. Chaucer's characters are all "by default, unrelentingly but invisibly white."[141]

See also


  1. ^ Preston, John (8 August 2007). Whiteness and Class in Education. Springer Science & Business Media. p. 86. ISBN 978-1-4020-6108-0. OCLC 1111802549.
  2. ^ Smith, Ian (7 December 2009). Race and Rhetoric in the Renaissance: Barbarian Errors. Springer. p. 53. ISBN 978-0-230-10206-4. OCLC 1125714031.
  3. ^ Blum, Lawrence (3 October 2002). "I'm Not a Racist, But . . .": The Moral Quandary of Race. Cornell University Press. pp. 109–110. ISBN 978-0-8014-8815-3. OCLC 1022602876.
  4. ^ Head, Tom (1 August 2009). Civil Liberties: A Beginner's Guide. Oneworld Publications. p. 91. ISBN 978-1-85168-644-5. OCLC 271080692.
  5. ^ Snowden, Frank M. (1983). Before Color Prejudice: The Ancient View of Blacks. Harvard University Press. p. 79. ISBN 978-0-674-06381-5. OCLC 1000663654.
  6. ^ Snowden Jr., Frank M. (18 September 1995). "chapter 1: Europe's Oldest Chapter in the History of Black-White Relations". In Benjamin Bowser (ed.). Racism and Anti-Racism in World Perspective. SAGE. pp. 21–23. ISBN 978-0-8039-4954-6. OCLC 1017227660.
  7. ^ Whitaker, Cord J. (27 September 2019). Black Metaphors: How Modern Racism Emerged from Medieval Race-Thinking. University of Pennsylvania Press. p. 27. ISBN 978-0-8122-9642-6. OCLC 1128099286.
  8. ^ a b Bonnett, Alastair (8 October 2018). White Identities: An Historical & International Introduction. Routledge. pp. 7–9. ISBN 978-1-317-88037-0.
  9. ^ Susan Smith (2010). The SAGE Handbook of Social Geographies. SAGE Publications. p. 62. ISBN 978-1-4129-3559-3. OCLC 1051476792.
  10. ^ Yep, Gust A.; Lawrence, Ryan M. (20 December 2017). "Chapter 8: Obstructing the Process of Becoming: Basal Whiteness and the Challenge to Critical Intercultural Communication Pedagogy". In Ahmet Atay; Satoshi Toyosaki (eds.). Critical Intercultural Communication Pedagogy. Lexington Books. p. 117. ISBN 978-1-4985-3121-4. OCLC 1013508836.
  11. ^ "On both sides of the chronological divide between the modern and the pre-modern (wherever it may lie), there is today a remarkable consensus that the earlier vocabularies of difference are innocent of race." Nirenberg, David (2009). "Was there race before modernity? The example of 'Jewish' blood in late medieval Spain" (PDF). In Eliav-Feldon, Miriam; Isaac, Benjamin H.; Ziegler, Joseph (eds.). The Origins of Racism in the West. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. pp. 232–264. Archived from the original (PDF) on 27 December 2015. Retrieved 16 September 2014.
  12. ^ a b c Jablonski, Nina G. (25 February 2020). "Chapter 2: An unlikely turning point: Skin bleaching and the growth of colorism in South Africa". In Nina G. Jablonski (ed.). Persistence of Race. African Sun Media. pp. 34–35. ISBN 978-1-928480-44-0. OCLC 1164182757.
  13. ^ Goldenberg, David M. (11 April 2009). The Curse of Ham: Race and Slavery in Early Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Princeton University Press. pp. 90–91. ISBN 978-1-4008-2854-8. OCLC 1162398032.
  14. ^ Thavapalan, Shiyanthi (21 October 2019). The Meaning of Color in Ancient Mesopotamia. BRILL. pp. 69–70, 74. ISBN 978-90-04-41541-6. OCLC 1114270506. Arqu can also describe the yellow color of is the sallow, unhealthy yellow, pale brown color...healthy faces are described as "ruddy" with sāmu (2.5.10).
  15. ^ Thavapalan 2019, p. 259: two shades - "reddish" (samu) and "whitish" (pest).
