Anti-Ukrainian sentiment, Ukrainophobia or anti-Ukrainianism is animosity towards Ukrainians, Ukrainian culture, the Ukrainian language, Ukraine as a nation, or all of the above.[1]

Modern scholars divide anti-Ukrainian sentiment into two types. One type consists of discrimination against Ukrainians based on their ethnic or cultural origin, typical forms of xenophobia, racism, and broader anti-Slavic sentiment. Another type consists of the conceptual rejection of Ukrainians as an actual ethnic group and the rejection of the Ukrainian culture and language, based on the belief that they are "unnatural" because they were "artificially formed"; at the turn of the 20th century, several Russian nationalist authors asserted that the Ukrainian identity and language had both been artificially created in order to "undermine" Russia.[2] Since then, this argument has also been made by other Russian nationalist authors.[1]

Ukrainophobic stereotypes

Within Russian nationalist narratives and propaganda, Ukrainophobic stereotypes range from mockery to ascribing negative traits to the whole Ukrainian nation and people of Ukrainian descent include:


In the Russian Empire

See also: Russification of Ukraine

The rise and spread of Ukrainian self-awareness around the time of the Revolutions of 1848 produced an anti-Ukrainian sentiment within some layers of society within the Russian Empire. In order to retard and control this movement, the use of Ukrainian language within the Russian empire was initially restricted by official government decrees such as the Valuev Circular (18 July 1863) and later banned by the Ems ukaz (18 May 1876) from any use in print (with the exception of reprinting of old documents). Popularly the anti-Ukrainian sentiment was promulgated by such organizations as the "Black Hundreds", which were vehemently opposed to Ukrainian self-determination. Some restrictions on the use of Ukrainian language were relaxed in 1905–1907. They ceased to be policed after the February Revolution in 1917.

Russian gendarmes in 1914 at the Taras Shevchenko burial.
Russian gendarmes in 1914 at the Taras Shevchenko burial.

Besides the Ems ukaz and Valuev Circular, there was a series of anti-Ukrainian language edicts starting from the 17th century, when Russia was governed by the House of Romanov. In 1720 Peter the Great issued an edict prohibiting printing books in the Ukrainian language, and since 1729 all edicts and instructions have only been in the Russian language. In 1763 Catherine the Great issued an edict prohibiting lectures in the Ukrainian language at the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy. In 1769 the Most Holy Synod prohibited printing and using the Ukrainian alphabet book. In 1775 the Zaporizhian Sich was destroyed. In 1832 all studying at schools of the Right-bank Ukraine transitioned to exclusively Russian language. In 1847 the Russian government persecuted all members of the Brotherhood of Saints Cyril and Methodius and prohibited the works of Taras Shevchenko, Panteleimon Kulish, Mykola Kostomarov (Nikolai Kostomarov) and others. In 1862 all free Sunday schools for adults in Ukraine were closed. In 1863 the Russian Minister of Interior Valuev decided that the Little Russian language (Ukrainian language) had never existed and could not ever exist. During that time in the winter of 1863–64, the January Uprising took place at the western regions of the Russian Empire, uniting peoples of the former Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. Next year in 1864 the "Regulation about elementary school" claimed that all teaching should be conducted in the Russian language. In 1879 the Russian Minister of Education Dmitry Tolstoy (later the Russian Minister of Interior) officially and openly stated that all people of the Russian Empire should be Russified. In the 1880s several edicts were issued prohibiting education in the Ukrainian language at private schools, theatric performances in Ukrainian, any use of Ukrainian in official institutions, and christening Ukrainian names. In 1892 another edict prohibited translation from the Russian to Ukrainian. In 1895 the Main Administration of Publishing prohibited printing children books in Ukrainian. In 1911 the resolution adopted at the 7th Congress of Noblemen in Moscow prohibited the use of any languages other than Russian. In 1914 the Russian government officially prohibited celebrations of the 100th Anniversary of Shevchenko's birthday and posted gendarmes at the Chernecha Hill. The same year Nicholas II of Russia issued an edict prohibiting the Ukrainian press.

Soviet Union

"In their time Marko Kropyvnytsky, Ivan Tobilevych, Mykola Sadovsky, Maria Zankovetska, Panas Saksahansky all should have been hanged. Then no one would even have heard about Ukraine."

