Human rights in India is an issue complicated by the country's large size and population, widespread poverty, lack of proper education, as well as its diverse culture, despite its status as the world's largest sovereign, secular, democratic republic. The Constitution of India provides for Fundamental rights, which include freedom of religion. Clauses also provide for freedom of speech, as well as separation of executive and judiciary and freedom of movement within the country and abroad. The country also has an independent judiciary as well as bodies to look into issues of human rights.
The 2016 report of Human Rights Watch accepts the above-mentioned facilities but goes to state that India has "serious human rights concerns. Civil society groups face harassment and government critics face intimidation and lawsuits. Free speech has come under attack both from the state and by interest groups. Muslim and Christian minorities accuse authorities of not doing enough to protect their rights. The government is yet to repeal laws that grant public officials and security forces immunity from prosecution for abuses."
|1950||The Constitution of India establishes a sovereign democratic republic with universal adult franchise. Part 3 of the Constitution contains a Bill of Fundamental Rights enforceable by the Supreme Court and the High Courts. It also provides for reservations for previously disadvantaged sections in education, employment and political representation.|
|1952||Criminal Tribes Acts repealed by government, former "criminal tribes" categorized as "denotified" and Habitual Offenders Act (1952) enacted.|
|1955||Reform of family law concerning Hindus gives more rights to Hindu women.
Untouchability offenses Act (1955).
|1958||Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958|
|1973||Supreme Court of India rules in Kesavananda Bharati case that the basic structure of the Constitution (including many fundamental rights) is unalterable by a constitutional amendment.|
|1975-1977||State of Emergency in India |
extensive rights violations take place.
|1978||SC rules in Menaka Gandhi v. Union of India that the right to life under Article 21 of the Constitution cannot be suspended even in an emergency.|
|1978||Jammu and Kashmir Public Safety Act, 1978|
|1984||Operation Blue Star and the subsequent 1984 Anti-Sikh riots|
|1984||2006 Extrajudicial disappearances in Punjab by the police|
|1985-1986||The Shah Bano case, where the Supreme Court recognised the Muslim woman's right to maintenance upon divorce, sparks protests from Muslim clergy. To nullify the decision of the Supreme Court, the Rajiv Gandhi government enacted The Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act 1986|
|1987||Hashimpura massacre during communal riots in Meerut.|
|1989||Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 is passed.|
|1989–present||Kashmiri insurgency sees ethnic cleansing of Kashmiri Pandits, desecrating Hindu temples, killing of Hindus and Sikhs, and abductions of foreign tourists and government functionaries. (See: Ethnic cleansing of Kashmiri Hindus)|
|1992||A constitutional amendment establishes Local Self-Government (Panchayati Raj) as a third tier of governance at the village level, with one-third of the seats reserved for women. Reservations were provided for scheduled castes and tribes as well.|
|1992||Demolition of the Babri Masjid occurred after a political rally at the site turned violent.|
|1993||National Human Rights Commission is established under the Protection of Human Rights Act.|
|2001||Supreme Court passes extensive orders to implement the right to food.|
|2002||2002 Gujarat riots which claimed at least a thousand lives of Muslims and Hindus.|
|2005||A powerful Right to Information Act is passed to give citizen's access to information held by public authorities.|
|2005||National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA) guarantees universal right to employment.|
|2006||Supreme Court orders police reforms in response to the poor human rights record of Indian police.|
|2009||Delhi High Court declares that Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code, which outlaws a range of unspecified "unnatural" sex acts, is unconstitutional when applied to homosexual acts between private consenting individuals, effectively decriminalising homosexual relationships in India. See also: Homosexuality in India.|
|2013||Criminal Law (Amendment) Act was passed by the Lok Sabha on 19 March 2013, and by the Rajya Sabha on 21 March 2013, which provides for amendment of Indian Penal Code, Indian Evidence Act, and Code of Criminal Procedure, 1973 on laws related to sexual offences.|
|2015||Black Money (Undisclosed Foreign Income and Assets) and Imposition of Tax Act was passed by both the Houses of the Parliament. This act aims to curb black money, or undisclosed foreign assets and income and imposes tax and penalty on such income.|
In 2021, Freedom House ranked India as partly free in its annual Freedom in the World rankings on political rights and civil liberties. In its 2021 annual report on the state of democracy around the world Sweden-based V-Dem Institute classified India as an “electoral autocracy” because of “restrictions on multiple facets of democracy” such as civil society groups and free speech.