  16. ^ Thavapalan 2019, p. 139: in the urine scale, at least two shades of white are described: peṣû meaning "cloudy" and kīma šizbi "milky"...The example of a woman giving birth to an infant that is "as white as alabaster" quoted above probably refers to a case of albinism. Fair skin caused by severe anemia is described in Akkadian omens as "disfigured with white" (peṣû + nakāru). Aside from these cases, peṣû seems to refer to the normal, healthy coloration of a person's skin.
  17. ^ a b Thavapalan 2019, p. 139.
  18. ^ Thavapalan 2019, p. 60.
  19. ^ Thavapalan 2019, p. 135-135.
  20. ^ Thavapalan 2019, p. 155-156.
  21. ^ Thavapalan 2019, p. 95-96.
  22. ^ Fluehr-Lobban, Carolyn (12 April 2018). Race and Racism: An Introduction (2 ed.). Rowman & Littlefield. p. 36. ISBN 978-1-4422-7460-0. OCLC 1019838159.
  23. ^ Jablonski, Nina G. (27 September 2012). Living Color: The Biological and Social Meaning of Skin Color. Berkeley, California: University of California Press. p. 106. ISBN 978-0-520-95377-2.
  24. ^ "The first are RETH, the second are AAMU, the third are NEHESU, and the fourth are THEMEHU. The RETH are Egyptians, the AAMU are dwellers in the deserts to the east and north-east of Egypt, the NEHESU are the Cushites, and the THEMEHU are the fair-skinned Libyans" Book of Gates, chapter VI (Archived 10 March 2016 at the Wayback Machine), translated by E. A. Wallis Budge, 1905.
  25. ^ Thavapalan 2019, p. 155-156: As a point of correlation to visual culture, one can observe that in Egyptian art too, Nubians from the south are painted black. Egyptian natives were portrayed with a red-brown complexion, Syrians or Asiatic peoples from the north and east were shown in pale tones and Libyans from the west were represented in white.
  26. ^ Eaverly, Mary Ann (10 December 2013). Tan Men/Pale Women: Color and Gender in Archaic Greece and Egypt, a Comparative Approach. University of Michigan Press. pp. 18–20. ISBN 978-0-472-11911-0. OCLC 1055877879.
  27. ^ Eaverly 2013, p. 29.
  28. ^ Eaverly 2013, p. 1-2.
  29. ^ Charles Freeman (2014). Egypt, Greece, and Rome: Civilizations of the Ancient Mediterranean. OUP Oxford. p. 86. ISBN 978-0-19-965192-4. OCLC 1001219924. light skin, a sign that a woman did not have to work in the sun, suggested high status
  30. ^ Cohen, Ada (6 June 2017). "What is Art History?". In Dan Rockmore (ed.). What Are the Arts and Sciences?: A Guide for the Curious. Dartmouth College Press. pp. 33–34. ISBN 978-1-5126-0103-9. OCLC 1077754984.
  31. ^ Eighth Century Prophets: a Social Analysis. Chalice Press. p. 73. ISBN 978-0-8272-0831-5.
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  35. ^ Steven L. McKenzie (27 April 2000). King David: A Biography. Oxford University Press. p. 65. ISBN 978-0-19-535101-9. OCLC 1035651169.
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  39. ^ Melamed, Abraham (2 September 2003). The Image of the Black in Jewish Culture: A History of the Other. Routledge. pp. 35, 212. ISBN 978-1-135-78983-1.
  40. ^ Goldenberg 2009, p. 95.
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  51. ^ Kullrich, Nina (24 August 2018). "chapter 11:'In This Country Beauty Is Defined by Fairness of Skin.' Skin Colour Politics and Social Stratification in India". In Claudia Liebelt; Sarah Böllinger; Ulf Vierke (eds.). Beauty and the Norm: Debating Standardization in Bodily Appearance. Springer. pp. 246–247. ISBN 978-3-319-91174-8. OCLC 1050110582.
  52. ^ Witzel, Michael (25 October 2012). "chapter 14:Ṛgvedic history: poets, chieftains, and polities". In George Erdosy (ed.). The Indo-Aryans of Ancient South Asia: Language, Material Culture and Ethnicity. Walter de Gruyter. p. 325. ISBN 978-3-11-081643-3. OCLC 1055590401. while it would be easy to assume reference to skin color, this would go against the spirit of the hymns: for Vedic poets, black always signifies evil, and any other meaning would be secondary in these contexts
  53. ^ Romila Thapar (2003). The Penguin History of Early India: From the Origins to AD 1300. Penguin Books India. p. 112. ISBN 978-0-14-302989-2. OCLC 1001285480.
