Hmong
Mong
lus Hmoob / lug Moob / lol Hmongb / lus Hmôngz (Vietnam) / 𖬇𖬰𖬞 𖬌𖬣𖬵 / 𞄉𞄧𞄵𞄀𞄩𞄰
Pronunciation[m̥ɔ̃́]
Native toChina, Vietnam, Laos, Myanmar and Thailand
EthnicityHmong
Native speakers
(8.1 million cited 1995–2004)[1]
Hmong writing: incl. Pahawh Hmong, Nyiakeng Puachue Hmong, multiple Latin standards
Official status
Recognised minority
language in
Language codes
ISO 639-2hmn Hmong, Mong (China, Laos)
ISO 639-3hmn – inclusive code for the Hmong/Mong macrolanguage (China, Laos), including all Core Hmongic languages, except hmf and hmv
Individual codes:
cqd – Chuanqiandian Cluster Miao (cover term for Hmong in China)
hea – Northern Qiandong Miao
hma – Southern Mashan Hmong
hmc – Central Huishui Hmong
hmd – Large Flowery Miao
hme – Eastern Huishui Hmong
hmf – Hmong Don (Vietnam)
hmg – Southwestern Guiyang Hmong
hmh – Southwestern Huishui Hmong
hmi – Northern Huishui Hmong
hmj – Ge
hml – Luopohe Hmong
hmm – Central Mashan Hmong
hmp – Northern Mashan Hmong
hmq – Eastern Qiandong Miao
hms – Southern Qiandong Miao
hmv – Hmong Dô (Vietnam)
hmw – Western Mashan Hmong
hmy – Southern Guiyang Hmong
hmz – Hmong Shua (Sinicized Miao)
hnj – Mong Njua/Mong Leng (China, Laos), Blue/Green Hmong (United States)
hrm – A-Hmo, Horned Miao (China)
huj – Northern Guiyang Hmong
mmr – Western Xiangxi Miao
muq – Eastern Xiangxi Miao
mww – Hmong Daw (China, Laos), White Hmong (United States)
sfm – Small Flowery Miao
Glottologfirs1234
Linguasphere48-AAA-a
Map of Hmong-Mien languages, West Hmongic language in purple
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Hmong or Mong (/ˈmʌŋ/; RPA: Hmoob, Nyiakeng Puachue: 𞄀𞄩𞄰‎, Pahawh: 𖬌𖬣𖬵, [m̥ɔ̃́]) is a dialect continuum of the West Hmongic branch of the Hmongic languages spoken by the Hmong people of Sichuan, Yunnan, Guizhou, Guangxi, Hainan, northern Vietnam, Thailand, and Laos.[2] There are some 2.7 million speakers of varieties that are largely mutually intelligible, including over 280,000 Hmong Americans as of 2013.[3] Over half of all Hmong speakers speak the various dialects in China, where the Dananshan (大南山) dialect forms the basis of the standard language.[4] However, Hmong Daw and Mong Leng are widely known only in Laos and the United States; Dananshan is more widely known in the native region of Hmong.

Varieties

Mong Leng (Moob Leeg) and Hmong Daw (Hmoob Dawb) are part of a dialect cluster known in China as Chuanqiandian Miao (Chinese: 川黔滇苗; lit. 'Sichuan–Guizhou–Yunnan Miao'), called the "Chuanqiandian cluster" in English (or "Miao cluster" in other languages) since West Hmongic is also called Chuanqiandian Miao. The variety spoken from Sichuan in China to Thailand and Laos is referred to in China as the "First Local Variety" (第一土语) of the cluster. Mong Leng and Hmong Daw are just those varieties of the cluster that migrated to Laos. The names Mong Leng, Hmong Dleu/Der, and Hmong Daw are also used in China for various dialects of the cluster.

Ethnologue once distinguished only the Laotian varieties (Hmong Daw, Mong Leng), Sinicized Miao (Hmong Shua), and the Vietnamese varieties (Hmong Dô, Hmong Don). The Vietnamese varieties are very poorly known; population estimates are not even available. In 2007, Horned Miao, Small Flowery Miao, and the Chuanqiandian cluster of China were split off from Mong Leng [blu].[5]

These varieties are as follows, along with some alternative names.

