(1) Charleston S.C. 4th March 1833 The land of the free & home of the brave watercolor by British naval officer Henry Byam Martin; (2a) Broadside advertising sale of slaves in the rotunda of the St. Louis Hotel in New Orleans (1858), and (2b) postcard depicting the "Old Slave Block" at the St. Louis Hotel in New Orleans (c. 1900); (3a) Manifest of coastwise slave ship from Charleston to Savannah (1843), and (3c) a coffle passing the U.S. Capitol under construction (1825); (4) Richmond Slave Market Auction oil painting by British artist Lefevre James Cranstone (1862)

The internal slave trade in the United States, also known as the domestic slave trade, the Second Middle Passage[1] and the interregional slave trade,[2] was the mercantile trade of enslaved people within the United States. It was most significant after 1808, when the importation of slaves from Africa was prohibited by federal law. Historians estimate that upwards of one million slaves were forcibly relocated from the Upper South, places like Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Missouri, to the territories and then-new states of the Deep South, especially Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Arkansas.

Economists say that transactions in the inter-regional slave market were driven primarily by differences in the marginal productivity of labor, which were based in the relative advantage between climates for the production of staple goods. The trade was strongly influenced by the invention of the cotton gin, which made short-staple cotton profitable for cultivation across large swathes of the upland Deep South (the Black Belt). Previously the commodity was based on long-staple cotton cultivated in coastal areas and the Sea Islands.

The disparity in productivity created arbitrage opportunities for traders to exploit, and it facilitated regional specialization in labor production. Due to a lack of data, particularly with regard to slave prices, land values, and export totals for slaves, the true effects of the domestic slave trade, on both the economy of the Old South and general migration patterns of slaves into southwest territories, remain uncertain. These have served as points of contention among economic historians. The physical effect of forced labor (on remote plantation camps plagued with yellow fever, cholera, and malaria), and social-emotional effect of family separation in American slavery, was nothing short of catastrophic.


The history of the domestic slave trade can very clumsily be divided into three major periods:

End of the slave trade

The domestic slave trade wilted during American Civil War—there was a measurable price drop between 1860 and 1862, due to "market uncertainty" discouraging speculators.[9] In May 1861, a "Southern Mississippian" who seemed to oppose secession even though "no man in Mississippi has a larger proportion of his property in negroes" wrote the Louisville Courier that "The secessionists are carrying out the principles and wishes of the abolitionists. Likely negroes could not be sold here at $500 in good money. Negro traders are as scarce here as in Boston."[10] Still, the business remained brisk and prices rose in the protected interior of the CSA, and according to historian Robert Colby, "Confederates nevertheless interpreted the health of the slave trade as embodying that of their nation."[11]

Times got still harder for traders when the Union blockade prevented the trafficking of people from, say, rural Missouri to New Orleans.[12] But the slave trade, as an integral part of slavery, persisted throughout Confederate-controlled territory until very nearly the end of the war. Ziba B. Oakes was still listing slaves in Charleston, South Carolina newspaper ads on November 1864.[13] A handful of American-flagged ships were still moving enslaved people from Africa to Cuba and Brazil until 1867, when American participation in the slave trade ended once and for all.[4]


Slavery was a massive element of the U.S. national economy and even more so the economy of the South: "In 1860, enslaved people were worth more than $3 billion (~$83 billion in 2023) to their owners. In today's economy, that would be equivalent to $12.1 trillion or 67 percent of the 2015 U.S. gross domestic product...The unpaid fruits of their labors created an interest so strong that between 1861 and 1865, Confederate leaders staked hundreds of thousands of lives and the future of their civilization on it."[14] As told by historian Frederic Bancroft, "Slave trading was considered a sign of enterprise and prosperity."[15]

When interviewed in 1913 by Myra Williams Jarrell for the Topeka Star, Emily Ford and Mary Shawn of Burlingame, Kansas, recalled an instance of family separation in American slavery due to the slave trade

The internal slave trade among colonies emerged in 1760 as a source of labor in early America.[16] It is estimated that between 1790 and 1860 approximately 835,000 slaves were relocated to the American South.[17]