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  56. ^ Eaverly 2013, p. 85.
  57. ^ Kamtekar, Rachana (15 April 2008). "Chapter 1 Distinction Without a Difference? Race and Genos in Plato". In Julie K. Ward; Tommy L. Lott (eds.). Philosophers on Race: Critical Essays. John Wiley & Sons. pp. 15–16. ISBN 978-0-470-75204-3. OCLC 1039168694.
  58. ^ Sassi, Maria Michela (2001). The Science of Man in Ancient Greece. University of Chicago Press. p. 50. ISBN 978-0-226-73530-6. OCLC 1000991167.
  59. ^ Peter Hunt (9 May 2002). Slaves, Warfare, and Ideology in the Greek Historians. Cambridge University Press. p. 164. ISBN 978-0-521-89390-9. OCLC 248925851.
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  61. ^ a b Sassi 2001, p. 2.
  62. ^ a b c Davies, Glenys; Llewellyn-Jones, Lloyd (1 November 2018). "chapter 3: The Body". In Mary Harlow (ed.). A Cultural History of Dress and Fashion in Antiquity. Bloomsbury Publishing. p. 49. ISBN 978-1-350-11403-6. OCLC 1083460328.
  63. ^ Marina Warner (2000). Monuments and Maidens: The Allegory of the Female Form. University of California Press. p. 90. ISBN 978-0-520-22733-0. OCLC 1016308283.
  64. ^ Thavapalan 2019, p. 86.
  65. ^ Allen, Mont (4 November 2019). "Chapter 8: Technique and Message in Roman Art". In Barbara E. Borg (ed.). A Companion to Roman Art. John Wiley & Sons. p. 160. ISBN 978-1-119-07789-3. OCLC 1016078313.
  66. ^ a b Davies, Glenys; Llewellyn-Jones, Lloyd (2007). Greek and Roman Dress from A to Z. Routledge. p. 211. ISBN 978-1-134-58916-6.
  67. ^ Manetta, Consuela (23 December 2013). "The Tomb Below the Ostrusha Mound and the Painted Prosopal within the Central Boxes of the Ceiling: Proposal for a New Reading – Research Bulletin". Research Bulletin – Dedicated to the work of fellows at the Center for Hellenic Studies. Retrieved 21 June 2022.
  68. ^ James H. Dee, "Black Odysseus, White Caesar: When Did 'White People' Become 'White'?" The Classical Journal, Vol. 99, No. 2. (December 2003 – January 2004), pp. 163 ff.
  69. ^ Painter, Nell (2 February 2016). The History of White People. New York, NY: W. W. Norton & Company. p. 1. ISBN 978-0-393-04934-3.
  70. ^ Herodotus: Histories, 4.108.
  71. ^ Herodotus: Histories, 2.104.2.
  72. ^ Herodotus: Histories, 2.17.
  73. ^ Xenophanes of Colophon: Fragments, J. H. Lesher, University of Toronto Press, 2001, ISBN 0-8020-8508-3, p. 90.
  74. ^ Hippocrates; Héraclite d'Éphèse (1923). William Henry Samuel Jones; Paul Potter; Wesley D. Smith (eds.). Hippocrates, Volume 1. Harvard University Press. pp. 125–126. ISBN 978-0-674-99162-0. OCLC 1004814805.
  75. ^ Painter 2016, p. 10.
  76. ^ Benjamin Isaac (31 October 2013). The Invention of Racism in Classical Antiquity. Princeton University Press. p. 158. ISBN 978-1-4008-4956-7. OCLC 1029799329. They are men sufficiently tall, broad-shouldered, straight, firm, their skin is white, they are fair … they have straight legs, shapely extremities, the size of their head is just right, their neck strong, their hair dark blonde, soft, and nicely thick, their face is square, their lips are thin, nose strait, their eyes melting, bright and vigorous, catching much light.
  77. ^ a b c Alleyne, Mervyn C. (2002). Construction and Representation of Race and Ethnicity in the Caribbean and the World. University of the West Indies Press. pp. 43–45. ISBN 9789766401146. OCLC 1001205856. Candidus ultimately came to express the neutral colour white...the Romans applied the term candidus to themselves to distinguish themselves racially from the darker peoples across the Mediterranean...This neutral colour term then came to be used in reference to Caucasian peoples. Blancus assumed the meanings of albus and candidus
  78. ^ Alleyne 2002, p. 43:For white, there is in Latin on the one hand, albus, which, in the classical period, tended to refer to the physical phenomenon of whiteness.
