Article 42.2 of TEU states that the CSDP includes the 'progressive framing' of a common Union defence policy, and will lead to a common defence, when the European Council of national heads of state or government, acting unanimously, so decides.
When participating in CSDP missions abroad for peace-keeping, conflict prevention and strengthening international security in accordance with the principles of the United Nations Charter, the national armed forces may either act in an existing national force framework, as part of an intergovemental force made available to the CSDP through article 42.3 of TEU, such as the European Corps, or in EU Battlegroups.
Following the end of World War II six Western European countries proposed a European Defence Community (EDC), consisting of a pan-European defence force. This plan failed to gain ratification, however, and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) became Western Europe's main alliance while the Western European Union (WEU), the EDC's less ambitious replacement, remained largely dormant. Efforts to pursue military integration within the European Communities (EC) were impeded by concerns relating to national sovereignty as well as potential duplication of NATO's role. In 1970 the European Political Cooperation (EPC) was introduced as the EC's first coordination of foreign policy. In 1993 the EU was established, with its CFSP, which superseded the EPC. In 1996 NATO agreed to develop a European Security and Defence Identity (ESDI) within the WEU.[3] The United Kingdom (UK), which traditionally has opposed EU defence integration, signalled in the 1998 Saint-Malo declaration that it was prepared to provide the EU with autonomous defence structures.[4] This facilitated the transformation of the ESDI into the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) in 1999, when it was transferred to the EU. In 2003 the EU adopted the European Security Strategy, drawn up by High Representative Javier Solana, setting out threats and strategic defence objectives. In 2009, the Treaty of Lisbon introduced the present name, CSDP, while establishing the EEAS, the mutual defence clause and enabling a subset of member states to persue defence integration within PESCO. In 2011 the WEU, whose tasks had been transferred to the EU, was terminated. In 2016 HR/VP Federica Mogherini drew up a new security strategy, the European Union Global Strategy, which along with the Russian annexation of Crimea, the scheduled British withdrawal from the EU and the election of Donald Trump as US President have given the CSDP a new impetus.
Since the end of World War II, sovereignEuropean countries have entered into treaties and thereby co-operated and harmonised policies (or pooled sovereignty) in an increasing number of areas, in the European integration project or the construction of Europe (French: la construction européenne). The following timeline outlines the legal inception of the European Union (EU)—the principal framework for this unification. The EU inherited many of its present responsibilities from the European Communities (EC), which were founded in the 1950s in the spirit of the Schuman Declaration.
Legend: S: signing F: entry into force T: termination E: expiry de facto supersession Rel. w/ EC/EU framework: de facto inside outside
^ abcdeAlthough not EU treaties per se, these treaties affected the development of the EU defence arm, a main part of the CFSP. The Franco-British alliance established by the Dunkirk Treaty was de facto superseded by WU. The CFSP pillar was bolstered by some of the security structures that had been established within the remit of the 1955 Modified Brussels Treaty (MBT). The Brussels Treaty was terminated in 2011, consequently dissolving the WEU, as the mutual defence clause that the Lisbon Treaty provided for EU was considered to render the WEU superfluous. The EU thus de facto superseded the WEU.
^Between the EU's founding in 1993 and consolidation in 2009, the union consisted of three pillars, the first of which were the European Communities. The other two pillars consisted of additional areas of cooperation that had been added to the EU's remit.
Following the end of World War II and the defeat of the Axis Powers, the Treaty of Dunkirk was signed by France and the United Kingdom on 4 March 1947 as a Treaty of Alliance and Mutual Assistance against a possible German attack. The treaty entered into force on 8 September 1947.
The Treaty of Dunkirk was transferred in 1948 to the military Article 4 of the Treaty of Brussels, which also included the Benelux countries. To reach the treaty goals the Western Union (WU) was set up in 1949, with an allied European command structure under British Field Marshal Montgomery.
1949 – 1952: NATO takes over Western Union structures
Western European powers, except for Ireland, Sweden, Finland and Austria, signed in 1949 the North Atlantic Treaty alongside the United States and Canada which only created a passive defence association until 1951 when, during the Korean War, the defence structures of the existing and fully functioning Western Union was transferred to the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO).
Since the end of World War II, West Germany had been occupied by Allied forces and lacked its own means of defense. On 23 July 1952, the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) came into existence, bonding the member states economically. By 1951, fear of possible Soviet aggression in Europe led France, Germany, Italy and the Benelux – the Inner six of European integration – to propose a scheme that was similar in nature to the ECSC but concerned defence; the European Defense Community (EDC). The EDC would have consisted of a pan-European military divided into national components, with a common budget, common institutions, common arms and centralised procurement. At the time, this was favoured over admitting Germany to NATO. The General Treaty (German: Deutschlandvertrag) of 1952 formally named the EDC as a prerequisite of the end of Allied occupation of Germany. The EDC founding treaty did not enter into force, however, as it failed to obtain approval for ratification on 30 August 1954 in the French National Assembly where Gaullists feared for national sovereignty and Communists opposed a European military consolidation that could rival the Soviet Union.