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) stated that the White and Leng dialects "are said to be mutually intelligible to a well-trained ear, with pronunciation and vocabulary differences analogous to the differences between British and American English."[6]

Several Chinese varieties may overlap with or be more distinct than the varieties listed above:

In the 2007 request to establish an ISO code for the Chuanqiandian cluster, corresponding to the "first local dialect" (第一土语) of the Chuanqiandian cluster in Chinese, the proposer made the following statement on mutual intelligibility:

A colleague has talked with speakers of a number of these closely-related lects in the US, in Thailand and in China, and has had many discussions with Chinese linguists and foreign researchers or community development workers who have had extensive contact with speakers of these lects. As a result of these conversations this colleague believes that many of these lects are likely to have high inherent mutual intelligibility within the cluster. Culturally, while each sub-group prides itself on its own distinctives, they also recognize that other sub-groups within this category are culturally similar to themselves and accept the others as members of the same general ethnic group. However, this category of lects is internally varied and geographically scattered and mixed over a broad land area, and comprehensive intelligibility testing would be required to confirm reports of mutual intelligibility throughout the cluster.[8]

Varieties in Laos

According to the CDC, "although there is no official preference for one dialect over the other, White Hmong seems to be favored in many ways":[6] the Romanized Popular Alphabet (RPA) most closely reflects that of White Hmong (Hmong Daw); most educated Hmong speak White Hmong because White Hmong people lack the ability to understand Mong Leng; and most Hmong dictionaries only include the White Hmong dialect. Furthermore, younger generations of Hmong are more likely to speak White Hmong, and speakers of Mong Leng are more likely to understand White Hmong than speakers of White Hmong are.[6]

Varieties in the United States

Most Hmong in the United States speak White Hmong (Hmoob Dawb) and Mong Leng (Moob Leeg), with around 60% speaking White Hmong and 40% Mong Leng. The CDC states that "though some Hmong report difficulty understanding speakers of a dialect not their own, for the most part, Mong Leng seem to do better when understanding both dialects."[6]

Phonology

The three dialects described here are Hmong Daw (also called White Miao or Hmong Der),[9] Mong Leeg (also called Blue/Green Miao or Mong Leng),[10] and Dananshan (Standard Chinese Miao).[11] Hmong Daw and Mong Leeg are the two major dialects spoken by Hmong Americans. Although mutually intelligible, the dialects differ in both lexicon and certain aspects of phonology. For instance, Mong Leeg lacks the voiceless/aspirated /m̥/ of Hmong Daw (as exemplified by their names) and has a third nasalized vowel, /ã/; Dananshan has a couple of extra diphthongs in native words, numerous Chinese loans, and an eighth tone.

Vowels

The vowel systems of Hmong Daw and Mong Leeg are as shown in the following charts.[12] (Phonemes particular to Hmong Daw† and Mong Leeg‡ are color-coded and indicated by a dagger or double dagger respectively.)

  1. 1st Row: IPA, Hmong RPA
  2. 2nd Row: Nyiakeng Puachue
  3. 3rd Row: Pahawh
Monophthongs
Front Central Back
oral nasal oral nasal oral nasal
Close

i ⟨i⟩
𖬂, 𖬃

ɨ ⟨w⟩
𖬘, 𖬙

u ⟨u⟩
𖬆, 𖬇

Mid

e ⟨e⟩
𖬈, 𖬉

~ ⟨ee⟩
𖬀, 𖬁

ɔ ⟨o⟩
𖬒, 𖬓

ɔ̃~ɔŋ ⟨oo⟩
𖬌, 𖬍

Open

a ⟨a⟩
𖬖, 𖬗

ã~ ⟨aa⟩
𖬚, 𖬛

Diphthongs
Closing Centering
Close component is front

ai ⟨ai⟩
𞄤𞄦, 𞄣
𖬊, 𖬋

⟨ia⟩
𞄦𞄤, 𞄞
𖬔, 𖬕

Close component is central

⟨aw⟩
𞄤𞄬, 𞄢
𖬎, 𖬏

Close component is back

au ⟨au⟩
𞄤𞄨, 𞄠
𖬄, 𖬅

⟨ua⟩
𞄧𞄤, 𞄜
𖬐, 𖬑

The Dananshan standard of China is similar. Phonemic differences from Hmong Daw and Mong Leeg are color-coded and marked as absent or added.