  79. ^ Kwesi Tsri (20 April 2016). Africans Are Not Black: The case for conceptual liberation. Routledge. pp. 27–28. ISBN 978-1-317-18409-6. the Romans differentiated between colour hues in their colour terminology in regard to albus (white), candidus (shining or glistening white) … "when Romans applied a skin colour descriptor to themselves it was albus
  80. ^ Alleyne 2002, p. 44: Vitruvius's description of the Nordic peoples: sub septentrionibus nutriuntur gentes, immanibus corporibus, candidus coloribus ("there are people living in the northern regions who have huge bodies and are white in colour")
  81. ^ a b c d Rix, Robert (2014). The Barbarian North in Medieval Imagination: Ethnicity, Legend, and Literature. Routledge. pp. 133–136. ISBN 978-1-317-58969-3. Thus the Ethiopian is contrasted with the Germaniae candida in the writings of Julius Firmicus Maternus; Pliny also has unnamed northerners with candida atque glacialis cutis (white and frosty skins)... the Byzantine scholar Procopius, in his sixth-century History of the Wars describes the Gothic nations in terms not very different from the characteristics emphasized in the anecdote; these northern tribes have "white bodies and fair hair"
  82. ^ van Wyk Smith, Malvern (1 July 2009). The First Ethiopians: The image of Africa and Africans in the early Mediterranean world. NYU Press. pp. 357–359, 371–372. ISBN 978-1-86814-834-9. According to Pliny's older contemporary, Pomponius Mela, the leukaethiopes or "white Ethiopians" were the more remote Berbers of the North African interior (1. 22-23; translated Romer 1998; Goldenberg, 2003, 123)... leukaethiopes or "white Ethiopians", were the lighter-skinned Berber nomads of inner North Africa
  83. ^ Smith 2009, p. 66:In the Natural History, the corresponding section opens with an excursus on the "interior circuit of Africa," incorporating in its geographical catalogue "the Egyptian Libyans, and then the people called in Greek the White Ethiopians
  84. ^ Alleyne 2002, p. 45:after the Germanic invasions of Italy from the north (beginning circa the 3rd century AD), that candidus and albus disappeared from spoken usage in favour of the Germanic word blancus (French blanc, Spanish blanco, Portuguese branco, Italian bianco). This neutral term came to be used in reference to Caucasian peoples
  85. ^ David L. Balch (2008). Roman Domestic Art and Early House Churches. Mohr Siebeck. p. 208. ISBN 978-3-16-149383-6. OCLC 1001191118.
  86. ^ a b Goldenberg 2009, p. 85-87.
  87. ^ a b Keith R. Bradley (1 January 2012). Apuleius and Antonine Rome: Historical Essays. University of Toronto Press. p. 165. ISBN 978-1-4426-4420-5. OCLC 1091458234. To claim you did not know whether someone was white or black in order to express ignorance was proverbial at Rome, as classical textual commentators have commonly observed: Catullus for example writes to Caesar, Nil nimium studeo, Caesar, tibi uelle placere, nec scere utrum sis albus an ater homo (93: I have no very great desire to make myself agreeable to you, Caesar, nor to know whether your complexion is black or white." cf. Quint.Inst. 11.1.38) Similarly Cicero addresses Antony in the Phillipics, referring to a man who had left him an inheritance: Et quidem uide quam te amarit is qui albus aterne fuerit ignoras (2.41:" He must indeed have loved you dearly, seeing that you do not even know if he was black or white). The terms are forceful suggesting a keen sensitivity to skin colour in Roman culture
  88. ^ Juvenal (2004). Juvenal and Persius (in Latin and English). Loeb. Satire II line 23 'ego te ceventem, Sexte, verebor?' infamis Varillus ait, 'quo deterior te?' loripedem rectus derideat, Aethiopem albus' . . . 'Shall I be in awe of you, Sextus, when I see you wiggling your arse?' says the notorious Varillus. 'How am I worse than you? It should be the man who walks upright who mocks the man who limps, the white man who mocks the black.'