The failure to establish the EDC resulted in the 1954 amendment of the Treaty of Brussels at the London and Paris Conferences which in replacement of EDC established the political Western European Union (WEU) out of the Western Union. While the WEU was not as broad or powerful as the previously proposed EDC, it was nevertheless sufficient for the Deutschlandvertrag to come into force and therefore to end the occupation of West Germany, give it full sovereignty and admit it as an ally in the Cold War, both in the WEU and NATO. Italy was also admitted in these organisations. From this point defence aims had shifted to the Soviet Union.
1970 – 1984: European Communities' initial coordination of foreign policy
In the 1950s and 1960s, the EC member states tried twice to give the internal market a foreign policy dimension but failed on both attempts.
In 1970 the European Political Cooperation (EPC) was introduced as an initial coordination of foreign policy within the EC. While the EPC adopted the intergovernmental nature of the Fouchet Plans, it disregarded the 'French grandeur' of the Charles de Gaulle era. The involvement of the United Kingdom guaranteed its Atlanticist nature. The European Commission would furthermore be able to express its opinion if matters within its competencies were concerned. Finally, the EPC did not have the strong Paris-based Secretariat of the Fouchet proposals. The Netherlands had always been anxious about this idea, as they thought that it might turn into a competitor for the European Commission. The EPC was amended and strengthened in the Copenhagen report (1973) and London report (1981). It was codified (formalised) with the Single European Act (1986).
From the late 1970s onwards, efforts were made to add a security dimension to the EC's EPC. Opposition to these efforts from Denmark, Greece and Ireland led the remaining EC countries - all WEU members - to reactivate the WEU in 1984.[5]
Hotel Petersberg, where the Petersberg tasks were defined in 1992.Flag of the Western European Union (1993–1995)
In 1992, the WEU adopted the Petersberg Declaration, defining the so-called Petersberg tasks designed to cope with the possible destabilising of Eastern Europe. The WEU itself had no standing army but depended on cooperation between its members. Its tasks ranged from the most modest to the most robust, and included Humanitarian, rescue and peacekeeping tasks as well as tasks for combat forces in crisis management, including peacemaking.[6]
At the 1996 NATO ministerial meeting in Berlin, it was agreed that the WEU would oversee the creation of a European Security and Defence Identity (ESDI) within NATO structures.[7] The ESDI was intended as a European 'pillar' within NATO, partly to allow European countries to act militarily where NATO wished not to, and partly to alleviate the United States' financial burden of maintaining military bases in Europe, which it had done since the Cold War. The Berlin agreement allowed European countries (through the WEU) to use NATO assets if it so wished.
1998 – 2009: EU takes over WEU tasks, gains autonomous structures
In 1998 the United Kingdom, which had traditionally opposed the introduction of European autonomous defence capacities, signed the Saint-Malo declaration. This marked a turning point as the declaration endorsed the creation of a European security and defense policy, including a European military force capable of autonomous action.[8] The declaration was a response to the Kosovo War in the late 1990s, in which the EU was perceived to have failed to intervene to stop the conflict.[9]
Concerns were voiced that an independent European security pillar could undermine NATO; In response to St. Malo, the former US-Secretary of State Madeleine Albright put forth the three famous D's: no duplication of what was done effectively under NATO, no decoupling from the US and NATO, and no discrimination against non-EU members such as Turkey.
As a direct consequence of the Saint-Malo summit, the EU formulated a "Headline Goal" in Helsinki in 1999, setting 2003 as a target date for the creation of a European force of up to 60,000 troops, and establishing a catalogue of forces, the 'Helsinki Force Catalogue', to be able to carry out the so-called "Petersberg Tasks".
The Treaty of Amsterdam, which entered into force in 1999, transferred the WEU's Petersberg tasks to the EU, and stated that the EU's European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), replacing the WEU's ESDI, would be 'progressively framed' on the basis of these tasks.
In 2002 the European Union Satellite Centre superseded the Western European Union Satellite Centre, and the 1996 Berlin agreement was amended with the so-called Berlin Plus agreement, which allowed the EU to also draw on some of NATO's assets in its own peacekeeping operations, subject to a "right of first refusal" in that NATO must first decline to intervene in a given crisis. Additionally, an agreement was signed on information sharing between the EU and NATO, and EU liaison cells were addet at NATO's Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe (SHAPE) and Joint Force Command (JFC) in Naples.
In 2003 the Treaty of Nice provided the ESDP's legal foundation, in terms of competences, organisation, structures and assets. The same year the EU adopted its European Security Strategy, which for the first time identified common threats, defining its strategic objectives and setting out the political implications for Europe.[10] The European security strategy was for the first time drawn up in 2003 under the authority of the EU's High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy, Javier Solana, and adopted by the Brussels European Council of 12 and 13 December 2003. With the emergence of the ESDP, it was the first time that Europe had formulated a joint security strategy. It could be considered a counterpart to the National Security Strategy of the United States.