Dananshan Miao vowels
Front Central Back
oral nasal oral nasal oral nasal
Close i (ɨ) (added) u
Mid e en o
Open a
Diphthongs
Closing Centering
Close component is front aj ⟨ai⟩ (absent)
Close component is back aw ⟨au⟩ ⟨ua⟩
əw ⟨ou⟩
⟨eu⟩
(added)

Dananshan [ɨ] occurs only after non-palatal affricates, and is written ⟨i⟩, much like Mandarin Chinese. /u/ is pronounced [y] after palatal consonants. There is also a triphthong /jeβ/ ⟨ieu⟩, as well as other i- and u-initial sequences in Chinese borrowings, such as /je, waj, jaw, wen, waŋ/.

Consonants

Hmong makes a number of phonemic contrasts unfamiliar to English speakers. All non-glottal stops and affricates distinguish aspirated and unaspirated forms, and most also distinguish prenasalization independently of this. The consonant inventory of Hmong is shown in the chart below. (Consonants particular to Hmong Daw† and Mong Leeg‡ are color-coded and indicated by a dagger or double dagger respectively.)

  1. 1st Row: IPA, Hmong RPA
  2. 2nd Row: Nyiakeng Puachue
  3. 3rd Row: Pahawh
Hmong Daw and Mong Leeg consonants
Labial Alveolar Retroflex Palatal Velar Uvular Glottal
plain lateral* plain sibilant lateral* plain sibilant
Nasal voiceless ⟨hm⟩
𞄀𞄄
𖬣𖬵
(m̥ˡ) ⟨hml⟩
𞄠𞄄
𖬠𖬰
⟨hn⟩
𞄅𞄄
𖬩
ɲ̥ ⟨hny⟩
𞄐𞄄
𖬣𖬰
voiced m ⟨m⟩
𞄀
𖬦
() ⟨ml⟩
𞄠
𖬠
n ⟨n⟩
𞄅
𖬬
ɲ ⟨ny⟩
𞄐
𖬮𖬵
⟨ɴ⟩
𞄢
Plosive/
Affricate
tenuis p ⟨p⟩
𞄚
𖬪𖬵
