In political science, a culture war is a type of cultural conflict between different social groups who struggle to politically impose their own ideology (beliefs, virtues, practices) upon their society.[1][2] In political usage, the term culture war is a metaphor for "hot-button" politics about values and ideologies, realized with intentionally adversarial social narratives meant to provoke political polarization among the mainstream of society over economic matters of[3][4] public policy[5] and of consumption.[1] As practical politics, a culture war is about social policy wedge issues that are based on abstract arguments about values, morality, and lifestyle meant to provoke political cleavage in a multicultural society.[2]

Etymology

Bismarck (left) and Pope Pius IX (right), from the German satirical magazine Kladderadatsch, 1875

Kulturkampf

In the history of Germany, the Kulturkampf (Cultural Struggle) was the seven-year political conflict (1871–1878) between the Catholic Church in Germany, led by Pope Pius IX, and the Kingdom of Prussia, led by chancellor Otto von Bismarck. The Prussian church-and-state political conflict was about the Church's direct control over both education and ecclesiastical appointments in the Prussian kingdom as a Roman Catholic nation and country. Moreover, when compared to other church-and-state conflicts about political culture, the German Kulturkampf of Prussia also featured anti-Polish bigotry fueled by "racist anxieties" in Germany "about the Polish portions of the Prussian East."[6]

In modern political usage, the German term Kulturkampf describes any conflict (political, ideological, social) between the secular government and the religious authorities of a society. The term also describes the great and small culture wars among political factions who hold deeply opposing values and beliefs within a nation, a community, and a cultural group.[7]

In the English language, the term culture war is a calque of the German word Kulturkampf (culture struggle), which refers to an historical event in Germany. The term appears as the title of an 1875 British book review of a German pamphlet.[8]

Research

Criticism and evaluation

Since the time that James Davison Hunter first applied the concept of culture wars to American life, the idea has been subject to questions about whether "culture wars" names a real phenomenon, and if so, whether the phenomenon it describes is a cause of, or merely a result of, membership in groups like political parties and religions. Culture wars have also been subject to the criticism of being artificial, imposed, or asymmetric conflicts, rather than a result of authentic differences between cultures.

Researchers have differed about the scientific validity of the notion of culture war. Some claim it does not describe real behavior, or that it describes only the behavior of a small political elite. Others claim culture war is real and widespread, and even that it is fundamental to explaining Americans' political behavior and beliefs.

A 2023 study on the circulation of conspiracy theories on social media noted that disinformation actors insert polarizing claims in culture wars by taking one side or the other, thus making the adherents circulate and parrot disinformation as a rhetorical ammunition against their perceived opponents.[1]

Political scientist Alan Wolfe participated in a series of scholarly debates in the 1990s and 2000s against Hunter, claiming that Hunter's concept of culture wars did not accurately describe the opinions or behavior of Americans, which Wolfe claimed were more united than polarized.[9]

A meta-analysis of opinion data from 1992 to 2012 published in the American Political Science Review concluded that, in contrast to a common belief that political party and religious membership shape opinion on culture war topics, instead opinions on culture war topics lead people to revise their political party and religious orientations. The researchers view culture war attitudes as "foundational elements in the political and religious belief systems of ordinary citizens."[10]

Artificiality or asymmetry

Some writers and scholars have said that culture wars are created or perpetuated by political special interest groups, by reactionary social movements, by party dynamics, or by electoral politics as a whole. These authors view culture war not as an unavoidable result of widespread cultural differences, but as a technique used to create in-groups and out-groups for a political purpose.

Political commentator E. J. Dionne has written that culture war is an electoral technique to exploit differences and grievances, remarking that the real cultural division is "between those who want to have a culture war and those who don't."[11]

Sociologist Scott Melzer says that culture wars are created by conservative, reactive organizations and movements. Members of these movements possess a "sense of victimization at the hands of a liberal culture run amok. In their eyes, immigrants, gays, women, the poor, and other groups are (undeservedly) granted special rights and privileges." Melzer writes about the example of the National Rifle Association of America, which he says intentionally created a culture war in order to unite conservative groups, particularly groups of white men, against a common perceived threat.[12]

Similarly, religion scholar Susan B. Ridgely has written that culture wars were made possible by Focus on the Family. This organization produced conservative Christian "alternative news" that began to bifurcate American media consumption, promoting a particular "traditional family" archetype to one part of the population, particularly conservative religious women. Ridgely says that this tradition was depicted as under liberal attack, seeming to necessitate a culture war to defend the tradition.[13]

Political scientists Matt Grossmann and David A. Hopkins have written about an asymmetry between the US's two major political parties, saying the Republican party should be understood as an ideological movement built to wage political conflict, and the Democratic party as a coalition of social groups with less ability to impose ideological discipline on members.[14] This encourages Republicans to perpetuate and to draw new issues into culture wars, because Republicans are well equipped to fight such wars.[15]

According to The Guardian, "many on the left have argued that such [culture war] battles [a]re 'distractions' from the real fight over class and economic issues."[16]

Internet manipulation

Internet manipulation is the co-optation of online digital technologies, including algorithms, social bots, and automated scripts, for commercial, social, military, or political purposes.[17] Internet and social media manipulation are the prime vehicles for spreading disinformation due to the importance of digital platforms for media consumption and everyday communication.[18] When employed for political purposes, internet manipulation may be used to steer public opinion,[19] polarise citizens,[20] circulate conspiracy theories,[21] and silence political dissidents. Internet manipulation can also be done for profit, for instance, to harm corporate or political adversaries and improve brand reputation.[22] Internet manipulation is sometimes also used to describe the selective enforcement of Internet censorship[23][24] or selective violations of net neutrality.[25]