  89. ^ Juvenal (7 March 1996). Susanna Braund; Susanna Morton Braund; P. E. Easterling (eds.). Juvenal: Satires Book I, Book 1. Cambridge University Press. p. 126. ISBN 978-0-521-35667-1. OCLC 1001164729.
  90. ^ Robert Earl Hood (1994). Begrimed and Black: Christian Traditions on Blacks and Blackness. Fortress Press. p. 40. ISBN 978-1-4514-1725-8. Let the straight-legged man laugh at the club-footed, the white man at the Ethiopian
  91. ^ J. A. Rogers (1 January 2012). Nature Knows No Color-Line. Wesleyan University Press. p. 46. ISBN 978-0-8195-7551-7. OCLC 1036750773. Let the straight limbed man mock the bandy-legged, the white man sneer at the Ethiop.
  92. ^ Marcus Jerkins (12 October 2021). Black Lives Matter to Jesus: The Salvation of Black Life and All Life in Luke and Acts. Fortress Press. p. 104. ISBN 978-1-5064-7463-2. OCLC 1263869024. It should be the man who walks upright who mocks the man who limps, the white man who mocks the black
  93. ^ Melamed 2003, p. 63: Juvenal provide the loaded proverb: 'Whoever walks straight may mock the cripple, whoever is white-skinned may mock the black'
  94. ^ Snowden 1983, p. 87.
  95. ^ Luciano de Samosata; Lucian (of Samosata.); C. D. N. Costa (2005). C. D. N. Costa; Desmond Costa (eds.). Lucian: Selected Dialogues. OUP Oxford. p. 102. ISBN 978-0-19-925867-3. OCLC 1004617461.
  96. ^ Lucian (of Samosata.) (1905). The Works of Lucian of Samosata: Complete with Exceptions Specified in the Preface, Volume 2. Clarendon Press. p. 58. OCLC 214350793.
  97. ^ a b Dench, Emma (2010). "Roman Identity". In Barchiesi, Alessandro; Scheidel, Walter (eds.). The Oxford Handbook of Roman Studies. Oxford University Press. p. 8. ISBN 978-0-19-921152-4.
  98. ^ Thompson, Lloyd (1993). "Roman Perceptions of Blacks". Electronic Antiquity: Communicating the Classics. 1 (4).
  99. ^ Snowden, Frank M. (1997). "Misconceptions about African Blacks in the Ancient Mediterranean World: Specialists and Afrocentrists". Arion: A Journal of Humanities and the Classics. 4 (3): 40–41, 50–51. JSTOR 20163634 – via JSTOR.
  100. ^ Rubel, Alexander (28 May 2020). "chapter 1: What the Romans really meant when using the word 'Barbarian'. Some thoughts on 'Romans and Barbarians'". In Roxana-Gabriela Curcă; Alexander Rubel; Robin P. Symonds; Hans-Ulrich Voß (eds.). Rome and Barbaricum: Contributions to the Archaeology and History of Interaction in European Protohistory. Archaeopress Publishing Ltd. p. 11. ISBN 978-1-78969-104-7. OCLC 1157271751.
  101. ^ a b c d Alleyne 2002, p. 52-53.
  102. ^ Rodriguez, Ruben Rosario (19 July 2008). Racism and God-talk: A Latino/a Perspective. NYU Press. p. 29. ISBN 978-0-8147-7610-0. OCLC 182529004.
  103. ^ Kathy Lavezzo (2006). Angels on the Edge of the World: Geography, Literature, and English Community, 1000-1534. Cornell University Press. pp. 27–28. ISBN 978-0-8014-7309-8. OCLC 1022618111.
  104. ^ Patrick Howarth (1995). Attila, King of the Huns: Man and Myth. Barnes & Noble Publishing. p. 26. ISBN 978-0-7607-0033-4. OCLC 1005499571.
  105. ^ Dani, A.H.; Litvinsky, B.A.; Zamir Safi, M.H. (1999). "chapter 7: Eastern Kushans, Kidarites in Gandhara and Kashmir, and Later Hephthalites". In Ahmad Hasan Dani (ed.). History of Civilizations of Central Asia, Volume 3. Motilal Banarsidass Publ. p. 169. ISBN 9788120815407. OCLC 1000137121.
