The foreign relations of Croatia is primarily formulated and executed via its government which guides the state's interactions with other nations, their citizens, and foreign organizations. Active in global affairs since the 9th century, modern Croatian diplomacy is considered to have formed following their independence from Yugoslavia in 1991. As an independent state, Croatia established diplomatic relations with most world nations – 187 states in total – during the 1990s, starting with Germany (1991) and ending most recently with Togo (2023). Croatia has friendly relations with most of its neighboring countries, namely Slovenia, Hungary, Montenegro, and Italy. They maintain colder, more tense relations with Serbia as well as Bosnia and Herzegovina due to historic nation-building conflict and differing political ideologies.
Croatia is seen as a stabilizing influence in Southeast Europe due to its political alignment with the Western world. It maintains strong relations with the United States, the United Kingdom, and the European Union (E.U.), joining the organization in 2013. Croatia is a military ally to the U.S., U.K., and E.U. through its membership in NATO, having joined in 2009. The economy of Croatia is one of the largest in Southeast Europe with $80.1 billion in nominal gross domestic product (GDP) forecasted by the IMF in 2023. The country receives foreign aid from the IMF and USAID.
Their foreign policy objectives have shifted since the Croatian War of Independence. During the 1990s, Croatia sought to gain international recognition and join the United Nations (2000), later seeking entry into NATO (2009) and the European Union (2013). Modern policy objectives are regional stabilization, influence in international organizations, and strengthening multilateral cooperation. Succession issues following the 1991-92 dissolution of Yugoslavia continue to complicate regional relations. Croatia has outstanding border disputes, sovereign ownership issues, and treaty disagreements with multiple neighbors.
The first native Croatian ruler recognised by the Pope was duke Branimir, who received papal recognition from Pope John VIII on 7 June 879.[1]Tomislav was the first king of Croatia, noted as such in a letter of Pope John X in 925. MaritimeRepublic of Ragusa (1358-1808) maintained widespread diplomatic relations with the Ottoman Empire, Republic of Venice, Papal States and other states. Diplomatic relations of the Republic of Ragusa are often perceived as a historical inspiration for the contemporary Croatian diplomacy.[2] During the Wars of the Holy League Ragusa avoided alignment with either side in the conflict rejecting Venetian calls to join the Holy League.[2]
While each constitution of Yugoslavia defined foreign affairs as a federal level issue, over the years Yugoslav constituent republics played increasingly prominent role in either defining this policy or pursuing their own initiatives. Number of diplomats from Croatia gained significant experience in the service to the prominent Cold War era Yugoslav diplomacy.[5]
With the resolution of some of the major bilateral issues arising from the Yugoslav WarsCroatianforeign policy has focused on greater Euro-Atlantic integration, mainly entering the European Union and NATO. The progress was nevertheless slow in the period between 1996 and 1999 with rising concerns over authoritarian tendencies in the country. In order to gain access to European and trans-Atlantic institutions, it has had to undo many negative effects of the breakup of Yugoslavia and the war that ensued, and improve and maintain good relations with its neighbours. Croatia has had an uneven record in these areas between 1996 and 1999 during the right-wing HDZ government, inhibiting its relations with the European Union and the United States. In 1997 United States diplomacy even called upon its European partners to suspend Croatia from the Council of Europe as long as country fails to show adequate respect for human and minority rights.[17] Lack of improvement in these areas severely hindered the advance of Croatia's prospects for further Euro-Atlantic integration. Progress in the areas of Dayton, Erdut, and refugee returns were evident in 1998, but progress was slow and required intensive international engagement. Croatia's unsatisfactory performance implementing broader democratic reforms in 1998 raised questions about the ruling party's commitment to basic democratic principles and norms. Areas of concern included restrictions on freedom of speech, one-party control of public TV and radio, repression of independent media, unfair electoral regulations, a judiciary that is not fully independent, and lack of human and civil rights protection.
Refugee returns accelerated since 1999, reached a peak in 2000, but then slightly decreased in 2001 and 2002. The OSCE Mission to Croatia, focusing on the governed by the UNTAES, continued to monitor human rights and the return of refugees until December 2007 with the OSCE office in Zagreb finally closing in 2012.[21][22]Croatian Serbs continue to have problems with restitution of property and acceptance to the reconstruction assistance programmes. Combined with lacking economic opportunities in the rural areas of former Krajina, the return process was only partial.