() ⟨pl⟩
𞄡
𖬟𖬵
t ⟨t⟩
𞄃
𖬧𖬵
ts ⟨tx⟩
𞄔
𖬯𖬵
() ⟨dl⟩
𞄏
𖬭
ʈ ⟨r⟩
𞄖
𖬡
⟨ts⟩
𞄁
𖬝𖬰
c ⟨c⟩
𞄈
𖬯
k ⟨k⟩***
𞄎
q ⟨q⟩
𞄗
𖬦𖬵
ʔ ⟨au⟩
𞄠
𖬮𖬰
aspirated ⟨ph⟩
𞄚𞄄
𖬝𖬵
(pˡʰ) ⟨plh⟩
𞄡𞄄
𖬪
⟨th⟩
𞄃𞄄
𖬟𖬰
tsʰ ⟨txh⟩
𞄔𞄄
𖬦𖬰
(tˡʰ) ⟨dlh⟩
𞄏𞄄
𖬭𖬴
ʈʰ ⟨rh⟩
𞄖𞄄
𖬢𖬵
tʂʰ ⟨tsh⟩
𞄁𞄄
𖬪𖬰
⟨ch⟩
𞄈𞄄
𖬧
⟨kh⟩
𞄎𞄄
𖬩𖬰
⟨qh⟩
𞄗𞄄
𖬣
voiced d ⟨d⟩
𞄏
𖬞𖬰
murmured ⟨dh⟩
𞄏𞄄
𖬞𖬵
prenasalized** ᵐb ⟨np⟩
𞄜
𖬨𖬵
(ᵐbˡ) ⟨npl⟩
𞄞
𖬫𖬰
ⁿd ⟨nt⟩
𞄂
𖬩𖬵
ⁿdz ⟨ntx⟩
𞄓
𖬢𖬰
(ⁿdˡ) ⟨ndl⟩
𞄝
𖬭𖬰
ᶯɖ ⟨nr⟩
𞄑
𖬜𖬰
ᶯdʐ ⟨nts⟩
𞄍
𖬝
ᶮɟ ⟨nc⟩
𞄌
𖬤𖬰
ᵑɡ ⟨nk⟩
𞄇
𖬢
ᶰɢ ⟨nq⟩
𞄙
𖬬𖬰
ᵐpʰ ⟨nph⟩
𞄜𞄄
𖬡𖬰
(ᵐpˡʰ) ⟨nplh⟩
𞄞𞄄
𖬡𖬵
ⁿtʰ ⟨nth⟩
𞄂𞄄
𖬫
ⁿtsʰ ⟨ntxh⟩
𞄓𞄄
𖬥𖬵
(ⁿtˡʰ) ⟨ndlh⟩
𞄝𞄄
𖬭𖬵
ᶯʈʰ ⟨nrh⟩
𞄑𞄄
𖬨𖬰
ᶯtʂʰ ⟨ntsh⟩
𞄍𞄄
𖬯𖬰
ᶮcʰ ⟨nch⟩
𞄌𞄄
𖬨
ᵑkʰ ⟨nkh⟩
𞄇𞄄
𖬫𖬵
ᶰqʰ ⟨nqh⟩
𞄙𞄄
𖬬𖬵
Continuant voiceless f ⟨f⟩
𞄕
𖬜𖬵
s ⟨x⟩
𞄆
𖬮
⟨hl⟩
𞄄𞄉
𖬥
ʂ ⟨s⟩
𞄊
𖬤𖬵
ɕ ~ ç ⟨xy⟩
𞄛
𖬧𖬰
h ⟨h⟩
𞄄
𖬟
voiced v ⟨v⟩
𞄒
𖬜
l ⟨l⟩
𞄉
𖬞
ʐ ⟨z⟩
𞄋
𖬥𖬰
ʑ ~ ʝ ⟨y⟩
𞄘
𖬤
Approximant ⟨ɻ⟩
𞄣

The Dananshan standard of China is similar. (Phonemic differences from Hmong Daw and Mong Leeg are color-coded and marked as absent or added. Minor differences, such as the voicing of prenasalized stops, or whether /c/ is an affricate or /h/ is velar, may be a matter of transcription.) Aspirates, voiceless fricatives, voiceless nasals, and glottal stop only occur with yin tones (1, 3, 5, 7). Standard orthography is added in angled brackets. The glottal stop is not written; it is not distinct from a zero initial. There is also a /w/, which occurs only in foreign words.