Culture wars by country

United States

Ethnocultural politics in the United States (or ethnoreligious politics) refers to the pattern of certain cultural or religious groups to vote heavily for one party. Groups can be based on ethnicity (such as Hispanics, Irish, Germans), race (Whites, Blacks, Asian Americans) or religion (Protestant [and later, Evangelical] or Catholic) or on overlapping categories (Irish Catholics). In the South, race was the determining factor. Each of the two major parties was a coalition of ethnoreligious groups in the Second Party System (1830s to 1850s) as well as the Third Party System (1850s to 1890s).
Members of the American Indian Movement toppled a statue of Christopher Columbus in Saint Paul, Minnesota, on June 10, 2020

1920s–1991: Origins

This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (December 2021)

In American usage, "culture war" may imply a conflict between those values considered traditionalist or conservative and those considered progressive or liberal. This usage originated in the 1920s when urban and rural American values came into closer conflict.[26] This followed several decades of immigration to the States by people who earlier European immigrants considered 'alien'. It was also a result of the cultural shifts and modernizing trends of the Roaring '20s, culminating in the presidential campaign of Al Smith in 1928.[27] In subsequent decades during the 20th century, the term was published occasionally in American newspapers.[28][29]

1991–2001: Rise in prominence

James Davison Hunter, a sociologist at the University of Virginia, introduced the expression again in his 1991 publication, Culture Wars: The Struggle to Define America. Hunter described what he saw as a dramatic realignment and polarization that had transformed American politics and culture.

He argued that on an increasing number of "hot-button" defining issues—abortion, gun politics, separation of church and state, privacy, recreational drug use, homosexuality, censorship—there existed two definable polarities. Furthermore, not only were there a number of divisive issues, but society had divided along essentially the same lines on these issues, so as to constitute two warring groups, defined primarily not by nominal religion, ethnicity, social class, or even political affiliation, but rather by ideological world-views.

Hunter characterized this polarity as stemming from opposite impulses, toward what he referred to as Progressivism and as Orthodoxy. Others have adopted the dichotomy with varying labels. For example, Bill O'Reilly, a conservative political commentator and former host of the Fox News Channel talk show The O'Reilly Factor, emphasizes differences between "Secular-Progressives" and "Traditionalists" in his 2006 book Culture Warrior.[30][31]

Historian Kristin Kobes Du Mez attributes the 1990s emergence of culture wars to the end of the Cold War in 1991. She writes that Evangelical Christians viewed a particular Christian masculine gender role as the only defense of America against the threat of communism. When this threat ended upon the close of the Cold War, Evangelical leaders transferred the perceived source of threat from foreign communism to domestic changes in gender roles and sexuality.[32]

Pat Buchanan in 2008

During the 1992 presidential election, commentator Pat Buchanan mounted a campaign for the Republican nomination for president against incumbent George H. W. Bush. In a prime-time slot at the 1992 Republican National Convention, Buchanan gave his speech on the culture war.[33] He argued: "There is a religious war going on in our country for the soul of America. It is a cultural war, as critical to the kind of nation we will one day be as was the Cold War itself."[34] In addition to criticizing environmentalists and feminism, he portrayed public morality as a defining issue:

The agenda [Bill] Clinton and [Hillary] Clinton would impose on America—abortion on demand, a litmus test for the Supreme Court, homosexual rights, discrimination against religious schools, women in combat units—that's change, all right. But it is not the kind of change America wants. It is not the kind of change America needs. And it is not the kind of change we can tolerate in a nation that we still call God's country.[34]

A month later, Buchanan characterized the conflict as about power over society's definition of right and wrong. He named abortion, sexual orientation and popular culture as major fronts—and mentioned other controversies, including clashes over the Confederate flag, Christmas, and taxpayer-funded art. He also said that the negative attention his "culture war" speech received was itself evidence of America's polarization.[35]

The culture war had significant impact on national politics in the 1990s.[4] The rhetoric of the Christian Coalition of America may have weakened president George H. W. Bush's chances for re-election in 1992 and helped his successor, Bill Clinton, win reelection in 1996.[36] On the other hand, the rhetoric of conservative cultural warriors helped Republicans gain control of Congress in 1994.[37]

The culture wars influenced the debate over state-school history curricula in the United States in the 1990s. In particular, debates over the development of national educational standards in 1994 revolved around whether the study of American history should be a "celebratory" or "critical" undertaking and involved such prominent public figures as Lynne Cheney, Rush Limbaugh, and historian Gary Nash.[38][39]

2001–2012: Post-9/11 era

(from right to left) 43rd President George W. Bush, Donald Rumsfeld, and Paul Wolfowitz were prominent neoconservatives of the 2000s.

A political view called neoconservatism shifted the terms of the debate in the early 2000s. Neoconservatives differed from their opponents in that they interpreted problems facing the nation as moral issues rather than economic or political ones. For example, neoconservatives saw the decline of the traditional family structure as well as the decline of religion in American society as spiritual crises that required a spiritual response. Critics accused neoconservatives of confusing cause and effect.[40]

During the 2000s, voting for Republicans began to correlate heavily with traditionalist or orthodox religious belief across diverse religious sects. Voting for Democrats became more correlated to liberal or modernist religious belief, and to being nonreligious.[11] Belief in scientific conclusions, such as climate change, also became tightly coupled to political party affiliation in this era, causing climate scholar Andrew Hoffman to observe that climate change had "become enmeshed in the so-called culture wars."[41]

Rally for Proposition 8, an item on the 2008 California ballot to ban same-sex marriage

Topics traditionally associated with culture war were not prominent in media coverage of the 2008 election season, with the exception of coverage of vice-presidential candidate Sarah Palin,[42] who drew attention to her conservative religion and created a performative climate change denialism brand for herself.[43] Palin's defeat in the election and subsequent resignation as governor of Alaska caused the Center for American Progress to predict "the coming end of the culture wars," which they attributed to demographic change, particularly high rates of acceptance of same-sex marriage among millennials.[44]