The Asian Centre for Human Rights estimated that from 2002 to 2008, over four people per day died while in police custody, with "hundreds" of those deaths being due to police use of torture. According to a report written by the Institute of Correctional Administration in Punjab, up to 50% of police officers in the country have used physical or mental abuse on prisoners. Instances of torture, such as through a lack of sanitation, space, or water have been documented in West Bengal as well. 
A report by the National Campaign Against Torture (NCAT), an international human rights body revealed as many as 1,731 custodial deaths recorded in India in 2019. Victims were mostly from vulnerable communities, Dalits, Muslims and Adivasis. During the 10-year period to 2019-20, the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) reported, on average, 139 police custody cases and 1,576 judicial custody cases annually. In the eight years to 2019-20, the NHRC reported more than 1,500 judicial custody deaths each year.
Main article: Religious violence in India
Communal conflicts between religious groups (mostly between Hindus and Muslims) have been prevalent in India since around the time of its independence from British rule. Communal riots took place during the partition of India between Hindus/Sikhs and Muslims where large numbers of people were killed in large-scale violence.
The 1984 Anti-Sikh Riots was a four-day period during which Sikhs were massacred in India. According to some estimates state that more than 2,000 were killed. Investigations by various committess appointed both by the government and independent civil societies have found complicity on the part of Indira Gandhi's Congress party. Other incidents include the 1987 Hashimpura massacre during communal riots in Meerut, where it was alleged that 19 members of the Provincial Armed Constabulary shot 42 Muslim youths in cold blood, and dumped their bodies in a nearby irrigation canal, 1992 Bombay riots and the 2020 Delhi riots, which resulted in the death of about 51 people, 36 among whom were Muslims and 15 were Hindus. It is commonly believed that the riots were incited by a threatening speech and an ultimatum targeted towards peaceful anti-CAA protesters by Kapil Mishra, a BJP politician from Delhi. The Supreme Court of India blamed the Delhi police for "unprofessionalism" during the Delhi riots and directly indicated that the police was waiting for the Central Government of India led by the Bharatiya Janata Party to give them instructions, instead of acting independently and conscientiously. In the hearing, Justice K.M. Joseph said - “Look at how police acts in the UK. If somebody makes an inflammatory remark, they swing into action. They don’t wait for orders. Police should not be looking for here and there for nods".
According to official figures, 2002 Gujarat riots ended with 1,044 dead, 223 missing, and 2,500 injured. Of the dead, 790 were Muslim and 254 Hindu. Unofficial sources estimate that up to 2,000 people died. There were instances of rape, children being burned alive, and widespread looting and destruction of property. It is believed to have been incited by the Godhra train burning, where 59 people (who were mostly returning from Ayodhya after a religious celebration at the Babri Masjid demolition site) were burnt to death. Subsequently, circulation of false news in local newspapers alleging ISI hand in the attacks and that the local Muslims conspired with them, and also about false stories of kidnap and rape of Hindu women by Muslims further inflamed the situation. Numerous accounts describe the attacks to be highly coordinated with mobile phones and govt. issued printouts listing the homes and businesses of Muslims. Although many calls to the police were made from victims, they were told by the police that "we have no orders to save you. In many cases, the police led the charge, using gunfire to kill Muslims who got in the mobs’ way. According to a 2002 Human Rights Watch report, a key Bharatiya Janata Party state minister is reported to have taken over police control rooms in Ahmedabad on the first day of the carnage, issuing orders to disregard pleas for assistance from Muslims. Portions of the Gujarati language press meanwhile printed fabricated stories and statements openly calling on Hindus to avenge the Godhra attacks. Also in many cases, under the guise of offering assistance, the police led the victims directly into the hands of their killers. The then Chief minister of Gujarat, Narendra Modi was cleared of the accusations levied against him by a local court based on the investigation carried out by a Special Investigation Team. However, this report was challenged by Zakia Jafri, whose husband Ahsan Jafri, a former Congress politician, was killed by a mob in Ahmedabad city. Ms. Jafri claimed the investigation had revealed sufficient evidence to implicate Mr. Modi and 62 others. The Supreme Court of India, subsequently turned down a plea challenging the clean cheat given to Modi. The 2020 report by the United States Commission for International religious freedom designated India as a Country of Particular Concern
Main article: Freedom of expression in India
According to the estimates of Reporters Without Borders, India ranks 122nd worldwide in 2010 on the press freedom index (down from 105th in 2009). The press freedom index for India is 38.75 in 2010 (29.33 for 2009) on a scale that runs from 0 (most free) to 105 (least free). In 2014 India was down ranked to 140th worldwide (score of 40.34 out of 105) but despite this remains one of the best scores in the region.