 Mikhail Artemyevich Muravyov, Red Commander[8]

See also: Persecuted bandurists

Under Soviet rule in Ukraine, a policy of korenization was adopted after defeat of the Ukrainian People's Republic and initially supported Ukrainian cultural self-awareness. This policy was phased out in 1928 and terminated entirely in 1932 in favor of general Russification.

In 1929 Mykola Kulish wrote a theatrical play "Myna Mazailo" where the author cleverly displays the cultural situation in Ukraine. There was supposedly no anti-Ukrainian sentiment within the Soviet government, which began to repress all aspects of Ukrainian culture and language contrary to the ideology of Proletarian Internationalism.

In 1930 the Union for the Freedom of Ukraine process took place in Kharkiv, after which a number of former Ukrainian politicians and their relatives were deported to Central Asia. The ethnic cleansing against the Ukrainian intelligentsia was never evaluated and is poorly documented.[citation needed]

During the Soviet era, the population of Ukraine was reduced by the artificial famine called Holodomor in 1932–33 along with the population of other nearby agrarian areas of the USSR. According to some scholars, collectivization in the Soviet Union and lack of favored industries were primary contributors to famine mortality (52% of excess deaths), and some evidence shows there was discrimination against ethnic Ukrainians and Germans.[9] According to a Centre for Economic Policy Research paper published in 2021 by Andrei Markevich, Natalya Naumenko, and Nancy Qian, regions with higher Ukrainian population shares were struck harder with centrally planned policies corresponding to famine, and Ukrainian populated areas were given lower amounts of tractors which were correlated to a reduction in famine mortality, ultimately concluding that 92% of famine deaths in Ukraine alone along with 77% of famine deaths in Ukraine, Russia, and Belarus combined can be explained by systematic bias against Ukrainians.[10]

Many prominent Ukrainians were labelled as nationalists or anti-revolutionaries, and many were repressed and executed as enemies of the people.[11]

In January 1944 during a session of Politbureau of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), Stalin personally gave a speech "About anti-Lenin mistakes and nationalistic perversions in a film-tale of Alexander Dovzhenko "Ukraine in flames".[12]

On 2 July 1951, the Communist newspaper Pravda published an article "On Ideological Perversions in Literature" in regards of the Volodymyr Sosyura's poem "Love Ukraine" where it stated the following: "This poem could have been signed by such foes of the Ukrainian people as Petliura and Bandera ... For Sosiura writes about Ukraine and the love of it outside the limits of time and space. This is an ideologically vicious work. Contrary to the truth of life, the poet sings praises of a certain ‘eternal’ Ukraine full of flowers, curly willows, birds, and waves on the Dnipro."[13]

Modern analysis indicates that the Ukrainian language was underrepresented in Soviet media production.[14]

By country


On Sunday 15 July 2012, the national television broadcasting station in Ukraine First National in its news program "Weekly overview" (Ukrainian: Підсумки тижня) showed a video footage on a development of anti-Ukrainian sentiments within Ukraine.[15]

Caricature from Vidsich on the linguistic situation in Ukraine. It shows the big man, representing Russian language, telling the girl, representing Ukrainian language, "Little girl, move over! You're squishing me!" in Russian language.
Caricature from Vidsich on the linguistic situation in Ukraine. It shows the big man, representing Russian language, telling the girl, representing Ukrainian language, "Little girl, move over! You're squishing me!" in Russian language.

A propaganda article posted on the website of the Kremenchuk department of the Communist Party of Ukraine argues that history that was published during the Soviet regime was the true history, and that new historical facts being uncovered from the archives are false.[16] The article also denies the existence of the Ukrainian culture.

Mykola Levchenko, a Ukrainian parliamentarian from Party of Regions, and the deputy of Donetsk City Council states that there should be only one language, Russian. He says that the Ukrainian language is impractical and should be avoided. Levchenko called Ukrainian the language of folklore and anecdotes. However, he says he will speak the literary Ukrainian language on principle, once Russian is adopted as the sole state language.[17] Anna German, the spokesperson of the same party, highly criticized those statements.[18]

Mykhailo Bakharev, the vice-speaker of the Crimean Autonomous Republic parliament (and chief editor of Krymskaya Pravda), openly says that there is no Ukrainian language and that it is the language of the non-educated part of population. He claims that it was invented by Taras Shevchenko and others. He also believes that there is no Ukraine nation, there is no future for the Ukrainian State, and that Ukrainization needs to be stopped.[19]