It became clear that the objectives of the outlined in the Helsinki Headline Goal were not achievable quickly. In May 2004, EU defence ministers approved "Headline Goal 2010", extending the timelines for the EU's projects. However, it became clear that the objectives cannot be achieved by this date too. French Foreign Minister Alain Juppé espressed his desperation: "The common security and defense policy of Europe? It is dead."[11][12]
In 2004 the European Defence Agency (EDA) was established to facilitate defence integration.
In 2005 the EU Battlegroups (BG) initiative was operational as a result of the Helsinki Headline Goal process. Each battlegroup were to quickly be able to deploy about 1,500 personnel.[13]
The mutual defence clause, Article 42.7, was invoked for the first time in November 2015 following the terrorist attacks in Paris, which were described by French President François Hollande as an attack against Europe as a whole.[14][15]
The MPCC is a part of the External Action Service's Military Staff (EUMS) that constitutes the EU's first permanent operational headquarters. The Director General of the EUMS also serves as Director of the MPCC - exercising command and control over the operations within the MPCC's remit.
Organisation
The defence arrangements which have been established under the EU institutions are part of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP), a branch of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). It should be noted that Denmark has an opt-out from the CSDP.[1]
The European Union Military Staff (EUMS) is the body of the European External Action Service (EEAS) led by a Director General a General Officer, Admiral, or Air Officer of three-star level that supervises operations carried out by the union. The EUMS is overseen by the European Union Military Committee (EUMC). The EUMC is chaired by a General Officer, Admiral, or Air Officer of four-star level.
The EUISS is an autonomous agency with full intellectual freedom. As a think tank it researches security issues of relevance for the EU and provides a forum for debate. In its capacity as an EU agency, it also offers analyses and forecasting to the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Federica Mogherini.
The battle groups adhere to the CSDP, and are based on contributions from a coalition of member states. Each of the eighteen Battlegroups consists of a battalion-sized force (1,500 troops) reinforced with combat support elements.[19][20] The groups rotate actively, so that two are ready for deployment at all times. The forces are under the direct control of the Council of the European Union.
The Battlegroups reached full operational capacity on 1 January 2007, although, as of January 2013 they are yet to see any military action.[21] They are based on existing ad hoc missions that the European Union (EU) has undertaken and has been described by some as a new "standing army" for Europe.[20] The troops and equipment are drawn from the EU member states under a "lead nation". In 2004, United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan welcomed the plans and emphasised the value and importance of the Battlegroups in helping the UN deal with troublespots.[22]
The Helsinki Headline Goal Catalogue is a listing of rapid reaction forces composed of 60,000 troops managed by the European Union, but under control of the countries who deliver troops for it.
The Treaty of Lisbon added the possibility for those members whose military capabilities fulfill higher criteria and which have made more binding commitments to one another in this area with a view to the most demanding missions shall establish permanent structured cooperation (PESCO) within the EU framework (PSCD).[23]
Those states shall notify their intention to the Council and to the High Representative. The Council then adopts, by qualified majority a decision establishing PESCO and determining the list of participating Member States. Any other member state, that fulfills the criteria and wishes to participate, can join the PSCD following the same procedure, but in the voting for the decision will participate only the states already part of the PSCD. If a participating state no longer fulfills the criteria a decision suspending its participation is taken by the same procedure as for accepting new participants, but excluding the concerned state from the voting procedure. If a participating state wishes to withdraw from PSCD it just notifies the Council to remove it from the list of participants. All other decisions and recommendations of the Council concerning PSCD issues unrelated to the list of participants are taken by unanimity of the participating states.[23]
The criteria established in the PSCD Protocol are the following:[23]
co-operate and harmonise requirements and pool resources in the fields related to defence equipment acquisition, research, funding and utilisation, notably the programmes and initiatives of the European Defence Agency (e.g. Code of Conduct on Defence Procurement)
capable of carrying out in the above timeframes the tasks of joint disarmament operations, humanitarian and rescue tasks, military advice and assistance tasks, conflict prevention and peace-keeping tasks, tasks of combat forces in crisis management, including peace-making and post-conflict stabilisation[23]
On 7 September 2017 an agreement was made between EU foreign affairs ministers to move forward with PESCO with 10 initial projects. Although the details are still to be established, the aim would be for it to be as inclusive of member states as possible and is anticipated to be activated in December 2017.[24][25][26][27]
Potential for a common defence
The Treaty of Lisbon introduced the following in the founding treaties of the union:
The common security and defence policy shall include the progressive framing of the common defence policy. This will lead to a common defence, when the European Council, acting unanimously, so decides. (TEU, Article 42.2)[28]
The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (HR) is the chief co-ordinator and representative of the EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), including the CSDP. The position is currently held by Federica Mogherini.
Where foreign matters is agreed between EU member states, the High Representative can speak for the EU in that area, such as negotiating on behalf of the member states. The Representative co-ordinates the work of the European Union Special Representatives as well as other appointments such as anti-terrorist co-ordinator.