The Indian Constitution, while not mentioning the word "press", provides for "the right to freedom of speech and expression" (Article 19(1) a). However this right is subject to restrictions under subclause (2), whereby this freedom can be restricted for reasons of "sovereignty and integrity of India, the security of the State, friendly relations with foreign States, public order, preserving decency, preserving morality, in relation to contempt of court, defamation, or incitement to an offence". Laws such as the Official Secrets Act and Prevention of Terrorism Act  (POTA) have been used to limit press freedom. Under POTA, person could be detained for up to six months before the police were required to bring charges on allegations for terrorism-related offenses. POTA was repealed in 2004, but was replaced by amendments to UAPA. The Official Secrets Act 1923 is abolished after right to information act 2005
For the first half-century of independence, media control by the state was the major constraint on press freedom. Indira Gandhi famously stated in 1975 that All India Radio is "a Government organ, it is going to remain a Government organ..."
With the liberalisation starting in the 1990s, private control of media has burgeoned, leading to increasing independence and greater scrutiny of government.
Organisations like Tehelka and NDTV have been particularly influential, in bringing about the resignation of powerful Haryana minister Venod Sharma. In addition, laws like Prasar Bharati act passed in recent years contribute significantly to reducing the control of the press by the government.
Main article: LGBT rights in India
Until the Delhi High Court decriminalised consensual private sexual acts between consenting adults on 2 July 2009, homosexuality was considered criminal as per interpretations of the ambiguous Section 377 of the 150-year-old Indian Penal Code (IPC), a law passed by the British colonial government. However, this law was very rarely enforced. In its ruling decriminalising homosexuality, the Delhi High Court noted that existed law conflicted with the fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution of India, and such criminalising is violative of Articles 21, 14 and 15 of the Constitution.
On 11 December 2013, homosexuality was again criminalized by a Supreme Court ruling.
On 6 September 2018, a five judge constitutional bench of the Supreme Court of India, in a landmark judgement, decriminalized homosexuality.
This June 7, 2021, the Madras High Court ruled that it would take strict action against anyone found attempting to medically “cure” or change the sexual orientation of the LGBTQIA+ community to heterosexual. In its judgement, Justice N Anand Venkatesh also gave directives to educational institutions to sensitize students. Also, it instructed police and prison authorities to conduct programs that not just sensitized police personnel but also ensured non-discrimination of the LGBTQIA+ community.
Main article: Human rights abuses in Assam
A Human Rights Watch report notes that journalists and human rights activists have been arrested for falsely reporting on human rights abuses. Assam continues to be one of the forefront states where the claims of human rights abuses have been committed by India. Resultant secessionist and pro-independence movements have intensified the political situation, with widespread allegations of human rights abuses being committed by Indian security forces yet without any concrete proofs for allegations. Freedom House stated in their 2013 report on India that journalists in rural areas and regions coping with insurgencies — including Assam — are vulnerable and face pressure from both sides of the conflicts.
Main article: Human rights abuses in Punjab, India
From 1984 to 1994, the state of Punjab in northern India was engaged in a power struggle between the militant secessionist Khalistan movement and Indian security forces. The Indian government responded to the escalating Punjab insurgency by launching Operation Blue Star in 1984, storming the Harmandir Sahib, or Golden Temple complex in Amritsar—the center of Sikh religious and spiritual life, where some militant groups had retreated. The Operation was controversial and resulted in death of hundreds of civilians, militants and soldiers. After this incident, Sikh bodyguards assassinated Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, further violence ensued.
The aftermath of these events were felt for more than a decade. According to a Human Rights Watch report, state security forces adopted “increasingly brutal methods to stem the insurgency, including arbitrary arrests, torture, prolonged detention without trial, disappearances and summary killings of civilians and suspected militants”. Militant organizations responded with increased violence aimed at civilians, state security forces, and Sikh political leaders deemed to be negotiating with the government.
Several international agencies and the UN have reported human rights violations in Jammu & Kashmir. In a press release the OHCHR spokesmen stated "The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights is concerned about the recent violent protests in Indian-administered Kashmir that have reportedly led to civilian casualties as well as restrictions to the right to freedom of assembly and expression.". A 1996 Human Rights Watch report accuses the Indian military and Indian-government backed paramilitaries of "committ[ing] serious and widespread human rights violations in Kashmir." One such alleged massacre occurred on 6 January 1993 in the town of Sopore. The Human Rights Watch also wrote of other regular human rights abuses being committed by the Indian forces including "using rape as a means to punish and humiliate communities". TIME Magazine described the incident as such: "In retaliation for the killing of one soldier, paramilitary forces rampaged through Sopore's market setting buildings ablaze and shooting bystanders. The Indian government pronounced the event 'unfortunate' and claimed that an ammunition dump had been hit by gunfire, setting off fires that killed most of the victims." In addition to this, there have been claims of disappearances by the police or the army in Kashmir by several human rights organisations.