The biggest sources for the domestic slave trade were "exporting" states in the Upper South, especially Virginia and Maryland, and as well as Kentucky, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Missouri.[18] From these states most slaves were imported into the Deep South, to the "slave-consuming states," especially Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana.[19] Robert Fogel and Stanley Engerman attribute the larger proportion of the slave migration due to planters who relocated their entire slave populations to the Deep South to develop new plantations or take over existing ones.[20] Walter Johnson disagrees, finding that only one-third of the population movement south was due to wholesale relocation of slave owner and chattel, while the other two-thirds of the shift was due to the commerce in slaves.[21]

Contributing factors

Soil exhaustion and crop changes

Historians who argue in favor of soil exhaustion as an explanation for slave importation into the Deep South posit that exporting states emerged as slave producers because of the transformation of agriculture in the Upper South. By the late 18th century, the coastal and Piedmont tobacco areas were being converted to mixed crops because of soil exhaustion and changing markets. Because of the deterioration of soil and an increase in demand for food products, states in the upper South shifted crop emphasis from tobacco to grain, which required less labor. This decreased demand left states in the Upper South with an excess supply of labor.[20]

Land availability from Indian removal

With the forced Indian removal by the US making new lands available in the Deep South, there was much higher demand there for workers to cultivate the labor-intensive sugar cane and cotton crops. The extensive development of cotton plantations created the highest demand for labor in the Deep South.[22][23]

Cotton gin

"AUCTION & NEGRO SALES": Black man in Union uniform reading in front of the Crawford, Frazer & Co. slave market at 8 Whitehall Street, photographed by George N. Barnard during the Atlanta Campaign, 1864 (Library of Congress Digital)

At the same time, the invention of the cotton gin in the late 18th century transformed short-staple cotton into a profitable crop that could be grown inland in the Deep South. Settlers pushed into the South, expelling the Five Civilized Tribes and other Native American groups. The cotton market had previously been dominated by the long-staple cotton cultivated primarily on the Sea Islands and in the coastal South Carolina Lowcountry. The consequent boom in the cotton industry, coupled with the labor-intensive nature of the crop, created a need for slave labor in the Deep South that could be satisfied by excess supply further north.[20]

The increased demand for labor in the Deep South pushed up the price of slaves in markets such as New Orleans, which became the fourth-largest city in the country based in part on profits from the slave trade and related businesses. The price differences between the Upper and Deep South created demand. Slave traders took advantage of this arbitrage opportunity by buying at lower prices in the Upper South and then selling slaves at a profit after taking or transporting them further south.[20] Some scholars believe there was an increasing prevalence in the Upper South of "breeding" slaves for export. The proven reproductive capacity of enslaved women was advertised as selling point and a feature that increased value.[20]

Resolve financial deficits

Although not as significant as the exportation of slaves to Deep South, farmers and land owners who needed to pay off loans increasingly used slaves as a cash substitute. This had also contributed to the growth of the internal slave trade.[20]


Economic historians have offered estimates for the annual revenue generated by the inter-regional slave trade for exporters that range from $3.75[24] to $6.7 million.[20]

The demand for prime-aged slaves, from the ages of 15 to 30, accounted for 70 percent of the slave population relocated to the Deep South.[20] Since the ages of slaves were often unknown by the traders themselves, physical attributes such as height often dictated demand in order to minimize asymmetric information.[20]

Partial manifest of a coastwise slave shipment made from Baltimore to New Orleans, by Hope H. Slatter, on the ship Scotia, September 1843

Robert Fogel and Stanley Engerman estimated that the slave trade accounted for 16 percent of the relocation of enslaved African Americans, in their work Time on the Cross.[20] This estimate, however, was severely criticized for the extreme sensitivity of the linear function used to gather this approximation.[25] A more recent estimate, given by Jonathan B. Pritchett, has this figure at about 50 percent, or about 835,000 slaves total between 1790 and 1850.[20] Without the inter-regional slave trade, it is possible that forced migration of slaves would have occurred naturally due to natural population pressures and the subsequent increase in land prices.[24] In 1965, William L. Miller contended that, "it is even doubtful whether the interstate slave traffic made a net contribution to the westward flow of the population."[24]

Importation, piracy, and interstate kidnapping

The transatlantic slave trade not prohibited under federal law until 1808. Imports from Africa to Southern states were ongoing from 1776 until that time, most often through the ports of Charleston and Savannah. Post-1808 importation of slaves to the United States from the Caribbean, South America, and Africa was illegal but piracy continued until the opening of the American Civil War.