2012–present: Broadening of the culture war

See also: List of monuments and memorials removed during the George Floyd protests, List of changes made due to the George Floyd protests, and List of name changes due to the George Floyd protests

The J. E. B. Stuart Monument, defaced during protests in Richmond, Virginia, was removed on July 7, 2020

In the early 2010s, the American right took issue with the perceived worldwide dominance of leftism in international politics and corporate activity, anti-nationalism, and secular human rights policies and activism not based on Abrahamic religious worldviews.[45]

While traditional culture war issues, like abortion, continue to be a focal point,[46] the issues identified with the culture war broadened and intensified in the mid-late 2010s. Jonathan Haidt, author of The Coddling of the American Mind, identified a rise in cancel culture via social media among young progressives since 2012, which he believes had "transformative effects on university life and later on politics and culture throughout the English-speaking world," in what Haidt[47] and other commentators[48][49] have called the "Great Awokening". Journalist Michael Grunwald says that "President Donald Trump has pioneered a new politics of perpetual culture war" and lists Black Lives Matter, U.S. national anthem protests, climate change, education policy, healthcare policy including Obamacare, and infrastructure policy as culture war issues in 2018.[50] The rights of transgender people and the role of religion in lawmaking were identified as "new fronts in the culture war" by political scientist Jeremiah Castle, as the polarization of public opinion on these two topics resembles that of previous culture war issues.[51] In 2020, during the COVID-19 pandemic, North Dakota governor Doug Burgum described opposition to wearing face masks as a "senseless" culture war issue that jeopardizes human safety.[52]

Clockwise from top left: anti-abortion protesters in 1986; members of the Proud Boys protest a drag queen story hour; Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene of Georgia and Libs of TikTok creator Chaya Raichik hold up an anti-transgender sign; "Save Our Children" graffiti near downtown Lufkin, Texas in relation to the LGBT grooming conspiracy theory.

This broader understanding of culture war issues in the mid-late 2010s and 2020s is associated with a political strategy called "owning the libs." Conservative media figures employing this strategy, emphasize and expand upon culture war issues with the goal of upsetting liberal people. According to Nicole Hemmer of Columbia University, this strategy is a substitute for the cohesive conservative ideology that existed during the Cold War. It holds a conservative voting bloc together in the absence of shared policy preferences among the bloc's members.[53]

The Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia in August 2017, an alt-right event regarded as a battle of the culture wars[54]

A number of conflicts about diversity in popular culture occurring in the 2010s, such as the Gamergate controversy, Comicsgate and the Sad Puppies science fiction voting campaign, were identified in the media as being examples of the culture war.[55] Journalist Caitlin Dewey described Gamergate as a "proxy war" for a larger culture war between those who want greater inclusion of women and minorities in cultural institutions versus anti-feminists and traditionalists who do not.[56] The perception that culture war conflict had been demoted from electoral politics to popular culture led writer Jack Meserve to call popular movies, games, and writing the "last front in the culture war" in 2015.[57]

These conflicts about representation in popular culture re-emerged into electoral politics via the alt-right and alt-lite movements.[58] According to media scholar Whitney Phillips, Gamergate "prototyped" strategies of harassment and controversy-stoking that proved useful in political strategy. For example, Republican political strategist Steve Bannon publicized pop-culture conflicts during the 2016 presidential campaign of Donald Trump, encouraging a young audience to "come in through Gamergate or whatever and then get turned onto politics and Trump."[59]

Canada

Main articles: Political culture of Canada and Monuments and memorials in Canada removed in 2020–2022

Some observers in Canada have used the term "culture war" to refer to differing values between Western versus Eastern Canada, urban versus rural Canada, as well as conservatism versus liberalism and progressivism.[60] The phrase has also been used to describe the Harper government's attitude towards the arts community. Andrew Coyne termed this negative policy towards the arts community as "class warfare."[61]

Australia

Main article: Australian history wars

During the tenure of the Liberal–National Coalition government of 1996 to 2007, interpretations of Aboriginal history became a part of a wider political debate regarding Australian national pride and symbolism occasionally called the "culture wars", more often the "history wars".[62] This debate extended into a controversy over the presentation of history in the National Museum of Australia and in high-school history curricula.[63][64] It also migrated into the general Australian media, with major broadsheets such as The Australian, The Sydney Morning Herald and The Age regularly publishing opinion pieces on the topic. Marcia Langton has referred to much of this wider debate as "war porn"[65] and as an "intellectual dead end".[66]

Two Australian Prime Ministers, Paul Keating (in office 1991–1996) and John Howard (in office 1996–2007), became major participants in the "wars". According to Mark McKenna's analysis for the Australian Parliamentary Library,[67] John Howard believed that Paul Keating portrayed Australia pre-Whitlam (Prime Minister from 1972 to 1975) in an unduly negative light; while Keating sought to distance the modern Labor movement from its historical support for the monarchy and for the White Australia policy by arguing that it was the conservative Australian parties which had been barriers to national progress. He accused Britain of having abandoned Australia during the Second World War. Keating staunchly supported a symbolic apology to Australian Aboriginals for their mistreatment at the hands of previous administrations, and outlined his view of the origins and potential solutions to contemporary Aboriginal disadvantage in his Redfern Park Speech of 10 December 1992 (drafted with the assistance of historian Don Watson). In 1999, following the release of the 1998 Bringing Them Home Report, Howard passed a Parliamentary Motion of Reconciliation describing treatment of Aborigines as the "most blemished chapter" in Australian history, but he refused to issue an official apology.[68] Howard saw an apology as inappropriate as it would imply "intergeneration guilt"; he said that "practical" measures were a better response to contemporary Aboriginal disadvantage. Keating has argued for the eradication of remaining symbols linked to colonial origins: including deference for ANZAC Day,[69] for the Australian flag and for the monarchy in Australia, while Howard supported these institutions. Unlike fellow Labor leaders and contemporaries, Bob Hawke (Prime Minister 1983–1991) and Kim Beazley (Labor Party leader 2005–2006), Keating never traveled to Gallipoli for ANZAC Day ceremonies. In 2008 he described those who gathered there as "misguided".[70]