Beside representing the EU at international fora and co-ordinating the Common Foreign and Security Policy and the Common Security and Defence Policy, the High Representative is:
According to proposals made in 2009 by the Swedish EU presidency, the High Representative will control the staffing and budget of the EEAS, and propose the size of budget to be allocated. The High Representative is responsible for appointing EEAS staff and for controlling general foreign policy (outside of trade, development and enlargement which has to be made together with the Commission) including security initiatives and intelligence sharing. However, although the High Representative may prepare initiatives, decisions will still have to be taken by the member states in Council. The High Representative would also have to report to Parliament.[30]
With the growth in role of the High Representative, and their exclusion from the European Council, the national foreign ministers are now uncertain of their role vs the High Representative. At an informal meeting in Finland it was mooted that they could serve as special envoys on the High Representative's behalf. This has been backed by Ashton who said that so long as the EU spoke with one voice, it didn't matter who was speaking.[32]
The EEAS, as well as the office of the HR, was introduced upon the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon on 1 December 2009. It was formally established on 1 December 2010[39] The EEAS was formed by merger of the external relations departments of the European Commission and of the Council, which were joined by staff seconded from national diplomatic services of the Member States.[33] Although it supports both the Commission and the Council, the EEAS is independent from them and has its own staff, as well as a separate section in the EU budget.[40]
The European Union Military Staff (EUMS) is a Directorate-General of the External Action Service (EADS) of the European Union (EU) that contributes to the EU's Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) by providing strategic advice to the High Representative (HR) and commanding non-executive operations through its Military Planning and Conduct Capability (MPCC) operational headquarters. EU officials have indicated that a review in 2018 might extend the MPCC's mandate to also include executive missions.[42][43]
The European Security and Defence College (English initials ESDC, French initials CESD for Collège Européen de Sécurité et de Défense) is a virtual institution within the External Action Service (EEAS) of the European Union (EU) for strategic level training within the area of Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). ESDC was created in 2005 by a decision of the EU Council,[45] and takes the form of a network of various national institutions of the European Union member states, such as defence colleges, the European Union Institute for Security Studies, and other educational and academic institutions.[46][47]
The European Defence Agency (EDA) was established in July 2004 and is based in Brussels. It supports the EU Member States in improving their military capabilities in order to complete CSDP targets as set out in the European Security Strategy. In that capacity, it makes proposals, coordinates, stimulates collaboration, and runs projects. The Member States themselves, however, remain in charge of their defence policies, planning and investment. Four strategies form the framework to guide the activities of the Agency and its 26 participating Member States: 1) the Capability Development Plan (CDP), 2) the European Defence Research & Technology; 3) the European Armaments Cooperation (EAC) and 4) the European Defence Technological and Industrial Base (EDTIB).
The (ISS) was inaugurated in January 2002 and is based in Paris. Although an EU agency, it is an autonomous think tank that researches EU-relevant security issues. The research results are published in papers, books, reports, policy briefs, analyses and newsletters. In addition, the EU-ISS convenes seminars and conferences on relevant issues that bring together EU officials, national experts, decision-makers and NGO representatives from all Member States.
The European Union Satellite Centre was incorporated as an agency of the European Union (EU) on 1 January 2002. It is located in Torrejón de Ardoz, in the vicinity of Madrid, Spain. The centre supports the decision-making of the European Union in the field of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), including crisis management missions and operations, by providing products and services resulting from the exploitation of relevant space assets and collateral data, including satellite and aerial imagery, and related services.
The European Defence Initiative was a proposal for enhanced European Union defence cooperation presented by France, Germany, Belgium and Luxembourg in Brussels on 29 April 2003, before the extension of the coverage of the enhanced cooperation procedure to defence matters. The Treaty of Lisbon added the possibility for "those Member States whose military capabilities fulfill higher criteria and which have made more binding commitments to one another in this area with a view to the most demanding missions [to] establish permanent structured cooperation within the Union framework".[23]
Those states shall notify their intention to the Council and to the High Representative. The Council then adopts, by qualified majority a decision establishing permanent structured cooperation and determining the list of participating Member States. Any other member state, that fulfills the criteria and wishes to participate, can join the PSCD following the same procedure, but in the voting for the decision will participate only the states already part of the PSCD. If a participating state no longer fulfills the criteria a decision suspending its participation is taken by the same procedure as for accepting new participants, but excluding the concerned state from the voting procedure. If a participating state wishes to withdraw from PSCD it just notifies the Council to remove it from the list of participants. All other decisions and recommendations of the Council concerning PSCD issues unrelated to the list of participants are taken by unanimity of the participating states.[23]
The criteria established in the PSCD Protocol are the following:[23]
co-operate and harmonise requirements and pool resources in the fields related to defence equipment acquisition, research, funding and utilisation, notably the programs and initiatives of the European Defence Agency (e.g. Code of Conduct on Defence Procurement)
capacity to supply, either at national level or as a component of multinational force groups, targeted combat units for the missions planned, structured at a tactical level as a battle group, with support elements including transport (airlift, sealift) and logistics, within a period of five to 30 days, in particular in response to requests from the United Nations Organization, and which can be sustained for an initial period of 30 days and be extended up to at least 120 days.