Minister of Education of Ukraine

The former Ukrainian Minister of Science and Education, Dmytro Tabachnyk, sparked protests calling him anti-Ukrainian in some parts of Ukraine due to his statements about Western Ukrainians, his preference for the Russian language, and his denial of the Holodomor.[20][21] Tabachnyk's view of Ukraine's history includes the thesis that western Ukrainians aren't really Ukrainian. In an article for the Russian newspaper Izvestia Tabachnyk wrote in 2009: “Halychany (western Ukrainians) practically don't have anything in common with the people of Great Ukraine, not in mentality, not in religion, not in linguistics, not in the political arena” “We have different enemies and different allies. Furthermore, our allies and even brothers are their enemies, and their ‘heroes’ (Stepan Bandera, Roman Shukhevych) for us are killers, traitors and abettors of Hitler’s executioners.”[20] By 17 March 2010, four of western Ukraine's regional councils had passed resolutions calling for the minister's dismissal. A host of civic and student organizations from all over the country (including Kherson in southern Ukraine and Donetsk in eastern Ukraine), authors and former Soviet dissidents also signed petitions calling for his removal.[20] Tabachnik also had stated that Ukrainian history textbooks contained "simply false" information and announced his intention to rewrite them.[22][23]


See also: Russia–Ukraine relations

The bust of the Ukrainian national poet Taras Shevchenko in the Borodianka with a bullet hole in the head during the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine.
The bust of the Ukrainian national poet Taras Shevchenko in the Borodianka with a bullet hole in the head during the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine.

In a poll held by Levada Center in June 2009 in Russia 75% of Russian respondents respected Ukrainians as ethnic group but 55% were negative about Ukraine as the state. In May 2009, 96% of Ukrainians polled by Kyiv International Sociology Institute were positive about Russians as ethnic group, 93% respected Russian Federation and 76% respected Russian establishment.[24]

Some Russian media seem to try to discredit Ukraine.[25][26][27][28][29][30][31][32][33] Media like Komsomolskaya Pravda seem to try to intensify the bad relationship between Ukraine and Russia.[34] Anti-Ukrainian attitude persists among several Russian politicians, such as the former mayor of Moscow, Yuri Luzhkov, and the former leader of the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia and former Deputy Speaker of the Russian Parliament, Vladimir Zhirinovsky.[35]

In 2006, in letters to Vladimir Putin, Viktor Yushchenko and Vasily Duma, the Ukrainian Cultural Centre of Bashkortostan complained of anti-Ukrainian sentiment in Russia, which they claim includes wide use of anti-Ukrainian ethnic slurs in the mainstream Russian media, television and film.[36] The Urals Association of Ukrainians also made a similar complaint in a letter they addressed to the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe in 2000.[37]

According to the Ukrainian Cultural Centre of Bashkortostan, despite their significant presence in Russia, Ukrainians in that country have less access to Ukrainian-language schools and Ukrainian churches than do other ethnic groups.[37] In Vladivostok, according to the head of the Ukrainian government's department of Ukrainian Diaspora Affairs, local Russian officials banned a Ukrainian Sunday school in order not to "accentuate national issues"[38]

According to the president of the Ukrainian World Congress in 2001, persistent requests to register a Ukrainian Orthodox Church – Kyiv Patriarchate or a Ukrainian Catholic Church were hampered due to "particular discrimination" against them, while other Catholic, Muslim and Jewish denominations fared much better.[39] According to the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, by 2007 their denomination had only one church building in all of Russia.[40]

In 2008 Nikolai Smirnov released a documentary in which he claims that Ukraine is part of one whole Russia that was split away by different western powers such as Poland, particularly.[41][42]

In November 2010, the High Court of Russia cancelled registration of one of the biggest civic communities of the Ukrainian minority, the "Federal nation-cultural autonomy of the Ukrainians in Russia" (FNCAUR).[43] According to the author Mykhailo Ratushniy Ukrainian activists continue to face discrimination and bigotry in much of Russia.[44]

The anchorman of a news program "Sunday Time" on the Channel One (Russia) Pyotr Tolstoi announced on 8 July 2012, about the enforced Ukrainization in Ukraine, 20 millions Russians, an invented genocide about Ukrainians, and the distortion of the Russian historiography.[45][clarification needed]


See also: Hungary–Ukraine relations


See also: Kresy myth and Massacres of Poles in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia

In late 1995, Ukrainian organization "ZUwP" was demanded to be banned[46] following the wave of anti-Ukrainian actions that have erupted during the festival of Ukrainian culture in Poland in the border town of Przemyśl in 1995 where numerous threats against participants and numerous acts of vandalism took place. A rise in incidences of graffiti with anti-Ukrainian slogans, and the office of "Związek Ukraińców w Polsce" was set alight.[47] In some[which?] cities anti-Ukrainian assaults, vandalism acts of an organised character have targeted centres of Ukrainian culture, schools, churches, memorials.[48]

Ukrainophobic and antisemitic authors (mainly interbellum Endecja activists) published by Polish publishing house Nortom[49] include: Roman Dmowski,[50] Janusz Dobrosz, Jędrzej Giertych, Jan Ludwik Popławski, Maciej Giertych, Stanisław Jastrzębski, Edward Prus,[51][52] Feliks Koneczny.[citation needed] In 2000, Nortom was forced to withdraw its 12 controversial titles from the Frankfurt Book Fair by the Polish Ministry of Culture representative Andrzej Nowakowski overlooking the Polish exposition. Nortom was accused of selling anti-German, anti-Ukrainian and antisemitic books, especially the following titles: "Być czy nie być" by Stanisław Bełza, "Polska i Niemcy" by Jędrzej Giertych and "I tak nie przemogą. Antykościół, antypolonizm, masoneria" by his son Maciej Giertych. As a result of the above request, the president of the Polish delegation Andrzej Chrzanowski from Polska Izba Książki decided to penalise Nortom by removing it from the 2000 book fair altogether.[citation needed]


See also: Romania–Ukraine relations


See also: Portugal–Ukraine relations

Anti-Ukrainian sentiment in Portugal has grown since the arrival of Ukrainian immigrants to Portuguese territory in the 1990s. Most Ukrainians in Portugal work in low-skill and low wages jobs, particularly on cleaning services, construction, manufacturing industries, transport services, hotels and restaurants, due to this, many Ukrainian citizens are constantly victims of aporophobia.[53] Generally in Portugal, citizens of Eastern European countries, no matter what country they are from, are called "Ukrainians" with a hint of contempt for that country, especially when they are poor people. Various members of Portuguese politics have continually called Ukrainians "Nazis" and have gone so far as to say that Lisbon "was infected with Nazis", due to the high presence of Ukrainians in the capital.[54] In March 2020, a Ukrainian citizen named Ihor Humenyuk was interrogated and tortured to death at Lisbon airport while trying to immigrate to Portugal irregularly.[55][56]


Anti-Ukrainian discrimination was present in Canada from the arrival of Ukrainians in Canada around 1891 until the late 20th century. In one sense this was part of a larger trend towards nativism in Canada during the period. But Ukrainians were singled out for special discrimination because of their large numbers, visibility (due to dress, non-western European appearance, and language), and political activism. During the First World War, around 8,000 Ukrainian Canadians were interned by the Canadian government as "enemy aliens" (because they came from the Austrian Empire). In the interwar period all Ukrainian cultural and political groups, no matter what their ideology was, were monitored by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police and many of their leaders were deported.[57]

This attitude began to slowly change after the Second World War, as Canadian immigration and cultural policies generally moved from being explicitly nativist to a more pluralistic one. Ukrainian nationalists were now seen as victims of communism, rather than dangerous subversives.[citation needed] Ukrainians began to hold high offices, and one, Senator Paul Yuzyk was one of the earliest proponents of a policy of "multiculturalism" which would end official discrimination and acknowledge the contribution of non-English, non-French Canadians. The Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism of the 1960s, which had originally been formed only to deal with French-Canadian grievances, began the transition to multiculturalism in Canada because of Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau's desire to court Ukrainian votes in Western Canada. The commission also included a Ukrainian Canadian commissioner, Jaroslav Rudnyckyj.

Since the adoption of official multiculturalism under Section Twenty-seven of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms in 1982, Ukrainians in Canada have had legal protection against discrimination.[citation needed] Ukrainian Canadians have held high offices including Governor General (Ray Hnatyshyn), Deputy Prime Minister (Chrystia Freeland), Leader of the Opposition (Rona Ambrose), and several premiers of provinces.