At the time of Croatia's application to the European Union, three EU members states were yet to ratify the Stabilization and Association Agreement: United Kingdom, the Netherlands and Italy. The new Sanader government elected in 2003 elections repeated the assurances that Croatia will fulfill the missing political obligations, and expedited the extradition of several ICTY inductees. The European Commission replied to the answers of the questionnaire sent to Croatia on 20 April 2004 with a positive opinion. The country was finally accepted as EU candidate in July 2004. Italy and United Kingdom ratified the Stabilization and Association Agreement shortly thereafter, while the ten EU member states that were admitted to membership that year ratified it all together at a 2004 European Summit. In December 2004, the EU leaders announced that accession negotiations with Croatia would start on 17 March 2005 provided that Croatian government cooperates fully with the ICTY. The main issue, the flight of general Gotovina, however, remained unsolved and despite the agreement on an accession negotiation framework, the negotiations did not begin in March 2005. On 4 October 2005 Croatia finally received green light for accession negotiations after the Chief Prosecutor of the ICTY Carla Del Ponte officially stated that Croatia is fully cooperating with the Tribunal. This has been the main condition demanded by EU foreign ministers for accession negotiations. The ICTY called upon other southern European states to follow Croatia's good example. Thanks to the consistent position of Austria during the meeting of EU foreign ministers, a long period of instability and the questioning of the determination of the Croatian government to extradite alleged war criminals has ended successfully. Croatian Prime minister Ivo Sanader declared that full cooperation with the Hague Tribunal will continue. The accession process was also complicated by the insistence of Slovenia, an EU member state, that the two countries' border issues be dealt with prior to Croatia's accession to the EU.
Croatia finished accession negotiations on 30 June 2011, and on 9 December 2011, signed the Treaty of Accession.[23] A referendum on EU accession was held in Croatia on 22 January 2012, with 66% of participants voting in favour of joining the Union.[24][25][26][27] The ratification process was concluded on 21 June 2013, and entry into force and accession of Croatia to the EU took place on 1 July 2013.[28]
Current events
The main objective of the Croatian foreign policy is positioning within the EU institutions and in the region, cooperation with NATO partners and strengthening multilateral and bilateral cooperation.[29]
Between 1991 and 2003, the EBRD had directly invested a total of 1,212,039,000 EUR into projects in Croatia.
In 1998, U.S. support to Croatia came through the Southeastern European Economic Development Program (SEED), whose funding in Croatia totaled $23.25 million. More than half of that money was used to fund programs encouraging sustainable returns of refugees and displaced persons. About one-third of the assistance was used for democratization efforts, and another 5% funded financial sector restructuring.
In 2003 USAID considered Croatia to be on a "glide path for graduation" along with Bulgaria. Its 2002/2003/2004 funding includes around $10 million for economic development, up to $5 million for the development of democratic institutions, about $5 million for the return of population affected by war and between 2 and 3 million dollars for the "mitigation of adverse social conditions and trends". A rising amount of funding is given to cross-cutting programs in anti-corruption, slightly under one million dollars.
The European Commission has proposed to assist Croatia's efforts to join the European Union with 245 million euros from PHARE, ISPA and SAPARD aid programs over the course of 2005 and 2006.
International disputes
Relations with neighbouring states have normalized somewhat since the breakup of Yugoslavia. Work has begun — bilaterally and within the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe since 1999 — on political and economic cooperation in the region.
Discussions continue between Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina on various sections of the border, the longest border with another country for each of these countries. Sections of the Una river and villages at the base of Mount Plješevica are in Croatia, while some are in Bosnia, which causes an excessive number of border crossings on a single route and impedes any serious development in the region. The Zagreb-Bihać-Split railway line is still closed for major traffic due to this issue. The border on the Una river between Hrvatska Kostajnica on the northern, Croatian side of the river, and Bosanska Kostajnica on the southern, Bosnian side, is also being discussed. A river island between the two towns is under Croatian control, but is also claimed by Bosnia. A shared border crossing point has been built and has been functioning since 2003, and is used without hindrance by either party.
The Herzegovinian municipality of Neum in the south makes the southernmost part of Croatia an exclave and the two countries are negotiating special transit rules through Neum to compensate for that. Recently Croatia has opted to build a bridge to the Pelješac peninsula to connect the Croatian mainland with the exclave but Bosnia and Herzegovina has protested that the bridge will close its access to international waters (although Croatian territory and territorial waters surround Bosnian-Herzegovinian territory and waters completely) and has suggested that the bridge must be higher than 55 meters for free passage of all types of ships. Negotiations are still being held.