Dananshan Miao consonants
Labial Alveolar Retroflex Palatal Velar Uvular Glottal
plain lateral* plain sibilant lateral* plain sibilant
Nasal voiceless ⟨hm⟩ (absent) ⟨hn⟩ ɲ̥ ⟨hni⟩
voiced m ⟨m⟩ (absent) n ⟨n⟩ ɲ ⟨ni⟩ ŋ ⟨ngg⟩ (added)
Plosive/ Affricate tenuis p ⟨b⟩ () ⟨bl⟩ t ⟨d⟩ ts ⟨z⟩ () ⟨dl⟩ ʈ ⟨dr⟩ ⟨zh⟩ ⟨j⟩ k ⟨g⟩ q ⟨gh⟩ (ʔ)
aspirated ⟨p⟩ (pˡʰ) ⟨pl⟩ ⟨t⟩ tsʰ ⟨c⟩ (tˡʰ) ⟨tl⟩ ʈʰ ⟨tr⟩ tʂʰ ⟨ch⟩ tɕʰ ⟨q⟩ ⟨k⟩ ⟨kh⟩
voiced (absent)
prenasalized** ᵐp ⟨nb⟩ (ᵐpˡ) ⟨nbl⟩ ⁿt ⟨nd⟩ ⁿts ⟨nz⟩ (absent) ᶯʈ ⟨ndr⟩ ᶯtʂ ⟨nzh⟩ ⁿtɕ ⟨nj⟩ ᵑk ⟨ng⟩ ᶰq ⟨ngh⟩
ᵐpʰ ⟨np⟩ (ᵐpˡʰ) ⟨npl⟩ ⁿtʰ ⟨nt⟩ ⁿtsʰ ⟨nc⟩ (absent) ᶯʈʰ ⟨ntr⟩ ᶯtʂʰ ⟨nch⟩ ⁿtɕʰ ⟨nq⟩ ᵑkʰ ⟨nk⟩ ᶰqʰ ⟨nkh⟩
Continuant voiceless f ⟨f⟩ s ⟨s⟩ ⟨hl⟩ ʂ ⟨sh⟩ ɕ ⟨x⟩ x ⟨h⟩
voiced v ⟨v⟩ l ⟨l⟩ ʐ ⟨r⟩ ʑ ~ ʝ ⟨y⟩ (w)

^* The status of the consonants described here as single phonemes with lateral release is controversial. A number of scholars instead analyze them as biphonemic clusters with /l/ as the second element. The difference in analysis (e.g., between /pˡ/ and /pl/) is not based on any disagreement in the sound or pronunciation of the consonants in question, but on differing theoretical grounds. Those in favor of a unit-phoneme analysis generally argue for this based on distributional evidence (i.e., if clusters, these would be the only clusters in the language, although see below) and dialect evidence (the laterally released dentals in Mong Leeg, e.g. /tl/, correspond to the voiced dentals of White Hmong), whereas those in favor of a cluster analysis tend to argue on the basis of general phonetic principles (other examples of labial phonemes with lateral release appear extremely rare or nonexistent[13]).

^** Some linguists prefer to analyze the prenasalized consonants as clusters whose first element is /n/. However, this cluster analysis is not as common as the above one involving /l/.

^*** Only used in Hmong RPA and not in Pahawh Hmong, since Hmong RPA uses Latin script and Pahawh Hmong does not. For example, in Hmong RPA, to write keeb, the order Consonant + Vowel + Tone (CVT) must be followed, so it is k + ee + b = keeb, but in Pahawh Hmong, it is just Keeb "𖬀𖬶" (2nd-Stage Version).

Syllable structure

Hmong syllables have simple structure: all syllables have an onset consonant (except in a few particles); nuclei may consist of a monophthong or diphthong; and the only coda consonants that occur are nasals. In Hmong Daw and Mong Leeg, nasal codas have become nasalized vowels, though they may be accompanied by weakly articulated [ŋ]. Similarly, a short [ʔ] may accompany the low-falling creaky tone.

Dananshan has a syllabic /l̩/ (written ⟨l⟩) in Chinese loans, such as lf 'two' and lx 'child'.

Tones

Hmong is a tonal language and makes use of seven (Hmong Daw and Mong Leeg) or eight (Dananshan) distinct tones.

Tone Hmong Daw example[14] Hmong/Mong RPA spelling Vietnamese Hmong spelling Nyiakeng Puachue Pahawh Hmong Hmong Pronunciation
High ˥ /pɔ́/ 'ball' pob poz 𞄚𞄨𞄰 𖬒𖬰𖬪𖬵
Mid ˧ /pɔ/ 'spleen' po po 𞄚𞄨 𖬓𖬰𖬪𖬵
Low ˩ /pɔ̀/ 'thorn' pos pos 𞄚𞄨𞄴 𖬓𖬲𖬪𖬵
High-falling ˥˧ /pɔ̂/ 'female' poj pox 𞄚𞄨𞄲 𖬒𖬲𖬪𖬵
Mid-rising ˧˦ /pɔ̌/ 'to throw' pov por 𞄚𞄨𞄳 𖬒𖬶𖬪𖬵
Low checked (creaky) tone ˩
(phrase final: long low rising ˨˩˧)
/pɔ̰̀/ 'to see' pom pov 𞄚𞄨𞄱 𖬒𖬪𖬵
Mid-falling breathy tone ˧˩ /pɔ̤̂/ 'grandmother' pog pol 𞄚𞄨𞄵 𖬓𖬪𖬵