  106. ^ Litvinsky, B.A. (1999). "chapter 6: The Hephthalite Empire". In Ahmad Hasan Dani (ed.). History of Civilizations of Central Asia, Volume 3. Motilal Banarsidass Publ. p. 136. ISBN 9788120815407. OCLC 1000137121.
  107. ^ Yatsenko, Sergey A. (2012). "Yuezhi on Bactrian Embroidery from Textiles Found at Noyon uul, Mongolia" (PDF). The Silk Road. 10: 45–46.
  108. ^ Francfort, Henri-Paul (1 January 2020). "Sur quelques vestiges et indices nouveaux de l'hellénisme dans les arts entre la Bactriane et le Gandhāra (130 av. J.-C.-100 apr. J.-C. environ)". Journal des Savants: 26–27, Fig.9.
  109. ^ a b c d e f Bonnett 2018, p. 9-11.
  110. ^ Barber, E. J. W. (1999). The Mummies of Ürümchi. W. W. Norton & Company. pp. 118–119. ISBN 978-0-393-32019-0. OCLC 1036773980. Other Chinese sources characterized the "Greater Yuezhi" as having "white" or "reddish white skin, another typically Caucasoid feature.
  111. ^ So, Francis K. H. (2009). "In Search of the Lost Indo-Europeans in Chinese Dynastic History". In Findeisen, Raoul David; Isay, Gad C.; Katz-Goehr, Amira (eds.). At Home in Many Worlds: Reading, Writing and Translating from Chinese and Jewish Cultures: Essays in Honour of Irene Eber. Otto Harrassowitz Verlag. p. 134. ISBN 978-3447061353. Among the Barbarians in the Western Regions the look of Wusun is most unusual. Barbarians of today that have green eye and red beard and look like monkeys are the offspring of this people
  112. ^ Raffensperger, Christian (12 March 2012). Reimagining Europe. Harvard University Press. p. 19. ISBN 978-0-674-06546-8. OCLC 1037937289.
  113. ^ a b c Bonnett 2018, p. 12-14.
  114. ^ Hardy, Paul-A. (15 April 2008). "Chapter 3 Medieval Muslim Scholars on Race". In Julie K. Ward; Tommy L. Lott (eds.). Philosophers on Race: Critical Essays. John Wiley & Sons. p. 49. ISBN 978-0-470-75204-3. OCLC 1039168694.
  115. ^ Jones, Gwyn (2001). A History of the Vikings. Oxford University Press. p. 164. ISBN 978-0-19-280134-0. OCLC 1015516902.
  116. ^ Cosman, Madeleine Pelner; Jones, Linda Gale (2009). Handbook to Life in the Medieval World, 3-Volume Set. Infobase Publishing. p. 237. ISBN 978-1-4381-0907-7. OCLC 1061403313.
  117. ^ Smith 2009, p. 53.
  118. ^ Ibn Khaldûn (31 March 2020). N. J. Dawood (ed.). The Muqaddimah: An Introduction to History - Abridged Edition. Princeton University Press. pp. 60–61. ISBN 978-1-4008-6609-0. OCLC 1145619966.
  119. ^ Scott Malcomson (4 October 2000). One Drop of Blood: The American Misadventure of Race. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. p. 143. ISBN 978-1-4299-3607-1. OCLC 872599966.
  120. ^ Euben, Roxanne L. (1 July 2008). Journeys to the Other Shore: Muslim and Western Travelers in Search of Knowledge. Princeton University Press. pp. 78–79. ISBN 978-1-4008-2749-7. OCLC 1162382282.
  121. ^ Derek Nurse; Thomas Spear (10 June 2017). The Swahili: Reconstructing the History and Language of an African Society, 8-15. University of Pennsylvania Press. p. 29. ISBN 978-1-5128-2166-6. OCLC 1004881410.
  122. ^ Lewis 1992, p. 26.
  123. ^ Lewis 1992, p. 22.
  124. ^ Lewis 1992, p. 36. The same association of light with good is shown in the Muslim hagiographic literature, which depicts the Prophet himself as of white or ruddy color. Similar descriptions are given of his wife `A'isha, his son-in-law `Ali and his descendants, and even his predecessors, the prophets Abraham, Moses, and Jesus..
  125. ^ Lewis 1992, p. 123-125: Wahb ibn Munabbih said: Ham the son of Noah was a white man, with a handsome face and a fine figure, and Almighty God changed his color and the color of his descendants in response to his father's curse....because Shem covered his father's nakedness, his descendants would be prophets and nobles (sharif), while those of Ham would be bondsmen and bondswomen until the Day of Judgment..