capable of carrying out in the above timeframes the tasks of joint disarmament operations, humanitarian and rescue tasks, military advice and assistance tasks, conflict prevention and peace-keeping tasks, tasks of combat forces in crisis management, including peace-making and post-conflict stabilisation[23]
On 7 September 2017 an agreement was made between EU foreign affairs ministers to move forward with PESCO with 10 initial projects. Although the details are still to be established, the aim would be for it to be as inclusive of member states as possible and is anticipated to be activated in December 2017.[48][49][50][51] The agreement was signed on 13 November by 23 of the 28 members states. Ireland and Portugal have notified the High Representative and the Council of the European Union of their intentions to join PESCO.[52] Denmark did not participate as it has an opt-out from the Common Security and Defence Policy, nor did the United Kingdom, which is scheduled to withdraw from the EU in 2019 .[53][54] Malta opted-out as well.[55][56]
The Berlin Plus agreement is the short title of a comprehensive package of agreements made between NATO and the EU on 16 December 2002.[57] These agreements were based on conclusions of NATO's 1999 Washington summit, sometimes referred to as the CJTF mechanism,[58] and allowed the EU to draw on some of NATO's military assets in its own peacekeeping operations.
The European initiative for the exchange of young officers inspired by Erasmus, often referred to as military Erasmus, is an initiative undertaken by the European Union (EU) member states aimed at developing the exchanges between armed forces of future military officers as well as their teachers and instructors during their initial education[59] and training. Due to the fact that the initiative is implemented by the Member States on a purely voluntary basis, their autonomy with regard to military training is not compromised.
The European Defence Fund is a fund managed by the European Union (EU) for coordinating and increasing national investment in defence research and improve interoperability between national forces. It was proposed in 2016 by PresidentJean-Claude Juncker and established in 2017 to a value of €5.5 billion per year. The fund has two stands; research (€90 million until the end of 2019 and €500 million per year after 2020) and development & acquisition (€500 million in total for 2019–20 then €1 billion per year after 2020).[60]
Map showing European membership of the EU and NATO
EU member only
NATO member only
Member of both
Out of the 28 EU member states, 22 are also members of NATO. Another three NATO members are EU applicants—Albania, Montenegro and Turkey. Two others—Iceland and Norway—have opted to remain outside of the EU, however participate in the EU's single market.
The memberships of the EU and NATO are distinct, and some EU member states are traditionally neutral on defence issues. Several of the new EU member states were formerly members of the Warsaw Pact.
Forces
National capacities
Six EU states host nuclear weapons: France and the United Kingdom each have their own nuclear programmes, while Belgium, Germany, Italy and the Netherlands host US nuclear weapons as part of NATO's nuclear sharing policy. Combined, the EU possesses 525 warheads, and hosts between 90 and 130 US warheads. The EU has the third largest arsenal of nuclear weapons, after the United States and Russia.
The following table presents the military expenditures of the members of the European Union in euros (€). The combined military expenditure of the member states amounts to just over €194,7 billion.[1] This represents 1.42% of European Union GDP.[1] European military expenditure includes spending on joint projects such as the Eurofighter Typhoon and joint procurement of equipment. The European Union's combined active military forces in 2014 totaled 1,423,097 personnel. According to the European Defence Agency, the European Union had an average of 31,570 land force personnel deployed around the world (or 2.2% of the total military personnel). In a major operation the EU could readily deploy up-to 417,180 land force personnel and sustain 79,352 of those during an enduring operation.[1]
In a speech in 2012, Swedish General Håkan Syrén criticised the spending levels of European Union countries, saying that in the future those countries' military capability will decrease, creating "critical shortfalls".[62]
Guide to table:
All figure entries in the table below are provided by the European Defence Agency for the year 2014. Figures from other sources are not included.
HMS Queen Elizabeth aircraft carrier is the largest commissioned warship in the European Union.
The combined component strength of the naval forces of member states is some 563 commissioned warships. Of those in service, 4 are fleet carriers, the largest of which is the 70,600 tonne Queen Elizabeth-class carrier and one has a nuclear propulsion, the French Charles de Gaulle aircraft carrier. The EU also has 5 amphibious assault ships and 25 amphibious support ships in service. Of the EU's 63 submarines, 21 are nuclear-powered submarines while 42 are conventional attack submarines.
Operation Atalanta (formally European Union Naval Force Somalia) is the first ever (and still ongoing) naval operation of the European Union. It is part of a larger global action by the EU in the Horn of Africa to deal with the Somali crisis. As of January 2011 twenty-three EU nations participate in the operation.
Guide to table:
Ceremonial vessels, research vessels, supply vessels, training vessels, and icebreakers are not included.