In 2006 John Howard said in a speech to mark the 50th anniversary of Quadrant that "Political Correctness" was dead in Australia but: "we should not underestimate the degree to which the soft-left still holds sway, even dominance, especially in Australia's universities".[citation needed] Also in 2006, Sydney Morning Herald political editor Peter Hartcher reported that Opposition foreign-affairs spokesman Kevin Rudd was entering the philosophical debate by arguing in response that "John Howard, is guilty of perpetrating 'a fraud' in his so-called culture wars ... designed not to make real change but to mask the damage inflicted by the Government's economic policies".[71]

The defeat of the Howard government in the Australian Federal election of 2007 and its replacement by the Rudd Labor government altered the dynamic of the debate. Rudd made an official apology to the Aboriginal Stolen Generation[72] with bi-partisan support.[73] Like Keating, Rudd supported an Australian republic, but in contrast to Keating, Rudd declared support for the Australian flag and supported the commemoration of ANZAC Day; he also expressed admiration for Liberal Party founder Robert Menzies.[74][75]

Subsequent to the 2007 change of government, and prior to the passage, with support from all parties, of the Parliamentary apology to indigenous Australians, Professor of Australian Studies Richard Nile argued: "the culture and history wars are over and with them should also go the adversarial nature of intellectual debate",[76] a view contested by others, including conservative commentator Janet Albrechtsen.[77]

Climate change in Australia is also considered a highly divisive or politically controversial topic, to the point it is sometimes called a "culture war".[78][79]

African continent

According to political scientist Constance G. Anthony, American culture war perspectives on human sexuality were exported to Africa as a form of neocolonialism. In his view, this began during the AIDS epidemic in Africa, with the United States government first tying HIV/AIDS assistance money to evangelical leadership and the Christian right during the Bush administration, then to LGBTQ tolerance during the administration of Barack Obama. This stoked a culture war that resulted in (among others) the Uganda Anti-Homosexuality Act of 2014.[80]

Zambian scholar Kapya Kaoma notes that because "the demographic center of Christianity is shifting from the global North to the global South" Africa's influence on Christianity worldwide is increasing. American conservatives export their culture wars to Africa, Kaoma says, particularly when they realize they may be losing the battle back home. US Christians have framed their anti-LGBT initiatives in Africa as standing in opposition to a "Western gay agenda", a framing which Kaoma finds ironic.[81]

North American and European conspiracy theories have become widespread in West Africa via social media, according to 2021 survey by First Draft News. COVID-19 misinformation, New World Order conspiracy thinking, QAnon and other conspiracy theories associated with culture war topics are spread by American, Pro-Russian, French-language, and local disinformation websites and social media accounts, including prominent politicians in Nigeria. This has contributed to vaccine hesitancy in West Africa, with 60 percent of survey respondents saying they were unlikely to try to get vaccinated, and an erosion of trust in institutions in the region.[82]

United Kingdom

See also: Actions against memorials in Great Britain during the George Floyd protests

The statue of Robert Milligan on 9 June 2020, the day of its removal

A 2021 report from King's College London argued that many people's views on cultural issues in Britain had become tied up with the side of the Brexit debate with which they identify, while the public party-political identities, although not as strong, show similar alignments and that around half the country held relatively strong views on "culture war" issues such as debates on Britain's colonial history or Black Lives Matter. However, the report concluded Britain's cultural and political divide was not as stark as the Republican–Democratic divide in the US and that a sizeable section of the public can be categorised as having either moderate views or as being disengaged from social debates. It also found that The Guardian, as opposed to the centre-right newspapers, was more likely to talk about the culture wars.[83] The Conservative Party have been described as attempting to ignite culture wars in regard to "conservative values" under the tenure of Prime Minister Boris Johnson.

However, others argue that it is the left who are engaging in "culture wars", particularly against liberal values, accepted words and British institutions.[84][85][86][87] Observers such as Johns Hopkins University professor Yascha Mounk and journalist and author Louise Perry have argued that the collapse in support for the Labour Party during the 2019 United Kingdom general election came as a result of both a media-induced public perception and a deliberate strategy of Labour of pursuing messages and policy ideas based on cultural issues that resonated with more university educated grassroots activists on the left of the party but alienated Labour's traditional working class voters.[88][89]

An April 2022 survey found evidence that Britons are less divided on "culture war" issues than has often been portrayed in the media. The greatest predictor of opinion was how people voted in the UK's referendum on membership of the European Union, Brexit, yet even among those who voted 'Leave', 75% agreed "it is important to be attentive to issues of race and social justice". Similarly, even among Remainers and those who last voted for the Labour Party, there was moderately strong support for several socially conservative positions.[90][91]

European Union

See also: "Polish death camp" controversy, Language policy in Ukraine, and LGBT ideology-free zone

Poland's Law and Justice party,[92] Hungary's Viktor Orbán, Serbia's Aleksandar Vučić, and Slovenia's Janez Janša[93] have each been accused of fomenting culture wars in their respective countries by encouraging dissent, resistance to LGBT rights, and restrictions on abortion. One facet of the controversy in Poland is the removal of Soviet War Memorials which is divisive because some Poles viewed the memorials positively as commemorations of their ancestors who died during World War II while others felt negatively due to the oppression that some Poles experienced under the Soviet-backed Polish People's Republic[94][95] Culture war in Hungary is alleged by Kim Scheppele to be a disguise for democratic backsliding by Viktor Orbán.[96] Ukraine, meanwhile, has experienced a decades-long culture war pitting the eastern, predominately Russian-speaking, regions against the western Ukrainian-speaking areas of the country.[97] LGBT rights are controversial in Poland, as exemplified by President Andrzej Duda vow in 2020 to oppose both same-sex marriage and LGBT adoption.[98][99]