The border between Croatia and Serbia in the area of the Danube is disputed while at the same time the issue is not considered of the highest priority for either country in their bilateral relations.[33] The issue therefore only occasionally entered into in the public debate with other open issues being higher on the agenda, yet with some commentators fearing that the issue may once be used as an asymmetric pressure tool in the accession of Serbia to the European Union.[34][35] While Serbia holds the opinion that the thalweg of the Danube valley and the centerline of the river represents the international border between the two countries, Croatia disagrees and claims that the international border lies along the boundaries of the cadastral municipalities located along the river—departing from the course at several points along a 140-kilometre (87 mi) section.[35] The cadastre-based boundary reflects the course of the Danube which existed in the 19th century, before meandering and hydrotechnical engineering works altered its course. The area size of the territory in dispute is reported variously, up to 140 square kilometres (54 square miles) and is uninhabited area of forests and islands.[35] Croatian and Serbian authorities have made only occasional attempts to resolve the issue with the establishment of a joint commission that rarely met and the 2018 statement by presidents of the two countries that the issue will be brought to international arbitration if agreement is not reached until 2020.[35]
Croatia and Slovenia have several land and maritime boundary disputes, mainly in the Gulf of Piran, regarding Slovenian access to international waters, a small number of pockets of land on the right-hand side of the river Dragonja, and around the Sveta Gera peak. The two states contested the sovereign ownership of Yugoslav bank Ljubljanska banka, which ended in Slovenia's favor. The status of Croatian depositors' savings in the bank remains an outstanding issue. Slovenia was disputing Croatia's claim to establish the Ecological and Fisheries Protection Zone, an economic section of the Adriatic.
Diplomatic relations
List of countries which Croatia maintains diplomatic relations with:
Joint Communiqué on the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations between the Republic of Croatia and the Commonwealth of Bahamas was signed on 31 January 2017.[64]
Joint Communiqué on the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations between the Republic of Croatia and the Commonwealth of Dominica was signed on 30 July 2013.[68]
Croatia has few hundred deployed personnel in Afghanistan as part of the NATOResolute Support Mission. They work on training other soldiers and do not participate in combats.
On 16 May 2002, Croatian president Stjepan Mesić made a state visit to China, while Chinese president Hu Jintao made a state visit to Croatia on 19 June 2009.
Both have been EUcandidates since 3 October 2005. (Croatia become a member state on 1 July 2013)
Croatia is an EUmember and Turkey is an EUcandidate. Croatia supports Turkey's accession negotiations to the EU, although negotiations have now been suspended.
Turkey has Office of the Defence Attaché and Office of Trading Advisor in Zagreb.
Croatia has an embassy in Vienna and 2 honorary consulates in Graz and Innsbruck.
From 1527 until 1918 Croatia and Austria were part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, with Croatian region Dalmatia being under the Austrian administration.
Croatia is represented in Belarus through its embassy in Moscow (Russia).
Belarus is represented in Croatia through its embassy in Vienna (Austria).
The states maintain their bilateral relations through their embassies in Moscow.[122]
On 16 December 2002 Belarus, Russia, Ukraine, Slovakia, Hungary and Croatia signed an intergovernmental agreement on cooperation within the project to integrate the Druzhba and Adria oil-pipelines in Zagreb.[123]
Slovakia has an embassy in Zagreb and consulate in Osijek.[164] In addition, since 2014 Slovakian Embassy operates temporary office in Zadar during the summer.[165]
Since 2006, 118,051 people living in Australia declared themselves as Croats. Australian Ministry of Foreign Affairs believes that in Australia live around 150,000 Croats while the Croatian community in Australia claims to have 250,000 members.[173]
^stjepan Matković (2019). "Pravo umjesto sile: elita i ideje Lige naroda u međuratnoj Hrvatskoj". In Damir Agičić; Hrvoje Petrić; Filip Šimetin Šegvić (eds.). Zbornik Drage Roksandića. pp. 997–1007. doi:10.17234/9789531759021.66. ISBN9789531759021. S2CID239271371.
^Caplan, Richard (2002). "Conditional recognition as an instrument of ethnic conflict regulation: the European Community and Yugoslavia". Nations and Nationalism. 8 (2): 157–177. doi:10.1111/1469-8219.00044.
^"Bilateral relations". REPUBLIC OF CROATIA – Ministry of Foreign and European Affairs. Archived from the original on 9 September 2016. Retrieved 6 September 2016.
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