The Dananshan tones are transcribed as pure tone. However, given how similar several of them are, it is likely that there are also phonational differences as in Hmong Daw and Mong Leeg. Tones 4 and 6, for example, are said to make tenuis plosives breathy voiced (浊送气), suggesting they may be breathy/murmured like the Hmong g-tone. Tones 7 and 8 are used in early Chinese loans with entering tone, suggesting they may once have marked checked syllables.

Because voiceless consonants apart from tenuis plosives are restricted to appearing before certain tones (1, 3, 5, 7), those are placed first in the table:

Dananshan Miao tone
Tone IPA Orthography
1 high falling ˦˧ 43 b
3 top ˥ 5 d
5 high ˦ 4 t
7 mid ˧ 3 k
2 mid falling ˧˩ 31 x
4 low falling (breathy) ˨˩̤ 21 l
6 low rising (breathy) ˩˧̤ 13 s
8 mid rising ˨˦ 24 f

So much information is conveyed by the tones that it is possible to speak intelligibly using musical tunes only; there is a tradition of young lovers communicating covertly this way by playing on a jaw harp (though this method may only convey vowel sounds).[15]

Orthography

Main article: Hmong writing

Robert Cooper, an anthropologist, collected a Hmong folktale saying that the Hmong used to have a written language, and important information was written down in a treasured book. The folktale explains that cows and rats ate the book, so, in the words of Anne Fadiman, author of The Spirit Catches You and You Fall Down, "no text was equal to the task of representing a culture as rich as that of the Hmong." Therefore, the folktale states that the Hmong language was exclusively oral from that point onwards.[16]

Natalie Jill Smith, author of "Ethnicity, Reciprocity, Reputation and Punishment: An Ethnoexperimental Study of Cooperation among the Chaldeans and Hmong of Detroit (Michigan)", wrote that the Qing Dynasty had caused a previous Hmong writing system to die out when it stated that the death penalty would be imposed on those who wrote it down.[17]

Since the end of the 19th century, linguists created over two dozen Hmong writing systems, including systems using Chinese characters, the Lao alphabet, the Russian alphabet, the Thai alphabet, and the Vietnamese alphabet. In addition, in 1959 Shong Lue Yang, a Hmong spiritual leader from Laos, created an 81 symbol writing system called Pahawh. Yang was not previously literate in any language. Chao Fa, an anti-Laotian government Hmong group, uses this writing system.[16]

In the 1980s, Nyiakeng Puachue Hmong script was created by a Hmong Minister, Reverend Chervang Kong Vang, to be able to capture Hmong vocabulary clearly and also to remedy redundancies in the language as well as address semantic confusions that was lacking in other scripts. Nyiakeng Puachue Hmong script was mainly used by United Christians Liberty Evangelical Church, a church also founded by Vang, although the script have been found to be in use in Laos, Thailand, Vietnam, France, and Australia.[18] The script bears strong resemblance to the Lao alphabet in structure and form and characters inspired from the Hebrew alphabets, although the characters themselves are different.[19]

Other experiments by Hmong and non-Hmong orthographers have been undertaken using invented letters.[20]

The Romanized Popular Alphabet (RPA), the most widely used script for Hmong Daw and Mong Leeg, was developed in Laos between 1951 and 1953 by three Western missionaries.[16] In the United States Hmong do not use RPA for spelling of proper nouns, because they want their names to be easily pronounced by people unfamiliar with RPA. For instance Hmong in the U.S. spell Hmoob as "Hmong," and Liab Lis is spelled as Lia Lee.[21]

The Dananshan standard in China is written in a pinyin-based alphabet, with tone letters similar to those used in RPA.