The table only counts warships that are commissioned (or equivalent) and active.
Surface vessels displacing less than 200 tonnes are not included, regardless of other characteristics.
The CFE treaty only includes equipment geographically stationed within Europe. Equipment overseas on operations are not counted.
The "main battle tank" category also includes tank destroyers (such as the Italian B1 Centauro) or any self-propelled armoured fighting vehicle, capable of heavy firepower. According to the CFE treaty.
The "armoured fighting vehicle" category includes any armoured vehicle primarily designed to transport infantry and equipped with an automatic cannon of at least 20 mm calibre. According to the CFE treaty.
The "artillery" category includes self-propelled or towed howitzers and mortars of 100 mm calibre and above. Other types of artillery are not included regardless of characteristics. According to the CFE treaty.
The "attack helicopter" category includes any rotary wing aircraft armed and equipped to engage targets or equipped to perform other military functions (such as the Apache or the Wildcat). According to the CFE treaty.
The air forces of EU member states operate a wide range of military systems and hardware. This is primarily due to the independent requirements of each member state and also the national defence industries of some member states. However such programmes like the Eurofighter Typhoon and Eurocopter Tiger have seen many European nations design, build and operate a single weapons platform. 60% of overall combat fleet was developed and manufactured by member states, 32% are US-origin, but some of these were assembled in Europe, while remaining 8% are soviet-made aircraft. As of 2014, it is estimated that the European Union had around 2,000 serviceable combat aircraft (fighter aircraft and ground-attack aircraft).[84]
The EUs air-lift capabilities are evolving with the future introduction of the Airbus A400M (another example of EU defence cooperation). The A400M is a tactical airlifter with strategic capabilities.[85] Around 140 are initially expected to be operated by 6 member states (UK, Luxembourg, France, Germany, Spain and Belgium).
Guide to tables:
The tables are sourced from figures provided by Flight International for the year 2014.
Aircraft are grouped into three main types (indicated by colors): red for combat aircraft, green for aerial refueling aircraft, and grey for strategic and tactical transport aircraft.
The two "other" columns include additional aircraft according to their type sorted by colour (i.e. the "other" category in red includes combat aircraft, while the "other" category in grey includes both aerial refueling and transport aircraft). This was done because it was not feasible allocate every aircraft type its own column.
Other aircraft such as trainers, helicopters, UAVs and reconnaissance or surveillance aircraft are not included in the below tables or figures.
Multinational forces supporting the CSDP through Article 42.3 TEU
This section presents an incomplete list of forces and bodies established intergovernmentally amongst a subset of member states. The military forces that have been established are typically dedicated in priority to the European Union (EU) through Article 42.3 of TEU, but may also be deployed either in a NATO environment, acting as part of the European branch of NATO, acting upon the mandate of the participating countries, or acting upon the mandate of other international organisations, such as United Nations, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, or any other international entity.
Finabel is an organisation that promotes cooperation and interoperability between the armies of its participating nations.[86] Founded in 1953, Finabel has a small permanent secretariat, and is controlled by the army chiefs of staff of its participating nations. The organisation maintains working groups that publish studies relating to standardisation of equipment, procedures, testing methods and glossaries.
Personnel of the European Corps in Strasbourg, France, during a change of command ceremony in 2013
The European Corps, often shortened as Eurocorps, is an army corps of approximately 1,000 soldiers stationed in Strasbourg, France. Based in the French city of Strasbourg, the corps had its headquarters established in May 1992, activated in October 1993 and declared operational in 1995. The nucleus of the force is the Franco-German Brigade, established in 1987.[87]
I. German/Dutch Corps is a multinational formation consisting of units from the Dutch and German armies. The corps headquarters also takes part in NATO Response Force readiness rotations. The Corps' headquarters are situated in Münster (Westphalia), formerly the headquarters of the German Army's I. Corps out of which 1 German/Netherlands Corps evolved. The corps has national and multinational operational responsibilities, and its commanding officer is the only one in Europe to have OPCON in peacetime.[88]
Due to its role as a NATO High Readiness Forces Headquarters, soldiers from other NATO member states, the United States, Denmark, Norway, Spain, Italy, the United Kingdom amongst others, are also stationed at Münster.
The Multinational Corps Northeast was formed on 18 September 1999 at Szczecin, Poland, which became its headquarters. It evolved from what was for many years the only multinational corps in NATO, Allied Land Forces Schleswig-Holstein and Jutland (LANDJUT) (in its turn, a part of Allied Forces Northern Europe). From 1962 LANDJUT had been responsible for the defence of the Baltic Approaches from a headquarters at Rendsburg, Germany. It comprised the 6th Panzergrenadier Division and the Danish Jutland Division.