According to researcher Mārtiņš Kaprāns of Center for European Policy Analysis, disinformation about Ukraine is dominant in Latvia's pro-Kremlin and Russian language media, which has contributed to a negative image of Ukraine in its Russian-speaking population, while ethnic Latvians are largely supportive of Ukraine. He has named Tatyana Zhdanok, Alexander Gaponenko [lv; ru] and as some of the sources of anti-Ukrainian statements in Latvia.[58]

On 20 May 2022, a man in Riga was ordered to pay 6034.55 euros as material and moral damages and sentenced to 200 hours of community service for attacking a young man with a flag of Ukraine on his shoulders.[59] A police officer and an alleged spouse of the attacker present at the moment of the attack was fired from the State Police for negligence.[60] On 24 June 2022, a criminal case was launched against two young people for burning a flag of Ukraine at Vērmane Garden with the intention of posting the video on TikTok to gain popularity and provoke Ukrainians.[61]

Slang references to Ukrainians and Ukrainian culture

The use of ethnic slurs and stereotypes in relation to Ukrainians in Russian media[62] is one of Ukrainian community's concerns in Russia.[36]

Ethnic slurs

Political insults and historical nicknames

There are a number of Russian insults based on the alleged opposition of all Ukrainians to all things Russian (or all things Soviet, in the past):