  126. ^ Lewis 1992, p. 123-125.
  127. ^ John P. McKay; John Buckler; Patricia Buckley Ebrey; Bennett D. Hill (2003). John P. McKay (ed.). A History of World Societies (6 ed.). Houghton Mifflin. p. 256. ISBN 978-0-618-30195-9. OCLC 1077994664. Slave Market at Zabid, Yemen During the thirteenth century, this market offered slaves of many races, women and children for domestic purposes and harems, boys to be trained for military and administrative service.
  128. ^ Lewis, Bernard (1992). Race and Slavery in the Middle East: An Historical Enquiry. Oxford University Press. pp. 56–59. ISBN 978-0-19-505326-5. OCLC 1022745387.
  129. ^ Murray Gordon (1989). Slavery in the Arab World. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 107. ISBN 978-0-941533-30-0. OCLC 1120917849.
  130. ^ John P. McKay; Bennett D. Hill; John Buckler (1992). A History of World Societies: To 1715 (3 ed.). Houghton Mifflin Company. p. 281. ISBN 978-0-395-47294-1. OCLC 1273568072. In the slave markets of Damascus and Baghdad in the tenth and eleventh centuries, a buyer could select from white slaves from Spain, Sicily, and southeastern Europe...
  131. ^ Lewis 1992, p. 48: Ibn Butlan, an eleventh-century Christian physician in Baghdad, wrote a sort of slave trader's vade mecum, which is the first of a series of such works.26 He reviews the range of slaves available in the markets of the Middle East, and considers the different kinds, black and white, male and female, classifying them according to their racial, ethnic, and regional origins and indicating which groups are best suited to which tasks. Similar advice on these matters is offered by a number of later writers.
  132. ^ Lewis 1992, p. 56: Ibn Butlan, in his handbook, suggests a proper ethnic division of labor for both male and female slaves. As guards of persons and property, he recommends Indians and Nubians; as laborers, servants, and eunuchs, Zanj; as soldiers, Turks and Slavs.
  133. ^ a b Lewis 1992, pp. 56–59.
  134. ^ Lewis 1992, p. 60: The same limitation of opportunity applies to the emancipated slave. The emancipated white slave was free from any kind of restriction; the emancipated black slave was at most times and places rarely able to rise above the lowest levels..
  135. ^ a b c d e Forbes, Jack D. (1993). Africans and Native Americans: The Language of Race and the Evolution of Red-Black Peoples. University of Illinois Press. pp. 26–27. ISBN 978-0-252-06321-3. OCLC 1013305190.
  136. ^ Forbes 1993, p. 107: in a Muslim-controlled village, a newly converted Muslim could possess a Muslim slave provided that the latter was black or loro and not white.
  137. ^ Forbes 1993, p. 66: the late medieval period in Italy and the Iberian peninsula saw people being variously classified as albo, alvi, bianco, branco (white), new, nigri, negri, negro, negre, preto (black), and as of intermediate colors: lauro, loro, llor, berretini, rufo, pardo, olivastre, etc.
  138. ^ Patton, Pamela A. (2020). "Blackness, Whiteness, and the Idea of Race in Medieval European Art". In Albin, Andrew; Erler, Mary C.; O'Donnell, Thomas; Paul, Nicholas L.; Rowe, Nina (eds.). Whose Middle Ages?: Teachable Moments for an Ill-Used Past. New York: Fordham University Press. pp. 155–159. doi:10.1515/9780823285594. ISBN 9780823285594.
  139. ^ Patton 2019, p. 163–164.
  140. ^ Brewer, D. S. (1955). "The Ideal of Feminine Beauty in Medieval Literature, Especially 'Harley Lyrics', Chaucer, and Some Elizabethans". The Modern Language Review. 50 (3): 258. doi:10.2307/3719759. JSTOR 3719759 – via JSTOR.
  141. ^ a b Barrington, Candace (2012). "Dark Whiteness: Benjamin Brawley and Chaucer". In Eileen Joy, Myra Seaman; Masciandaro, Nicola (eds.). Dark Chaucer: An Assortment (PDF). Brooklyn, NY: Punctum Books. p. 3.

Further reading