The European Gendarmerie Force (EUROGENDFOR or EGF) is an intervention force with militarised police functions and specialisation in crisis management, designed after the French Gendarmerie, the Spanish Guardia Civil, and the Italian Carabinieri and its Multinational Specialized Units (M.S.U.).[89][90] The force was created in 2006, and had its status enshrined in the Treaty of Velsen, signed 18 October 2007.[91]
The European Air Group (EAG) an organisation that promotes cooperation and interoperability between the air forces of its participating nations. It was established in 1995 to promote collaboration between the British and French air forces in the first Gulf War and the subsequent Balkans operations.
File:Seat of the European Air Transport Command.jpgThe seat of the command, which is under construction and will be inaugurated in 2016[92]
The European Air Transport Command (EATC) is the command centre that exercises the operational control of the majority of the aerial refueling capabilities and military transport fleets of its participating nations. Located at Eindhoven Airbase in the Netherlands, the command also bears a limited responsibility for exercises, aircrew training and the harmonisation of relevant national air transport regulations.[93][94]
The command was established in 2010 with a view to provide a more efficient management of the participating nations' assets and resources in this field.
Movement Coordination Centre Europe (MCCE) is an organisation located at Eindhoven Airport in the Netherlands that aims to coordinate and optimise the use of airlift, sealift and land movement assets owned or leased by its participating nations. Established on 1 July 2007 when the earlier European Airlift Centre (EAC) and the Sealift Co-ordination Centre (SCC) merged, the MCCE was a response to the shortage of aerial and naval strategic lift capabilities reported by the EU and NATO in 1999. The centre is presently staffed by 30 military and civilians personnel from its participating nations. In addition to its EU members, the United States and Turkey participate in the MCCE.
The national acquisitions of the A400Mtransport aircraft (depicted in 2010) were made jointly made through OCCAR.
The Organisation for Joint Armament Cooperation (shortened OCCAR; the French acronym) is an organisation that facilitates and manages collaborative armament programmes through their lifecycle between its participating nations.
The Combined Joint Expeditionary Force (CJEF) is a Franco-British military force. It draws upon both the British Armed Forces and the French Armed Forces to field a deployable force with land, air and maritime components together with command and control and supporting logistics. It is distinct from the similarly named UK Joint Expeditionary Force.
The Combined Joint Expeditionary Force (or CJEF) is envisaged as a deployable, combined Franco-British military force for use in a wide range of crisis scenarios, up to and including high intensity combat operations. As a joint force it involves all three armed Services: a land component composed of formations at national brigade level, maritime and air components with their associated Headquarters, together with logistics and support functions.
The CJEF is not conceived as a standing force but rather as available at notice for UK-French bilateral, NATO, European Union, United Nations or other operations. Combined air and land exercises commenced during 2011 with a view towards developing a full capability. The CJEF is also seen as a potential stimulus towards greater interoperability and coherence in military doctrine, training and equipment requirements.
The battle groups adhere to the CSDP, and are based on contributions from a coalition of member states. Each of the eighteen Battlegroups consists of a battalion-sized force (1,500 troops) reinforced with combat support elements.[98][20] The groups rotate actively, so that two are ready for deployment at all times. The forces are under the direct control of the Council of the European Union.
The Battlegroups reached full operational capacity on 1 January 2007, although, as of January 2013 they are yet to see any military action.[99] They are based on existing ad hoc missions that the European Union (EU) has undertaken and has been described by some as a new "standing army" for Europe.[20] The troops and equipment are drawn from the EU member states under a "lead nation". In 2004, United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan welcomed the plans and emphasised the value and importance of the Battlegroups in helping the UN deal with troublespots.[100]
The EMC will provide the EU with a permanent medical capability to support operations abroad, including medical resources and a rapidly deployable medical task force. The EMC will also provide medical evacuation facilities, triage and resuscitation, treatment and holding of patients until they can be returned to duty, and emergency dental treatment. It will also contribute to harmonising medical standards, certification and legal (civil) framework conditions.[102]
The European Union Force Crisis Response Operation Core (EUFOR CROC) is a flagship defence project under development as part of the Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) facility. EURFOR CROC will contribute to the creation of a "full spectrum force package" to speed up provision of military forces and the EU's crisis management capabilities.[103]
Rather than creating a standing force, the project involves creating a concrete catalogue of military force elements that would speed up the establishment of a force when the EU decides to launch an operation. It is land-focused and aims to generate a force of 60,000 troops from the contributing states alone. While it does not establish any form of "European army", it foresees an deployable, interoperable force under a single command.[104]
Germany is the lead country for the project, but the French are heavily involved and it is tied to President Emanuel Macron's proposal to create a standing intervention force. The French see it as an example of what PESCO is about.[105]
Location of headquarters of a selection of intergovernmental defence organisations that are established outside the EU framework, but may support the CSDP in accordance with Article 42.3 of the Treaty on European Union ("Those Member States which together establish multinational forces may also make them available to the common security and defence policy.")