Many human rights organisations such as Amnesty International and the Human Rights Watch (HRW) have condemned human rights abuses in Kashmir by Indians such as "extra-judicial executions", "disappearances", and torture; the "Armed Forces Special Powers Act", (AFSPA) which "provides impunity for human rights abuses and fuels cycles of violence. The AFSPA grants the military wide powers of arrest, the right to shoot to kill, and to occupy or destroy property in counterinsurgency operations. Indian officials claim that troops need such powers because the army is only deployed when national security is at serious risk from armed combatants. Such circumstances, they say, call for extraordinary measures." Human rights organisations have also asked Indian government to repeal the Public Safety Act, since "a detainee may be held in administrative detention for a maximum of two years without a court order.". Once 2008 report determined that Jammu & Kashmir, was 'partly Free',
Conflicts such as Anti-Bihari sentiment have sometimes escalated to violence between communal groups, despite government and police efforts to mediate the situation.
Deception detection tests like 'narcoanalysis' (controlled anesthesia), Brain mapping, and lie detector tests were once commonly permitted by Indian courts for crime investigation. Concerns regarding human rights violations in conducting deception detection tests (DDT)s were raised long back and the National Human Rights Commission of India had published Guidelines in 2000 for the Administration of Polygraph tests. However, only few of the investigating agencies were seen to follow these guidelines.
However, on May 5, 2010 the Supreme Court in India (Smt. Selvi vs. State of Karnataka) declared that "The test results cannot be admitted in evidence if they have been obtained through the use of compulsion." and "Article 20(3) protects an individual's choice between speaking and remaining silent, irrespective of whether the subsequent testimony proves to be inculpatory or exculpatory." as well as "any information or material that is subsequently discovered with the help of voluntary administered test results can be admitted, in accordance with Section 27 of the Evidence Act, 1872.".
Inadequate investigation and hasty rulings by courts have caused some wrongful convictions of innocent people causing them to languish in jail for many years. For instance, the Bombay high court in September 2009 asked the Maharashtra government to pay ₹ 100,000 as compensation to a 40-year-old man who languished in prison for over 10 years for a crime he didn't commit.
Molki brides (one who is bought) or "paro" (from the far side), is a Bride buying phenomenon where the brides are sold by parents in the impoverished states of India to the husbands in relatively richer states who due to the skewed sex ratio and other socioeconomic disadvantages find it harder to find a bride within their community and region. Major destination states are Haryana, Punjab, Rajasthan, Western Uttar Pradesh. The major source states are the impoverished parts of Northeast India (Assam), Bihar, Jharkhand, Odisha, West Bengal, Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu. According to the research sponsored by the Royal Norwegian Embassy at Delhi, the Molki brides are arranged for marriage in 4 ways: molki brides "as marriage mediators", husbands of molki brides arranging brides for family and friends, marriage brokers, and "trafficking of women for forced marriages" though it is "not as extensive and rampant". Molki brides face social and color discrimination, racism, slur, social isolation and mental health issues. Among molki brides, cases of those who are trafficked are rarely reported and they find it difficult to obtain justice.
Dowry death is when newlywed women are harassed, tortured and sometimes even killed when the bride’s family refuses or is unable to pay the extra dowry requested by the husband’s family. Some of these women may not be murdered, but torture leads many of them into suicide, particularly by hanging. Some of the women who aren’t led to suicide are burned. Many use this method and disguise it as an accident so they are able to avoid punishment. This harassment ripples through all aspects of this young woman’s life as she is abused by her husband , his family and even friends. It can be physical or emotional. These deaths can be caused by religious beliefs or socioeconomic status. There are around twenty one deaths reported everyday, but most of the people tried aren’t convicted. There either isn’t enough evidence in order for a conviction to go through or the cases are still waiting in different types of court.
The number of dowry death’s or related deaths has increased throughout the years and is seen to keep increasing. There is also no structure put in place to help the women that are victims to these forms of abuse. There is now shelters or legal aid. Most people are against the dowry practice today in India, but continues to be practiced, with very little repercussions.