Different interpretations of bitter events during World War II have become especially contentious in Poland since 2015, shortly after the start of the Russo-Ukrainian War.[100] One disputed issue is whether Poland bears any responsibility for the Holocaust, or whether Poland was entirely a victim of Nazi Germany. This dispute is embodied by the "Polish death camp" controversy (involving concentration camps that had been built by Nazi Germany during World War II on German-occupied Polish soil) and an attempt to address that controversy with a now partly repealed law[101] A second issue, also addressed by the partly repealed law, revolves around Poland–Ukraine relations

Poland is not alone[102] in the region in passing a law to criminalize negative interpretations of the country's collaborationist nationalist movements during WWII and Poland–Ukraine relations have suffered as a result of a similar law in Ukraine that was criticized in Poland for deflecting blame away from the Ukrainian Insurgent Army and their massacres of Poles in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia.[103]

See also

References

  1. ^ a b c Diaz Ruiz, Carlos; Nilsson, Tomas (August 8, 2022). "Disinformation and Echo Chambers: How Disinformation Circulates on Social Media Through Identity-Driven Controversies". Journal of Public Policy & Marketing. 42: 18–35. doi:10.1177/07439156221103852. ISSN 0743-9156. S2CID 248934562. Archived from the original on June 20, 2022. Retrieved September 5, 2022.
  2. ^ a b Koleva, Spassena P.; Graham, Jesse; Iyer, Ravi; Ditto, Peter H.; Haidt, Jonathan (April 1, 2012). "Tracing the threads: How five moral concerns (especially Purity) help explain culture war attitudes". Journal of Research in Personality. 46 (2): 184–194. doi:10.1016/j.jrp.2012.01.006. ISSN 0092-6566. S2CID 6786293.
  3. ^ Saleem, Saleena Begum (July 18, 2023). Trust in Polarised Plural Societies: Intersections Across the Ideological Divides of Women's Groups in Malaysia (dphil thesis). University of Liverpool. Archived from the original on November 5, 2023. Retrieved October 23, 2023.
  4. ^ a b Andrew Hartman, A War for the Soul of America: A History of the Culture Wars (University of Chicago Press, 2015)
  5. ^ "Culture Wars". Encyclopedia.com. Archived from the original on November 11, 2020. Retrieved October 21, 2019.
  6. ^ Helmut Walser Smith, ed., The Oxford Handbook of Modern German History (2011), p. 360
  7. ^ "Kulturkampf – Definition, meaning & more". Collins Dictionary. Retrieved December 21, 2016.
  8. ^ See The Month and Catholic Review (March 1875) vol 4 p. 380
  9. ^ Hunter, James Davison; Wolfe, Alan (2006). Is There a Culture War? : A Dialogue on Values and American Public Life. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press. OCLC 76966750.
  10. ^ Goren, Paul; Chapp, Christopher (February 24, 2017). "Moral Power: How Public Opinion on Culture War Issues Shapes Partisan Predispositions and Religious Orientations". American Political Science Review. 111 (1): 110–128. doi:10.1017/S0003055416000435. S2CID 151573922.
  11. ^ a b Dionne, E.J., Jr. "Why the Culture War Is the Wrong War." Archived December 13, 2020, at the Wayback Machine The Atlantic. January/February 2006. 29 April 2019.
  12. ^ Melzer, Scott (October 1, 2009). Gun Crusaders: The NRA's Culture War. New York University Press. p. 59. ISBN 978-0814764503. Archived from the original on April 6, 2023. Retrieved May 25, 2020.
  13. ^ Ridgely, Susan B. (March 2020). "Conservative Christianity and the Creation of Alternative News: An Analysis of Focus on the Family's Multimedia Empire". Religion and American Culture. 30 (1): 1–25. doi:10.1017/rac.2020.1.
  14. ^ Grossmann, Matt; Hopkins, David A. (March 2015). "Ideological Republicans and Group Interest Democrats: The Asymmetry of American Party Politics". Perspectives on Politics. 13 (1): 119–139. doi:10.1017/S1537592714003168. S2CID 144639776.
  15. ^ Hopkins, David A. (April 15, 2020). "Solving the COVID Crisis Requires Bipartisanship, But the Modern GOP Isn't Built for It". Honest Graft. Archived from the original on May 18, 2020. Retrieved May 24, 2020.
  16. ^ O. Taiwo, Olufemi (May 16, 2022). "Are culture wars really a distraction?". The Guardian. Archived from the original on July 17, 2022. Retrieved July 17, 2022.
  17. ^ Woolley, Samuel; Howard, Philip N. (2019). Computational Propaganda: Political Parties, Politicians, and Political Manipulation on Social Media. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0190931414.
  18. ^ Diaz Ruiz, Carlos (October 30, 2023). "Disinformation on digital media platforms: A market-shaping approach". New Media & Society. doi:10.1177/14614448231207644. ISSN 1461-4448. S2CID 264816011.
  19. ^ Marchal, Nahema; Neudert, Lisa-Maria (2019). "Polarisation and the use of technology in political campaigns and communication" (PDF). European Parliamentary Research Service.
  20. ^ Kreiss, Daniel; McGregor, Shannon C (April 11, 2023). "A review and provocation: On polarization and platforms". New Media & Society. 26: 556–579. doi:10.1177/14614448231161880. ISSN 1461-4448. S2CID 258125103.
  21. ^ Diaz Ruiz, Carlos; Nilsson, Tomas (2023). "Disinformation and Echo Chambers: How Disinformation Circulates on Social Media Through Identity-Driven Controversies". Journal of Public Policy & Marketing. 42 (1): 18–35. doi:10.1177/07439156221103852. ISSN 0743-9156. S2CID 248934562.