Anti-Ukrainian sentiment in culture and media

See also

References and footnotes

  1. ^ a b Andriy Okara. Ukrainophobia is a gnostic problem. "n18texts Okara". Retrieved 7 December 2008.
  2. ^ Shkandrij, Myroslav (9 October 2001). Russia and Ukraine. ISBN 9780773522343. Retrieved 17 June 2015.
  3. ^ a b c d e "Що таке українофобія і як її розпізнати – Політичні новини | УНІАН" (in Ukrainian). Retrieved 25 July 2017.
  4. ^ "The long war over the Ukrainian language – the Boston Globe". The Boston Globe.
  5. ^ "Germans must remember the truth about Ukraine – for their own sake".
  6. ^ "Soviet Army". The Internet Encyclopedia of Ukraine. Retrieved 18 August 2022.
  7. ^ "Harvest of Despair — Karel C. Berkhoff".
  8. ^ Orel, S. Хутір Надія — колиска театру корифеїв (Khutir Nadiya – a cradle of a theater of coryphaeus)[dead link]. Newspaper "Day". 2003-04-04
  9. ^ Naumenko, Natalya (March 2021). "The Political Economy of Famine: The Ukrainian Famine of 1933". The Journal of Economic History. 81 (1): 156–197. doi:10.1017/S0022050720000625. ISSN 0022-0507.
  10. ^ Markevich, Andrei; Naumenko, Natalya; Qian, Nancy (29 July 2021). "The Political-Economic Causes of the Soviet Great Famine, 1932–33" (PDF). Centre for Economic Policy Research. Retrieved 26 November 2021 – via REPEC.
  11. ^ Basil Dmytryshyn, Moscow and the Ukraine, 1918–1953: A Study of Russian Bolshevik Nationality Policy, Bookman Associates, 1956
  12. ^ Shapoval, Yu. Гітлер, Сталін і Україна: безжальні стратегії (Hitler, Stalin and Ukraine: merciless strategies). Ukrayinska Pravda. 9 May 2013
  13. ^ Siundiukov, I. Volodymyr Sosiura and the Oppressors of National Spirit. The Day. 17 February 2004
  14. ^ Dovzhenko Film Studios as a mirror of Russification policy in the USSR. Ukrayinska Pravda. 17 July 2013.
  15. ^ (in Ukrainian)2012: історія русифікації від провладного телеканалу (2012: History of Russification by the pro-state TV-station), Ukrayinska Pravda (18 July 2012)
  16. ^ Василий Витальевич Шульгин. "Украинствующие и мы" [Vasily V. Shulgin. "Ukrainophiles and us"] (in Russian). Communist Party of Ukraine. 2004. Archived from the original on 6 March 2008.
  17. ^ Антон Зікора. "Секретар Донецької міськради Левченко – про мову, Шевченка і сифіліс". Retrieved 17 June 2015.
  18. ^ Анна Герман вважає провокаційною заяву Миколи Левченка щодо Української мови [Hanna Herman considers Mykola Levchenko's statement concerning the Ukrainian language to be provocative]. (in Ukrainian). 8 March 2007. Archived from the original on 28 September 2007.
  19. ^ Semena, Nikolai (10 October 1997). "Объявить Крым зоной интеллектуального бедсвия..." предложил вице-спикер крымского парламента Рефат Чубаров. И жизнь показала, что он не прав... ["Declare Crimea an intellectual disaster zone..." proposed the vice-speaker of the Crimean parliament, Refat Chubarov. And life has shown that he is incorrect...]. Dzerkalo Tyzhnia (in Russian). 40 (157): 4. Archived from the original on 27 September 2007.
  20. ^ a b c "Furor over Tabachnyk appointment rising"
  21. ^ Education Minister Tabachnyk Confirms His Russian Nationalist Credentials"
  22. ^ Табачник: українські й російські вчителі будуть викладати історію за спільним посібником [Tabachnyk: Ukrainian and Russian teachers will be teaching history using a joint manual]. (in Ukrainian). 13 May 2010. Retrieved 16 July 2015.
  23. ^ Katya Gorchinskaya (18 March 2010). "Tabachnyk's views are dangerous in classroom". Kyiv Post.
  24. ^ "Россияне об Украине, украинцы о России – Левада-Центр". Archived from the original on 27 June 2009. Retrieved 17 June 2015.
  25. ^ Russian attitudes not as icy towards Ukraine, Kyiv Post (15 October 2009)
  26. ^ Ukraine-Russia tensions are simmering in Crimea, The Washington Post (18 October 2009)
  27. ^ 56% Of Russians Disrespect Ukraine, Kyiv Post (17 June 2009)
  28. ^ Russia, Ukraine relationship going sour, say polls, Kyiv Post (2 October 2008)
  29. ^ Why Ukraine will always be better than Russia, Kyiv Post (12 June 2009)
  30. ^ Poll: Russians like Ukrainians half as much as the other way round, Kyiv Post (6 November 2009)
  31. ^ Report mistake, BBC (20 May 2008)
  32. ^ False Hitler Doll Reports Vex Ukraine, Deutsche Welle (15 May 2008)
  33. ^ Kremlin-loyal media make Merkel sing to Medvedev's tune, Kyiv Post (20 August 2009)
  34. ^ (in Russian) Виктор Черномырдин: Выборы на Украине – это не футбол. Болеть не надо..., Komsomolskaya Pravda (2 February 2009)
  35. ^ The Ukrainian Pravda. Why Cannot Zhirinovsky and Zatulin Wash Their Feet in the Black Sea on the Ukrainian coast? Retrieved 11.20.07
  36. ^ a b "Азербайджанская диаспора Санкт-Петербурга требует от властей защиты от ультраправых экстремистов (po". Retrieved 17 June 2015.