Personnel of the European Corps in Strasbourg, France, during a change of command ceremony in 2013
The European Corps, often shortened as Eurocorps, is an army corps of approximately 1,000 soldiers stationed in Strasbourg, France. Based in the French city of Strasbourg, the corps had its headquarters established in May 1992, activated in October 1993 and declared operational in 1995. The nucleus of the force is the Franco-German Brigade, established in 1987.[87]
The European Gendarmerie Force (EUROGENDFOR or EGF) is an intervention force with militarised police functions and specialisation in crisis management, designed after the French Gendarmerie, the Spanish Guardia Civil, and the Italian Carabinieri and its Multinational Specialized Units (M.S.U.).[106][107] The force was created in 2006, and had its status enshrined in the Treaty of Velsen, signed 18 October 2007.[108]
In the EU terminology, civilian CSDP interventions are called ‘missions’, regardless of whether they have an executive mandate such as EULEX Kosovo or a non-executive mandate (all others). Military interventions, however, can either have an executive mandate such as for example Operation ATALANTA in which case they are referred to as ‘operations’ and are commanded at two-star level; or non-executive mandate (e.g. EUTM Somalia)in which case they are called ‘missions’ and are commanded at one-star level.
The first deployment of European troops under the ESDP, following the 1999 declaration of intent, was in March 2003 in the Republic of Macedonia. "EUFOR Concordia" used NATO assets and was considered a success and replaced by a smaller police mission, EUPOL Proxima, later that year. Since then, there have been other small police, justice and monitoring missions. As well as the Republic of Macedonia, the EU has maintained its deployment of peacekeepers in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as part of EUFOR Althea mission.[109]
Between May and September 2003 EU troops were deployed to the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) during "Operation Artemis" under a mandate given by UN Security Council Resolution 1484 which aimed to prevent further atrocities and violence in the Ituri Conflict and put the DRC's peace process back on track. This laid out the "framework nation" system to be used in future deployments. The EU returned to the DRC during July–November 2006 with EUFOR RD Congo, which supported the UN mission there during the country's elections.
Geographically, EU missions outside the Balkans and the DRC have taken place in Georgia, Indonesia, Sudan, Palestine, and Ukraine–Moldova. There is also a judicial mission in Iraq (EUJUST Lex). On 28 January 2008, the EU deployed its largest and most multi-national mission to Africa, EUFOR Tchad/RCA.[110] The UN-mandated mission involves troops from 25 EU states (19 in the field) deployed in areas of eastern Chad and the north-eastern Central African Republic in order to improve security in those regions. EUFOR Tchad/RCA reached full operation capability in mid-September 2008, and handed over security duties to the UN (MINURCAT mission) in mid-March 2009.[111]
The EU launched its first maritime CSDP operation on 12 December 2008 (Operation ATALANTA). The concept of the European Union Naval Force (EU NAVFOR) was created on the back of this operation, which is still successfully combatting piracy off the coast of Somalia almost a decade later. A second such intervention was launched in 2015 to tackle migration problems in the southern Mediterranean (EUNAVFOR Med), working under the name Operation SOPHIA.
Most of the CSDP missions deployed so far are mandated to support Security Sector Reforms (SSR) in host-states. One of the core principles of CSDP support to SSR is local ownership. The EU
Council defines ownership as "the appropriation by the local authorities of the commonly agreed objectives and principles".[112] Despite EU's strong rhetorical attachment to the local ownership principle, research shows that CSDP missions continue to be an externally driven, top-down and supply-driven endeavour, resulting often in the low degree of local participation.[113]
^Meltem Mueftueler-Bac & Damla Cihangir, "The Transatlantic Relationship and the Future Global Governance", European Integration and Transatlantic Relations, (2012), p 12, www.iai.it/pdf/Transworld/TW_WP_05.pdf
^NATO, Berlin Plus agreement, June 21, 2006."Archived copy". Archived from the original on 17 August 2007. Retrieved 19 August 2007. ((cite web)): Unknown parameter |deadurl= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help)CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
^Heritage Foundation report, October 4, 2004 : "Through the CJTF mechanism, NATO member states do not have to actively participate actively in a specific mission if they do not feel their vital interests are involved, but their opting out [...] would not stop other NATO members from participating in an intervention if they so desired." [1]
^pp.26–27, Thomas-Durell Young, Multinational Land Formations and NATO: Reforming practices and structures, Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, Carlisle Barracks, PA, 1997
"Guide to the ESDP" nov.2008 edition Exhaustive guide on ESDP's missions, institutions and operations, written and edited by the Permanent representation of France to the European Union.
Dijkstra, Hylke (2013). Policy-Making in EU Security and Defense: An Institutional Perspective. European Administrative Governance Series (Hardback 240pp ed.). Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke. ISBN978-1-137-35786-1.
Nugent, Neill (2006). The Government and Politics of the European Union. The European Union Series (Paperback 630pp ed.). Palgrave Macmillan, New York. ISBN9780230000025.
Howorth, Joylon (2007). Security and Defence Policy in the European Union. The European Union Series (Paperback 315pp ed.). Palgrave Macmillan, New York. ISBN978-0-333-63912-2.
.svg)
.jpg)
.jpg)
_Corps.svg)
.svg)