Kidnapping into slavery in the United States was an ongoing issue. Unaccompanied children and people of color traveling to port cities and border states were particularly vulnerable. There are multiple accounts of armed gangs breaking into the homes of free people in the dead of night and carrying away whole families. The lucky ones were sometimes redeemed from the local slave jail by friends or lawyers before they were shipped south.

Breeding of slave children for sale

Main article: Slave breeding in the United States

According to Frederic Bancroft in Slave-Trading in the Old South (1931) young female slaves were also considered an excellent financial investment: "Not only real estate, but also stocks, bonds and all other personal property were little prized in comparison with slaves...Absurd as it now seems, slaves, especially girls and young women, because of prospective increase, were considered the best investment for persons of small means."[15]


Irish economic theorist John Elliot Cairnes suggested in his work The Slave Power that the inter-regional slave trade was a major component in ensuring the economic vitality of the Old South.[20] Many economic historians, however, have since refuted the validity of this point. The general consensus seems to support Professor William L. Miller's claim that the inter-regional slave trade "did not provide the major part of the income of planters in the older states during any period."[24]

"Slave Trader, Sold to Tennessee" by an unknown artist

The returns gained by traders from the sale price of slaves were offset by both the fall in the value of land, that resulted from the subsequent decrease in the marginal productivity of land, and the fall in the price of output, which occurred due to the increase in market size as given by westward expansion.[26] Kotlikoff suggested that the net effect of the inter-regional slave trade on the economy of the Old South was negligible, if not negative.[26]

The profits realized through the sale and shipment of enslaved people were in turn reinvested in banking, railroads, and even colleges. A striking example of the connection between the domestic slave trade and higher education can be found in the 1838 sale of 272 slaves by the Maryland Jesuits to Louisiana; a small portion of the proceeds of the sale was used to pay down the debts of Georgetown College.[27] Caroline Donovan endowed a chair at Johns Hopkins in 1889 using part of the fortune accumulated by her late husband, Baltimore trader Joseph S. Donovan.[28]

In the words of one scholar, slaveholders were, fundamentally, "speculator[s]" who hoped "to endow [their] progeny for generations to come" through the "capital accumulation" represented in the growing numbers of people they enslaved. The returns from slave ownership, therefore, were long-term and intergenerational.

— Robert Crosby, An Unholy Traffic, 2024[29]

Markets and traders

Main articles: Slave markets and slave jails in the United States and List of American slave traders

1844 newspaper icon depicting white man with suit and cane, and shackled enslaved black person

In their day, slave traders were called everything from broker, the generic term favored in Charleston,[15] to nigger-trader (sometimes transcribed as niggah-tradah),[30] a term that appears in both slave traders' own descriptions of themselves in oral interviews and in records of African-American folk music of the era. Negro trader and slave dealer were common occupational titles that appeared in census records and city directories.[15] In the earliest years of the market, "dozens of independent speculators...bought lots of ten or so slaves, generally on credit, in Upper-South states like Virginia and Maryland."[7] In 1836 a Philadelphia paper characterized the work of negro brokers: "They conceive the business of pawn brokers and merchandize brokers. They lend money on the security of slaves, taking the latter as a pledge, to be sold if the pledge be not redeemed. They advance cash on slaves to be sold at auction or private sale, deducting from the proceeds of sale their commission and expenses. They buy and sell slaves upon commission, to suit their customers, and sometimes doubtless, buy and sell free people of color on pretence of their being slaves."[31]

The argument has been made that the domestic slave trade was one that resulted in "superprofits" for traders. But Jonathan Pritchett points to evidence that there were a significant number of firms engaged in the market, a relatively dense concentration of these firms, and low barriers to entry. He says that traders who were exporting slaves from the Upper South were price-taking, profit-maximizers acting in a market that achieved a long-run competitive equilibrium.[20]

Price, Birch & Co. slave pen in Alexandria, Virginia, originally built by Franklin & Armfield; the slave trade was outlawed in the District of Columbia in 1850, local traders simply re-established their operations across the Potomac River[32]

Using an admittedly limited set of data from Dunning School historian Ulrich Phillips (includes market data from Richmond, Charleston, mid-Georgia, and Louisiana), Robert Evans Jr. estimates that the average differential between slave prices in the Upper South and Deep South markets from 1830–1835 was $232.[20]