  22. ^ Di Domenico, Giandomenico; Ding, Yu (October 23, 2023). "Between Brand attacks and broader narratives: how direct and indirect misinformation erode consumer trust". Current Opinion in Psychology. 54: 101716. doi:10.1016/j.copsyc.2023.101716. ISSN 2352-250X. PMID 37952396. S2CID 264474368.
  23. ^ Castells, Manuel (June 4, 2015). Networks of Outrage and Hope: Social Movements in the Internet Age. John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 9780745695792. Retrieved February 4, 2017.
  24. ^ "Condemnation over Egypt's internet shutdown". Financial Times. Retrieved February 4, 2017.
  25. ^ "Net neutrality wins in Europe – a victory for the internet as we know it". ZME Science. August 31, 2016. Retrieved February 4, 2017.
  26. ^ "Seminar on the Culture Wars of the 1920s". Fall 2001. Archived from the original on October 25, 2021. Retrieved October 24, 2021.
  27. ^ Dionne, E. J. "Culture Wars: How 2004". Archived from the original on December 10, 2020. Retrieved January 30, 2009.
  28. ^ "What Bismarck could not do (Culture War reference) (1906)". Washington Palladium. December 21, 1906. p. 2. Archived from the original on August 18, 2020. Retrieved March 13, 2019.
  29. ^ "'Culture War' to be theme of talk (1942)". Oakland Tribune. February 18, 1942. p. 5. Archived from the original on December 12, 2023. Retrieved March 13, 2019.
  30. ^ Brian Dakss, "Bill O'Reilly's 'Culture Warrior'" Archived December 13, 2020, at the Wayback Machine, CBS News, December 5, 2006. Retrieved March 27, 2020.
  31. ^ O'Reilly, Bill (September 2006). Culture Warrior. New York: Broadway Books. ISBN 0-7679-2092-9.
  32. ^ Illing, Sean (July 9, 2020). "Is evangelical support for Trump a contradiction?". Vox. Archived from the original on June 16, 2023. Retrieved July 9, 2020.
  33. ^ "Dogs of War". New Donkey. September 2, 2004. Archived from the original on March 8, 2005. Retrieved August 29, 2006. Not since Pat Buchanan's famous 'culture war' speech in 1992 has a major speaker at a national political convention spoken so hatefully, at such length, about the opposition.
  34. ^ a b Buchanan, Patrick (August 17, 1992). 1992 Republican National Convention Speech (Speech). Archived from the original on December 8, 2020. Retrieved November 3, 2014.
  35. ^ Buchanan, Patrick. "The Cultural War for the Soul of America". Archived from the original on March 17, 2015. Retrieved March 6, 2015.
  36. ^ Chapman, Roger (2010). Culture Wars: An Encyclopedia of Issues, Viewpoints, and Voices. Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe. p. 88. ISBN 978-0-7656-1761-3. Archived from the original on December 12, 2023. Retrieved January 31, 2021.
  37. ^ Chapman, Roger (2010). Culture Wars: An Encyclopedia of Issues, Viewpoints, and Voices. Armonk, NY.: M. E. Sharpe. p. 136. ISBN 978-0-7656-1761-3. Archived from the original on December 12, 2023. Retrieved January 31, 2021.
  38. ^ Who Owns History: Rethinking the Past in a Changing World at Google Books
  39. ^ History on Trial: Culture Wars and the Teaching of the Past at Google Books
  40. ^ Zafirovski, Milan. "Modern Free Society and Its Nemesis: Liberty Versus Conservatism in the New Millennium " Archived December 12, 2023, at the Wayback Machine Google Books. 6 September 2018.
  41. ^ a b Climate Science as Culture War: The public debate around climate change is no longer about science—it's about values, culture, and ideology Archived November 21, 2020, at the Wayback Machine Fall 2012 Stanford Social Innovation Review
  42. ^ "How the News Media Covered Religion in the 2008 General Election: Sarah Palin and the "Culture Wars"" (PDF). Pew Research. November 20, 2008. pp. 8, 11–12. Archived (PDF) from the original on October 22, 2020. Retrieved May 23, 2020.
  43. ^ Hatzisavvidou, Sophia (September 17, 2019). "'The climate has always been changing': Sarah Palin, climate change denialism, and American conservatism" (PDF). Celebrity Studies. 12 (3): 371–388. doi:10.1080/19392397.2019.1667251. S2CID 204377874. Archived (PDF) from the original on March 6, 2023. Retrieved January 24, 2023.
  44. ^ Teixeira, Ruy (July 15, 2009). "The Coming End of the Culture Wars". Center for American Progress. Archived from the original on December 9, 2020. Retrieved May 23, 2020.
  45. ^ Bob, Clifford (2012). The Global Right Wing and the Clash of World Politics. New York: Cambridge University Press. pp. i. ISBN 978-0-521-19381-8.
  46. ^ Smith, Karl. "The Abortion Debate Is Not Part of the Culture Wars." Archived July 20, 2019, at the Wayback Machine Bloomberg.
  47. ^ Haidt, Jonathan (April 11, 2022). "Why the Past 10 Years of American Life Have Been Uniquely Stupid". The Atlantic. Archived from the original on April 10, 2023. Retrieved August 29, 2022.
  48. ^ Mirzaei, Abas (September 8, 2019). "Where 'woke' came from and why marketers should think twice before jumping on the social activism bandwagon". The Conversation. Archived from the original on March 20, 2023. Retrieved April 10, 2023.
  49. ^ Yglesias, Matthew. "How Hillary Clinton unleashed the Great Awokening". www.slowboring.com. Archived from the original on March 28, 2023. Retrieved January 6, 2023.