Widow Burning or sati is a ritual practiced where the widow is either burned or buried alive with her recently departed husband. It was done because it was believed that the women where considered “unmarriable” in society and her community after her husband passes away. Since she is an extension of her husband, that is where her social status would come from. It had started as a tradition where men would not want their enemy to get ahold of their prized possessions after death, so they would be buried with them. Despite the middle and lower class being an enemy against women, this was a ritual practiced by high classes or the Brahman caste.
The practice of this ritual has had different opinions for many years. The “liberal” thinkers had thought that there needed to be change in order to advance the way of society. On the other side of the spectrum, the “conservatives" believe that these practices should remain the same in order to keep tradition and to maintain their connection to their religion. Different religions also have different opinions on sati. While Hindu’s believe that it is a sacrifice, some Christian’s argue that it is suicide.
This ideology has followed through out time as it looked down upon to this day. More recently, due to tourists, these rituals have been exposed to other cultures around the world, which has caused some moral objections.
In order to perform the ceremony, the widow needs to have fulfilled some requirements. She would have to remain faithful to her husband for the entirety of the marriage. She is also not allowed to remarry for this reason, as she would no longer be pure.
One of the vital concerns in India is the discrimination between genders. Muslim women in India are one of the major groups deprived of their equality within the Human rights framework. Their hardship has derived from cultural and religious reasons. This includes being negatively stereotyped within religion and even progressive circles. This also includes male interpretations of the Quran. Muslim women face a double marginalization by virtue of being part of a religious, as well as, a gender minority. Patriarchal interpretations of Islam affect Muslim women's lives. Intersectional feminist groups argue that it is important to consider Muslim women's opinions regarding their autonomy or else we might end up stereotyping Muslim women and promoting Islamophobia.
Muslim law in South Asia is different from Islamic law of Sharia. Shariat law (shari’a or fiqh) law is seen as a body of religious rules that are set out to manage the lives, in all aspects, of every Muslim. However, in India there are only a few of these laws that are enforced. This is due to India's laws having been modified by traditional English common law and equitable principles since the beginning of British colonial rule. It is now called Anglo-Muhammadan law. Although Islamic law is sacred, due to modern political and social developments sacred interpretation of classic Islamic law's in India have changed in response to societal requirements.
The Constitution of India outlines the Fundamental rights in India to equality under Article 14. Article 15 covers freedom from discrimination which includes that of gender equality. However, Article 25 justifies the freedom of religion which safeguards the religious rights of Muslim communities, in turn Muslim Personal Law, which is discriminatory between Muslim men and women. The continuance of discrimination within Muslim personal law contravenes that set out in India's constitution, notably articles 14 and 15.
Even though there is formal recognition of rights within the constitution, Muslim women experience gender inequalities in practice within the sphere of personal law. Personal law enables the continuing practice of giving a lower status to Muslim women in India. Which raises the need for legal reform. This is hard to achieve because often uniformity of family laws are often upheld by staunch supporters of religious traditions, who will ensure that all efforts to keep traditional Muslim practices within the conformity of Islamic ideals. The courts will also favor to not let constitutional rights intrude in personal law. In the High Court case Harvinder Kaur v. Harmander Singh Choudhary, it was rejected that personal law was discriminatory towards Gender inequality in India and stated that the “…introduction of Constitutional law into the home is most inappropriate”. Essentially depriving all woman in India the fundamental rights within the constitution. Personal law discrimination was, on the other hand, was positively recognized in the case of Amina, here the court noted that Muslim personal law is discriminatory towards Muslim women, and as such is unconstitutional.
Islamic law does however provide for certain rights. One example can be seen within a matrimonial deed, or Nikahnama. A Nikahnama can cover certain rights which pertain to polygamy and the woman's right to enforce a divorce proceeding. This could even include shares in property rights. Muslim law for financial support due to divorcement has been codified In the Muslim Women's (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act 1986. Nevertheless, these rights remain minimal. For example, the divorced wife can only receive three months of financial support. Also the husband of the divorced wife only has to pay child support for 3 months if that child is born within the three-month period, but if they had a child before that then the husband is not obligated to pay any support. Woman's rights in these matters are often not practiced due to Muslim women's lack of education toward their rights within the Islamic community. Also Muslim woman in India are not protected when it comes to monogamous marriages, but Muslim men are, protected under the Indian Penal Code.
The Human Rights Commission (HRC) under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICPPR) highlighted religious based personal laws In India's report in 1997. It was informed that the Human Rights framework towards multiculturalism should be a remedy when addressing clearly biased provisions and practices towards Muslim women in Islamic legal community.
Muslim women are often discriminated against due to their lower achievements within the sphere of education, employment and their general economic position. This is because traditionally Muslim women are discriminately excluded from participating within the public and private sector.
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