Evans suggests that interstate slave traders earned a wage greater than that of an alternative profession in skilled mechanical trades.[20] However, if slave traders possessed skills similar to those used in supervisory mechanics (e.g. skills used by a chief engineer), then slave traders received an income that was not greater than the one they would have received had they entered in an alternative profession.[20] In addition to full-time traders, so-called tavern traders worked on a small scale, especially in the first quarter of the 19th century, examples being the slave auctions held at Garland Burnett's tavern in Baltimore,[33] Washington Robey's slave pen and tavern in Washington, D.C.,[34] Turner Brashears of Brashears' Stand along the Natchez Trace,[35] as well as the notorious Patty Cannon ring in Delaware.

Chesapeake cities like Baltimore, Alexandria, Washington, D.C., and Richmond were "slave collecting and resale centers."[36] Major slave-buying markets were located Charleston, Savannah, Memphis, and above all, New Orleans.[15] Economists estimate that more than 135,000 enslaved people were sold in New Orleans between 1804 and 1862.[9] Some traders only bought and sold locally; smaller interstate trading companies would typically have both upper south and lower south locations, for buying and selling, respectively.[21] Larger interstate firms, like Franklin & Armfield, and Bolton, Dickens & Co., might have locations or traders under contract in a dozen cities.[15] Dealers in the upper south worked to collect what they called "shipping lots"—enough people to be worth spending time and money arranging for their transport south.[37] There was a trading season, namely winter and spring, because summer and autumn were planting and harvesting time; farmers and plantation owners generally would not buy or sell until that year's crop was in.[21]

"Senator Prall" Louisville Courier-Journal, March 7, 1860

The notion that slave traders were social outcasts of low reputation, even in the South, was initially promulgated by defensive southerners and later by figures like historian Ulrich B. Phillips.[38] Historian Frederic Bancroft, author of Slave-Trading in the Old South (1931) found—to the contrary of Phillips' position—that many traders were esteemed members of their communities.[39] Contemporary researcher Steven Deyle argues that the "trader's position in society was not unproblematic and owners who dealt with the trader felt the need to satisfy themselves that they acted honorably," while Michael Tadman contends that "'trader as outcast' operated at the level of propaganda" whereas white slave owners almost universally professed a belief that slaves were not human like them, and thus dismissed the consequences of slave trading as beneath consideration.[15] Similarly, historian Charles Dew read hundreds of letters to slave traders and found virtually zero narrative evidence for guilt, shame, or contrition about the slave trade: "If you begin with the absolute belief in white supremacy—unquestioned white superiority/unquestioned black inferiority—everything falls neatly into place: the African is inferior racial 'stock,' living in sin and ignorance and barbarism and heathenism on the 'Dark Continent' until enslaved...Slavery thus miraculously becomes a form of 'uplift' for this supposedly benighted and brutish race of people. And once notions of white supremacy and black inferiority are in place in the American South, they are passed on from one generation to the next with all the certainty and inevitability of a genetic trait."[37] And yet despite the dehumanizing doctrines of white supremacy that seemingly mandated separatism and black oppression, there is evidence that at least some slave traders were perfectly capable of recognizing enslaved people as human, rather than some form of livestock: a not-insignificant number of white slave traders provided for the families of mixed-raced children they'd formed with women they'd once enslaved,[40] multiple sources attest that Baltimore slave trader James F. Purvis quit the human-trafficking business and devoted himself to banking and charity projects after a religious conversion,[41] and New Orleans trader Elihu Creswell emancipated his 51 slaves upon his death and even funded their transportation to free states.[42] As historian Deyle put it in Carry Me Back (2005): "While there is no record of any slave traders feeling guilt over what they did for a living, the actions taken by the New Orleans dealer Elihu Creswell do raise some questions."[43]

View of the port of New Orleans circa 1855 by Scattergood from Lloyd's Steamboat Directory

Harriet Beecher Stowe commented on slave-traders in A Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin (1853), in reference to her fictional character Mr. Haley:

The writer has drawn in this work only one class of the negro-traders. There are all varieties of them, up to the great wholesale purchasers, who keep their large trading-houses; who are gentlemanly in manners and courteous in address; who, in many respects, often perform actions of real generosity; who consider slavery a very great evil, and hope the country will at some time be delivered from it, but who think that so long as clergyman and layman, saint and sinner, are all agreed in the propriety and necessity of slave holding, it is better that the necessary trade in the article be conducted by men of humanity and decency, than by swearing, brutal men, of the Tom Loker school. These men are exceedingly sensitive with regard to what they consider the injustice of the world, in excluding them from good society, simply because they undertake to supply a demand in the community, which the bar, the press, and the pulpit, all pronounce to be a proper one. In this respect, society certainly imitates the unreasonableness of the ancient Egyptians, who employed a certain class of men to prepare dead bodies for embalming, but flew at them with sticks and stones the moment the operation was over, on account of the sacrilegious liberty which they had taken. If there is an ill-used class of men in the world, it is certainly the slave-traders; for, if there is no harm in the institution of slavery, if it is a divinely-appointed and honourable one, like civil government and the family state, and like other species of property relation, then there is no earthly reason why a man may not as innocently be a slave-trader as any other kind of trader.

Product and price

Eyre Crowe's Slaves Waiting for Sale—Richmond, Virginia was painted 1861 from a sketch made 1853 while he was touring the United States with the writer William Thackeray

Male slaves were worth more than female slaves; one study found that on average males sold for nine percent more than females.[9] But female slaves came with "increase"—children born enslaved to an enslaved woman were saleable, thus providing excellent return on investment.[44] Prime age slaves were those ages 10 to 35, or more broadly enslaved children older than eight and enslaved adults younger than 40, because people of those ages were presumed to be able work and/or reproduce for an extended period of time.[45] As a rule, there was an inverse correlation between age and price for enslaved people over 40. For example, in 1835 South Carolina, when Ann Ball spent almost US$80,000 (equivalent to $2,362,839 in 2023) to buy 215 enslaved people from the estates of her deceased relatives, she made a point to buy several apparently elderly slaves (Old Rachel, Old Lucy, Old Charles) and the lowest-priced single person was Old Peg, purchased for US$20 (equivalent to $590.71 in 2023), compared to an average price of $371 per.[46][47] Another illustration of comparative slave prices is from the District of Columbia Compensated Emancipation program: "The highest priced slave was a blacksmith worth $1800, and the lowest [priced was] a two-months-old mulatto baby, worth $25."[48]

Under the terms of Montgomery Bell's will, 140 "Iron Works Negroes, Forgemen, Furnacemen, Colliers, and Mechanics of all kinds" were to be sold at auction, "in families as far as practicable," and "Negro traders and non-residents of Tennessee" were expressly forbidden under the terms of the will "from purchasing any of the slaves" (The Courier-Journal, Louisville, Ky., Feb. 12, 1856)

There were several broad categories of work for which enslaved people were purchased: agriculture, domestic service, mechanical, and commercial-industrial. Agricultural workers grew and processed cash crops like cotton and sugar, or managed herds of cattle in Texas, etc. Domestics worked in the household or in hotels and taverns, cooking, cleaning, laundering clothes, producing household goods, and providing childcare, including supplying the free white babies they cared for with their own human milk. Mechanics were expensive and prized: these were the smiths, builders, craftsmen, etc. Finally, commercial-industrial slaves were put to work all over the south in ironworks, steamboat boiler rooms, on railroads, at gin-houses, bagasse-burners, lumber mills, turpentine stills, and so forth. The owner of a slave might or might not be a slave's employer: owners often rented, leased, or "hired out" their slaves.

According to historian Bancroft, in the great slave market that was New Orleans, enslaved people imported from Virginia, and to a lesser extent Maryland and South Carolina, were advertised as an especially desirable product, whereas "the many slaves brought from Missouri and Kentucky" were rarely advertised by their place of origin.[15] "Acclimated" slaves known to be immune to yellow fever and other communicable diseases also commanded a premium.[49]

According to economist Laurence Kotlikoff, as the American Civil War was beginning in 1861, the typical price of a prime-age male slave sold in New Orleans was US$1,381 (equivalent to $46,831 in 2023).[9] On average the prices for light-skinned female slaves were 5.4 percent higher than the prices for darker-skinned female slaves,[9] possibly indicating colorism and sexual attraction as a factor in a market dominated by male buyers.[50] Per Kotlikoff's calculations, "Throughout the ante-bellum 1800s, positive premia were paid for males, skilled slaves, slaves with guarantees, and children sold with their mothers."[9]


Mississippi River watershed

There were four main methods of forced transportation of the enslaved. Initially, transport was either on foot or by sailing ship, but following the popularization of the railroad and the steamboat in the 1840s, both were commonly used.