  50. ^ Grunwald, Michael (November 2018). "How Everything Became the Culture War". Politico. Archived from the original on May 24, 2020. Retrieved May 24, 2020.
  51. ^ Castle, Jeremiah (December 14, 2018). "New Fronts in the Culture Wars? Religion, Partisanship, and Polarization on Religious Liberty and Transgender Rights in the United States". American Politics Research. 47 (3): 650–679. doi:10.1177/1532673X18818169. S2CID 220207260.
  52. ^ Blake, Aaron (May 23, 2020). "GOP governor offers emotional plea to the anti-mask crowd: Stop this senseless culture war". The Washington Post. Archived from the original on May 24, 2020. Retrieved May 24, 2020.
  53. ^ Peters, Jeremy W. (August 3, 2020). "These Conservatives Have a Laser Focus: 'Owning the Libs'". New York Times. Archived from the original on August 3, 2020. Retrieved August 3, 2020.
  54. ^ Buffington, Melanie L. (January 1, 2017). "Contemporary Culture Wars: Challenging the Legacy of the Confederacy". Journal of Cultural Research in Art Education. 34: 45–59. doi:10.2458/jcrae.4883. ISSN 2152-7172. S2CID 148760859. Archived from the original on July 29, 2020. Retrieved May 24, 2020.
  55. ^ Hurley, Kameron (April 9, 2015). "Hijacking the Hugo Awards Won't Stifle Diversity in Science Fiction". The Atlantic. Archived from the original on December 5, 2020. Retrieved May 23, 2020.
  56. ^ Dewey, Caitlin (October 14, 2014). "The only guide to Gamergate you will ever need to read". The Washington Post. Archived from the original on June 11, 2017. Retrieved May 23, 2020.
  57. ^ Meserve, Jack (Spring 2015). "Last Front in the Culture War". Democracy: A Journal of Ideas (36). Archived from the original on August 17, 2020. Retrieved May 23, 2020.
  58. ^ Nagle, Angela (June 30, 2017). Kill All Normies: Online Culture Wars From 4Chan And Tumblr To Trump And The Alt-Right. Zero Books. ISBN 9781785355431.
  59. ^ Warzel, Charlie (August 15, 2019). "How an Online Mob Created a Playbook for a Culture War". The New York Times. Archived from the original on July 2, 2023. Retrieved May 24, 2020.
  60. ^ Caplan, Gerald (October 20, 2012). "Culture clash splits Canadians over basic values". The Globe and Mail. Toronto. Archived from the original on April 25, 2017. Retrieved August 26, 2017.
  61. ^ Andrew Coyne (October 2, 2008). "Coyne: This isn't a culture war, it's a good old class war". Macleans. Archived from the original on July 7, 2018. Retrieved March 6, 2015.
  62. ^ Manne, Robert (November 2008). "What is Rudd's Agenda?". The Monthly. Archived from the original on March 16, 2016. Retrieved March 15, 2016.
  63. ^ Rundle, Guy (June 28, 2007). "1915 and all that: History in a holding pattern". Crikey. Archived from the original on July 6, 2010. Retrieved April 27, 2010.
  64. ^ Ferrari, Justine (October 14, 2008). "History curriculum author defies his critics to find bias". The Australian. Archived from the original on October 6, 2009. Retrieved April 27, 2010.
  65. ^ Baudrillard J. War porn. Journal of Visual Culture, Vol. 5, No. 1, 86–88 (2006) doi:10.1177/147041290600500107
  66. ^ Langton M. Essay: "Trapped in the aboriginal reality show" Archived July 24, 2020, at the Wayback Machine. Griffith Review 2007, 19:Re-imagining Australia.
  67. ^ Mark McKenna (November 10, 1997). "Different Perspectives on Black Armband History". Parliamentary Library: Research Paper 5 1997-98. The Parliament of Australia. Archived from the original on February 19, 2015. Retrieved March 5, 2015.
  68. ^ "The History of Apologies Down Under | Thinking Faith". thinkingfaith.org. February 21, 2008. Archived from the original on December 2, 2014. Retrieved March 5, 2015.
  69. ^ Wright, Tony (October 30, 2008). "A nation reborn at Anzac Cove? Utter nonsense: Keating". The Sydney Morning Herald. Archived from the original on April 24, 2018. Retrieved April 24, 2018.
  70. ^ Wright, Tony (October 31, 2008). "A nation reborn at Anzac Cove? Utter nonsense: Keating". The Age. Melbourne. Archived from the original on January 15, 2010. Retrieved March 5, 2010.
  71. ^ "PM's culture wars a fraud: Rudd - National". The Sydney Morning Herald. October 28, 2006. Archived from the original on June 5, 2011. Retrieved April 27, 2010.
  72. ^ "Full text of Australia's apology to Aborigines". CNN. February 12, 2008. Archived from the original on September 18, 2009. Retrieved April 27, 2010.
  73. ^ "Brendan Nelson's sorry speech". The Sydney Morning Herald. February 13, 2008. Archived from the original on March 15, 2008. Retrieved April 27, 2010.
  74. ^ "Paul Keating 'utterly wrong' to reject Gallipoli identity, says Kevin Rudd". October 31, 2008. Archived from the original on September 12, 2012. Retrieved February 19, 2015.
  75. ^ "Is Rudd having a Bob each way? - Opinion". The Sydney Morning Herald. October 28, 2004. Archived from the original on June 5, 2011. Retrieved April 27, 2010.
  76. ^ "End of the culture wars | Richard Nile Blog, The Australian". blogs.theaustralian.news.com.au. November 28, 2007. Archived from the original on March 9, 2010. Retrieved April 27, 2010.
  77. ^ "Orwellian Left quick to unveil totalitarian heart". The Australian. December 12, 2007.
  78. ^ Hornsey, Matthew J.; Chapman, Cassandra M.; Fielding, Kelly S.; Louis, Winnifred R.; Pearson, Samuel (August 2022). "A political experiment may have extracted Australia from the climate wars". Nature Climate Change. 12 (8): 695–696. Bibcode:2022NatCC..12..695H. doi:10.1038/s41558-022-01431-4. ISSN 1758-6798. S2CID 251043448. Archived from the original on September 22, 2022. Retrieved September 20, 2022.