  37. ^ a b Open letter to the Comissar of the OSCE from the Union of Ukrainians in the Urals Retrieved 11.20.07
  38. ^ The Ukrainian Weekly. 2003: The Year in Review. Diaspora Developments: news from East to West.Retrieved 11.20.07
  39. ^ Regarding the census in Russia and the rights of Ukrainians. Retrieved 11.20.07
  40. ^ "The first Catholic church in Russia built in the Byzantine style has been blessed". 24 October 2007. Archived from the original on 22 December 2007.
  41. ^ Smirnov, N. History of Russia, part 57. "Novoe vremya", 2008 on YouTube
  42. ^ "". Retrieved 17 June 2015.
  43. ^ Valentyn Nalyvaichenko (26 January 2011). "Nalyvaichenko to OSCE: Rights of Ukrainians in Russia systematically violated". Kyiv Post. Archived from the original on 29 January 2011.
  44. ^ Mykhailo Ratushniy (6 May 2011). "In their 'Russian world,' there is no room for Ukrainians". Kyiv Post. Archived from the original on 8 May 2011.
  45. ^ Російського ведучого підвищили за брехню про Україну (Russian anchorman was promoted for his lies about Ukraine) on YouTube
  46. ^ Karl Cordell and Andrzej Dubczinsky, "Poland and the European Union", p.192
  47. ^ The last besieged fortress: Peremyshl wracked by Ukrainian-Polish confrontation Petro Tyma. The Ukrainian Weekly, 21 July 1996, No. 29, Vol. LXIV
  48. ^ Assaults to Ukrainian schools in Poland. Lvivska gazette. 31 October 2006 issue № 27 (27)
  49. ^ "Antisemitism Worldwide 2000/1 – Poland". Tel Aviv University, Stephen Roth Institute. 2001. Archived from the original on 27 April 2003.
  50. ^ Tomash Matrashek (28 April 2010). Роман Дмовський: Львів та українське питання [Roman Dmowski: Lviv and Ukrainian issues]. ZAXID.NET (in Ukrainian). Retrieved 17 June 2015.
  51. ^ "Ярослав Ісаєвич". Retrieved 17 June 2015.
  52. ^ Rafal Wnuk. "Recent Polish Historiography on Polish-Ukrainian Relations during World War II and its Aftermath" (PDF). Institute for National Remembrance, Lublin. Archived from the original (PDF) on 17 July 2015. Retrieved 16 July 2015. ((cite journal)): Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  53. ^ "A Comunidade Ucraniana em Portugal" [The Ukrainian community in Portugal]. High Commissariat for Immigration and Intercultural Dialogue (ACIDI) (in Portuguese). 26 June 2014. Archived from the original on 13 September 2014. Retrieved 13 September 2014.
  54. ^ "Mamadou Ba disse que "a cidade de Lisboa está infecta de nazis ucranianos e 'tugas'"?" [Did Mamadou Ba say that "the city of Lisbon is infected with Ukrainian Nazis and 'Portuguese'"?]. Polígrafo SAPO (in Portuguese). 26 March 2019.
  55. ^ "Portugal's immigration chief resigns months after Ukrainian man dies at Lisbon airport". Euronews. 9 December 2020.
  56. ^ "SEF inspectors who killed Ukrainian at Lisbon airport jailed for between 7 and 9 years". Portugal Resident. 10 May 2020.
  57. ^ Hewitt, Steve. "Policing the Promised Land: The RCMP and Negative Nation-building in Alberta and Saskatchewan in the Interwar Period", The Prairie West as Promised Land ed. R. Douglas Francis and Chris Kitzan (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 2007), 318–320.
  58. ^ Kaprāns, Mārtiņš (24 May 2017). "Stirring up anti-Ukrainian sentiment in Latvia". Center for European Policy Analysis. Archived from the original on 13 June 2017. Retrieved 22 July 2022.
  59. ^ "Verdict in 'Ukrainian flag attack' case in Rīga". Public Broadcasting of Latvia. 15 June 2022. Retrieved 22 July 2022.
  60. ^ "Police officer fired for standing by 'Ukraine flag' attack". Public Broadcasting of Latvia. LETA. 18 July 2022. Retrieved 22 July 2022.
  61. ^ "Youths detained for burning Ukrainian flag in Rīga". Public Broadcasting of Latvia. 27 June 2022. Retrieved 22 July 2022.
  62. ^ "((lang|ru|Андрей Моченов, Сергей Никулин. "Хохлы", "пиндосы", "чухонцы" и прочие "бусурмане" в Рунете и российской прессе. 28 июня 2006. MCK))". Archived from the original on 5 July 2002. Retrieved 25 July 2017.
  63. ^ Laitin, David D. (1998). Identity in Formation: The Russian-speaking Populations in the Near Abroad. Cornell University Press. p. 175. ISBN 9780801484957. khokhol.
  64. ^ Putin unapologetic, uncompromising on war against Ukraine, Kyiv Post (18 December 2014)
  65. ^ "Як українці стають «Укропами»", ("How Ukrainian become 'Ukrops'") Radio Liberty, Ukraininan redaction
  66. ^ Romer, Marcin (29 January 2008). ""Przeki" i "Szoszoni"". Kurier Galicyjski.
  67. ^ "Vladislav Berdichevskiy, MP of the People's Council of the DPR from the fraction Free Donbass about postponing of elections (VIDEO)". Novorossia Today. 9 October 2015.