Specific overland routes

Railroad network of the Southern states c. 1861 (West Point Atlas of the American Civil War, 1962)


In 1844, Charlestonians were charged with illegally selling slaves into Savannah; the mayor of Savannah stated "It is hoped that this example will be a warning to others and prevent any fuither attempts to introduce negroes for sale. The laws of our State are severe, inflicting heavy fines and Penitentiary confinement on such as shall be convicted of these offences. Our own safety requires us to be vigilant in preventing the outcasts and convicted felons of other communities from being brought into ours."[55]

In the early 19th century several slave states had unenforced statutes prohibiting the interstate slave trade in hopes of minimizing the increase of black populations within those states. These laws were undermined in many ways; for example, "Hamburg, South Carolina was built up just opposite Augusta, for the purpose of furnishing slaves to the planters of Georgia. Augusta is the market to which the planters of Upper and Middle Georgia bring their cotton; and if they want to purchase negroes, they step over into Hamburg and do so. There are two large houses there, with piazzas in front to expose the 'chattels' to the public during the day, and yards in rear of them where they are penned up at night like sheep, so close that they can hardly breathe, with bull-dogs on the outside as sentinels. They sometimes have thousands here for sale, who in consequence of their number suffer most horribly."[56] Similarly, in Alabama, a historian explained in 1845 that a ban had been undermined to the point that it was ultimately abandoned entirely: "...The people of Alabama at one time became alarmed at the evils which they properly anticipated would grow out of this traffic. Their Legislators enacted laws against it, and for a short time they exercised salutary restraints; but soon they were evaded. The Creek Nation was then an Indian Territory, under the jurisdiction of the General Government, lying immediately on our eastern border. Here Negro Traders sought a shield for their operations, and our citizens went there to make purchases. Worn out at last with such subterfuges and shifts, the Legislature repealed this restrictive law..."[57]

Bans on interstate slave trading
State Notes
Alabama Limitations on interstate slave trading passed 1832[58]
Delaware Banned imports and exports of slaves at statehood (1787)[59]
Kentucky Non-Importation Act passed 1833,[60] repealed 1849
Louisiana Imports banned 1826–1828;[61] "...slavers circumvented rules like Louisiana's strict requirement that captives entering the state bear certificates of good character by manufacturing fake certificates."[14]
Georgia Imports banned 1788, repealed in 1856[62]
Mississippi Banned in 1832 constitution, never enforced[14]
Tennessee Banned 1827–1855; unenforced[14]