  79. ^ Baker, Nick (January 23, 2022). "The recent history of Australia's climate change wars". SBS News. Archived from the original on September 20, 2022. Retrieved September 20, 2022.
  80. ^ Anthony, Constance G. (November 2018). "Schizophrenic Neocolonialism: Exporting the American Culture War on Sexuality to Africa". International Studies Perspectives. 19 (4): 289–304. doi:10.1093/isp/eky004.
  81. ^ van Klinken, Adriaan (2017). "Culture Wars, Race, and Sexuality: A Nascent Pan-African LGBT-Affirming Christian Movement and the Future of Christianity". Journal of Africana Religions. 5 (2): 217–238. doi:10.5325/jafrireli.5.2.0217. JSTOR 10.5325/jafrireli.5.2.0217. Archived from the original on August 10, 2021. Retrieved May 4, 2021.((cite journal)): CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link)
  82. ^ Dotto, Carlotta; Cubbon, Seb (June 23, 2021). Disinformation exports: How foreign anti-vaccine narratives reached West African communities online (Report). First Draft News. Archived from the original on June 23, 2021. Retrieved June 23, 2021.
  83. ^ Duffy, Bobby; Hewlett, Kirstie; Murkin, George; Benson, Rebecca; Hesketh, Rachel; Page, Ben; Skinner, Gideon; Gottfried, Glenn (June 2021). "'Culture wars' in the UK" (PDF). The Policy Institute at King's College London. Archived (PDF) from the original on November 2, 2023. Retrieved November 2, 2023.
  84. ^ Balls, Katy (September 29, 2020). "The Tories are spoiling for a culture war to stand up for 'British values'". inews.co.uk. Archived from the original on May 10, 2023. Retrieved February 8, 2021.
  85. ^ Malik, Kenan (December 20, 2020). "The Tory 'class agenda' is a culture war stunt that will leave inequality untouched". The Guardian. Archived from the original on February 8, 2021. Retrieved February 8, 2021.
  86. ^ Mason, Paul (February 10, 2021). "Boris Johnson's probe into left-wing "extremism" is a dangerous distraction from the fascist threat". New Statesman. Archived from the original on February 13, 2021. Retrieved February 18, 2021. This is, at one level, part of the pre-scripted culture war being orchestrated by those around [Boris] Johnson.
  87. ^ "UK culture war: museum trustees are paying the price for disagreeing with government's policies". The Art Newspaper. June 7, 2021. Archived from the original on June 7, 2021. Retrieved June 7, 2021.
  88. ^ Mounk, Yascha (December 13, 2019). "How Labour Lost the Culture War". The Atlantic. Archived from the original on December 8, 2021. Retrieved December 8, 2021.
  89. ^ Perry, Louise (June 22, 2021). "The UK is immersed in a class-culture war – and Labour is incapable of winning it". New Statesman. Archived from the original on December 8, 2021. Retrieved December 8, 2021.
  90. ^ Savage, Michael (May 1, 2022). "Four in five people in the UK believe in being 'woke' to race and social justice". The Guardian. Archived from the original on May 3, 2022. Retrieved May 3, 2022.
  91. ^ Anjeh, Renie; Doraisamy, Isabel (April 2022). "The Centre Holds" (PDF). Global Future. Archived (PDF) from the original on January 29, 2023. Retrieved May 3, 2022.
  92. ^ Rohac, Dalibor; Kokonos, Lance (November 2, 2020). "Poland's Culture Wars". Foreign Policy. Archived from the original on April 7, 2023. Retrieved November 4, 2020.
  93. ^ Kakissis, Joanna (November 4, 2020). "Slovenian Prime Minister Cheers Trump 'Triumph' Despite Untallied Votes". NPR. Athens, Greece. Archived from the original on November 4, 2020. Retrieved November 4, 2020.
  94. ^ "Poland plans to tear down hundreds of Soviet memorials". Deutsche Welle. April 13, 2016. Archived from the original on March 26, 2022. Retrieved October 31, 2021.
  95. ^ "Then And Now: Soviet Monuments Disappear Across Poland". Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. October 23, 2020. Archived from the original on March 30, 2022. Retrieved October 31, 2021.
  96. ^ "Here's why American conservatives are heading to Hungary for a big conference". NPR.org. Archived from the original on May 19, 2022. Retrieved May 19, 2022.
  97. ^ "Ukraine's Culture War". The National Interest. February 7, 2014. Archived from the original on October 22, 2021. Retrieved October 31, 2021.
  98. ^ "Polish President Calls 'LGBT Ideology' More Harmful Than Communism". Time. Archived from the original on June 13, 2020. Retrieved June 14, 2020.
  99. ^ "Polish election: Andrzej Duda says LGBT 'ideology' worse than communism". BBC News. June 14, 2020. Archived from the original on October 31, 2021. Retrieved October 31, 2021.
  100. ^ "The Polish-Ukrainian Battle for the Past"., Carnegie Europe
  101. ^ Hackmann, Jörg (2018). "Defending the "Good Name" of the Polish Nation: Politics of History as a Battlefield in Poland, 2015–18". Journal of Genocide Research. 20 (4): 587–606. doi:10.1080/14623528.2018.1528742. S2CID 81922100.
  102. ^ Katz, Dovid (April 25, 2018). "Poland's New Holocaust Law Is Bad, But Not the Worst". Jewish Currents. Retrieved October 26, 2020.
  103. ^ ""Mówię: UPA odpowiada za ludobójstwo Polaków. Ukraińcy, ścigajcie mnie!"" (in Polish). Retrieved March 6, 2018.

Further reading