  68. ^ Yekelchyk, Serhy (12 November 2020). "Ukraine: What Everyone Needs to Know": 48–49. doi:10.1093/wentk/9780197532102.001.0001. Much in the same way as the tsarist government in its day branded all patriotic Ukrainians as "Mazepists" after Hetman Ivan Mazepa, the Russian state-controlled media have labeled EuroMaidan activists as "Banderites" after the twentieth-century nationalist leader Stepan Bandera (1909-1959). This stigmatization is unjust because radical nationalists constituted only a small minority among EuroMaidan revolutionaries, and their political parties performed poorly in the parliamentary elections that followed the revolution. Yet, it was a clever propaganda trick to associate a separate Ukrainian national identity exclusively with the most radical branch of Ukrainian nationalism. To most Russians and many Russian-speakers in eastern Ukraine, the term "Banderite" still carries negative historical connotations, established in Stalin's time. After World War II ended, the Soviet press denounced the Bandera-led insurgents, who resisted the Sovietization of eastern Galicia. ((cite journal)): Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  69. ^ Portnov, Andrii (22 June 2016). "Bandera mythologies and their traps for Ukraine". openDemocracy. Retrieved 23 August 2022. The common noun "Banderivtsi" ("Banderites") emerged around this time, and it was used to designate all Ukrainian nationalists, but also, on occasion, western Ukrainians or even any person who spoke Ukrainian. Even today, the term "Banderivtsi" in public debate is never neutral — it can be used pejoratively or proudly.
  70. ^ Esch, Christian (2015). "'Banderites' vs. 'New Russia'" (PDF). Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism. Retrieved 22 August 2022. In Soviet Ukraine, the nationalist project was repressed or vilified in its entirety. Hundreds of thousands of civilians from Western Ukraine were deported to forced labour camps. "Banderovets" became a label that could be attached to any real or purported enemy of Soviet power in western Ukraine. It sounded as bad as "fascist". There was no effort to recognise the UPA as an independent actor with its own agenda, and to distinguish it from outright collaborationism, i.e. the Ukrainian "Waffen-SS Division 'Galizien'" which was under German command. There was also no effort to differentiate between different currents in and periods of OUN and UPA policy, and its more democratic rhetoric towards the end of the war. Even in the 1980s Ukrainian dissidents, no matter how democratic they were, could be labelled "Banderites" or "Fascists".
  71. ^ "Banderites". Internet Encyclopedia of Ukraine. Retrieved 23 August 2022.
  72. ^ Shore, Marci (10 October 2019). "The Ukrainian Night": 51–52, 272. doi:10.12987/9780300231533. ((cite journal)): Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  73. ^ Штирлитсс. "Что такое Майдаун – Значение слова "Майдаун"". Retrieved 2 May 2016.
  74. ^ "Что такое майданутый – Значение слов "майданутый"". Retrieved 2 May 2016.
  75. ^ кастрюлеголовый — Викисловарь
  76. ^ "People on Euromaidan put on buckets, cooking pots and helmets instead of hats"
  77. ^ "Cooking pots, buckets and helmets: Headgear of Euromaidan participants"
  78. ^ "Cooking pot-colander protest actions passed in the regions as well"
  79. ^ c:File:Spoilt.exile 19.01.2014 (12038537144).jpg
  80. ^ "Что такое свидомит – Значение слов "свидомит"". Retrieved 2 May 2016.
  81. ^ A typical Ukrainophobic article in a popular Russian media site, claiming that "mova" is just a "polonized Russian" (in Russian)
  82. ^ a b ""Незалежная" Украина против украинской мовы".
  83. ^ "Незалежная "в положении": пустые поезда, злые таксисты и Порошенко со всех экранов". 12 December 2018.
  84. ^ "Украинство – сплав нацизма и манипуляции - Взгляд". 7 April 2022.
  85. ^ "Declaring 'I'm Ukrainian, not Russian', Palance walks out of Russian Film Festival in Hollywood". 11 June 2004. Retrieved 17 June 2015.
  86. ^ Украинские писатели против Верки Сердючки и сериала «72 метра» [Ukrainian writers in opposition to Verka Serduchka and the series "72 meters"] (in Russian). 27 February 2007. Retrieved 17 June 2015.
    • Emily in Paris : In season 2, the list of ethnicities poorly represented is expanded with Petra, who is portrayed as a thief, a common anti-Slavic/Eastern European trope, and is the sole Ukrainian character.
    • Are You Afraid of the Dark? The episode The Tale of the Nightly Neighbours, in addtion to being possibly anti-Ukrainian, also has general anti-Slavic and anti-Semitic implications. The villains are the titular Nightly Neighbours, the Braun family from Ukraine. The heroine in one scene is explaining to her brother about their scheme, and one clue she gives is that Ukraine is in Eastern Europe, around countries like Bulgaria, Lithuania, Albania, and Romania (Transylvania), and their surname being the German "Braun" could imply Judaism.[citation needed]