See also


  1. ^ Gates, Henry Louis Jr. (28 January 2013). "What Was the 2nd Middle Passage?".
  2. ^ Lab, Digital Scholarship. "History Engine: Tools for Collaborative Education and Research – Episodes". historyengine.richmond.edu.
  3. ^ "Slavery". NCpedia.org. Retrieved 8 January 2024.
  4. ^ a b Marques, Leonardo. "The United States and the Transatlantic Slave Trade to the Americas, 1776–1867". etd.library.emory.edu (Dissertation later published by Yale UP). p. 44. Retrieved 8 January 2024.
  5. ^ a b Shugerman, Jed Handelsman (2002). "The Louisiana Purchase and South Carolina's Reopening of the Slave Trade in 1803". Journal of the Early Republic. 22 (2): 263–290. doi:10.2307/3125182. ISSN 0275-1275.
  6. ^ Kendall, John S. (January 1939). "Shadow Over the City". The Louisiana Historical Quarterly. 22 (1). New Orleans: Louisiana Historical Society: 142–165. ISSN 0095-5949. OCLC 1782268. LDS Film 1425689, Image Group Number (DGS) 1640025 – via FamilySearch Digital Library.
  7. ^ a b Johnson, Walter (2013). River of Dark Dreams: Slavery and Empire in the Cotton Kingdom. Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. pp. 41 (early years, 10 at a time). ISBN 9780674074880. LCCN 2012030065. OCLC 827947225.
  8. ^ Dickey, J.D. (1 March 2022). "The Tormented Rise of Abolition in 1830's America". TIME. Retrieved 10 May 2024.
  9. ^ a b c d e f Kotlikoff, Laurence J. (October 1979). "THE STRUCTURE OF SLAVE PRICES IN NEW ORLEANS, 1804 TO 1862". Economic Inquiry. 17 (4): 496–518. doi:10.1111/j.1465-7295.1979.tb00544.x.
  10. ^ "A Letter from Mississippi". The Courier-Journal. 27 May 1861. p. 3. Retrieved 12 January 2024.
  11. ^ Colby, Robert K.D. (18 May 2024), ""Old Abe Is Not Feared in This Region": The Revival of Confederate Slave Commerce", An Unholy Traffic (1 ed.), Oxford University PressNew York, p. 83, doi:10.1093/oso/9780197578261.003.0004, ISBN 978-0-19-757826-1, retrieved 23 March 2024
  12. ^ "Henry Clay Bruce, 1836-1902. The New Man. Twenty-Nine Years a Slave. Twenty-Nine Years a Free Man". docsouth.unc.edu. pp. 102–103. Retrieved 13 December 2023.
  13. ^ "Superior Male Cook, at Private Sale". The Charleston Mercury. 9 November 1864. p. 2. Retrieved 19 July 2023.
  14. ^ a b c d Schermerhorn, Calvin (2020). "Chapter 2: 'Cash for Slaves' The African American Trail of Tears". In Bond, Beverly Greene; O'Donovan, Susan Eva (eds.). Remembering the Memphis Massacre: An American Story. University of Georgia Press. ISBN 9780820356495.
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  16. ^ "Domestic Slave Trade". In Motion. Archived from the original on 12 June 2018. Retrieved 1 March 2011.
  17. ^ Pritchett, Jonathan B. (June 2001). "Quantitative Estimates of the United States Interregional Slave Trade, 1820–1860". The Journal of Economic History. 61 (2): 467–475. doi:10.1017/S002205070102808X. JSTOR 2698028. S2CID 154462144.
  18. ^ "A key to Uncle Tom's cabin; presenting the original facts and documents upon which the story is founded. Together with corroborative statements verifying ..." HathiTrust. p. 351. hdl:2027/uiug.30112003184378. Retrieved 25 August 2023.
  19. ^ Freudenberger, Herman; Jonathan B. Pritchett (Winter 1991). "The Domestic United States Slave Trade: New Evidence". Journal of Interdisciplinary History. 21 (3): 447–477. doi:10.2307/204955. JSTOR 204955.
  20. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p Evans Jr., Robert (April 1961). "Some Economic Aspects of the Domestic Slave Trade, 1830–1860". Southern Economic Journal. 27 (4): 329–337. doi:10.2307/1055531. JSTOR 1055531.
  21. ^ a b c d e f Johnson, Walter (2009). Soul by Soul: Life Inside the Antebellum Slave Market. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. pp. 5 (migration cause), 48 (interstate firms), 49 (seasonality), 50 (transportation). ISBN 9780674039155. OCLC 923120203.
  22. ^ Deyle, Steven (Spring 1992). "The Irony of Liberty: Origins of the Domestic Slave Trade". Journal of the Early Republic. 12 (1): 37–62. doi:10.2307/3123975. JSTOR 3123975.
  23. ^ Pritchett, Jonathan B. (Summer 1997). "The Interregional Slave Trade and the Selection of Slaves for the New Orleans Market". Journal of Interdisciplinary History. 28 (1): 57–85. doi:10.2307/206166. JSTOR 206166.
  24. ^ a b c d Miller, William L. (April 1965). "A Note of the Importance of the Interstate Slave Trade of the Ante Bellum South". The Journal of Political Economy. 2. 73 (2): 181–187. doi:10.1086/259008. JSTOR 1829535. S2CID 154549348.
  25. ^ Carstensen, F.V.; S.E. Goodman (Autumn 1977). "Trouble on the Auction Block: Interregional Slave Sales and the Reliability of a Linear Equation". Journal of Interdisciplinary History. 2. 8 (2): 315–318. doi:10.2307/202791. JSTOR 202791.
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Further reading