Correspondence between orthographies

The following is a list of pairs of RPA and Dananshan segments having the same sound (or very similar sounds). Note however that RPA and the standard in China not only differ in orthographic rules, but are also used to write different languages. The list is ordered alphabetically by the RPA, apart from prenasalized stops and voiceless sonorants, which come after their oral and voiced homologues. There are three overriding patterns to the correspondences: RPA doubles a vowel for nasalization, whereas pinyin uses ⟨ng⟩; RPA uses ⟨h⟩ for aspiration, whereas pinyin uses the voicing distinction of the Latin script; pinyin uses ⟨h⟩ (and ⟨r⟩) to derive the retroflex and uvular series from the dental and velar, whereas RPA uses sequences based on ⟨t, x, k⟩ vs. ⟨r, s, q⟩ for the same.

Vowels

RPA Pinyin Vietnamese Pahawh
a 𖬖, 𖬗
aa ang 𖬚, 𖬛
ai 𖬊, 𖬋
au âu 𖬄, 𖬅
aw ơư 𖬎, 𖬏
e ê 𖬈, 𖬉
ee eng ênh 𖬀, 𖬁
eu
i 𖬂, 𖬃
ia 𖬔, 𖬕
o 𖬒, 𖬓
oo ong ông 𖬌, 𖬍
ou
u u 𖬆, 𖬇
ua 𖬐, 𖬑
w i ư 𖬘, 𖬙

Consonants

RPA Dananshan Vietnamese Pahawh
c j ch 𖬯
ch q 𖬧
nc nj nd 𖬤𖬰
nch nq 𖬨
d đ 𖬞𖬰
dh đh 𖬞𖬵
dl đr 𖬭
dlh tl đl 𖬭𖬴
ndl nđr 𖬭𖬰
ndlh nđl 𖬭𖬵
f ph 𖬜𖬵
h 𖬟
k g c
kh k kh 𖬩𖬰
nk ng g 𖬢
nkh nk nkh 𖬫𖬵
l 𖬞
hl 𖬥
m 𖬦
hm 𖬣𖬵
ml mn 𖬠
hml hmn 𖬠𖬰
n 𖬬
hn hn 𖬩
ngg
ny ni nh 𖬮𖬵
hny hni hnh 𖬣𖬰
p b p 𖬪𖬵
ph p ph 𖬝𖬵
np nb b 𖬨𖬵
nph np mf 𖬡𖬰
pl bl pl 𖬟𖬵
plh pl fl 𖬪
npl nbl bl 𖬫𖬰
nplh npl mfl 𖬡𖬵
q gh k 𖬦𖬵
qh kh qh 𖬣
nq ngh ng 𖬬𖬰
nqh nkh nkr 𖬬𖬵
r dr tr 𖬡
rh tr rh 𖬢𖬵
nr ndr r 𖬜𖬰
nrh ntr nr 𖬨𖬰
s sh s 𖬤𖬵
t d t 𖬧𖬵
th t th 𖬟𖬰
nt nd nt 𖬩𖬵
nth nt nth 𖬫
ts zh ts 𖬝𖬰
tsh ch tsh 𖬪𖬰
nts nzh nts 𖬝
ntsh nch ntsh 𖬯𖬰
tx z tx 𖬯𖬵
txh c cx 𖬦𖬰
ntx nz nz 𖬢𖬰
ntxh nc nx 𖬥𖬵
v 𖬜
w
x s x 𖬮
xy x sh 𖬧𖬰
y z 𖬤
z r j 𖬥𖬰

There is no simple correspondence between the tone letters. The historical connection between the tones is as follows. The Chinese names reflect the tones given to early Chinese loan words with those tones in Chinese.

Tone
class
Tone
number
Dananshan
orthog.
RPA Vietnamese
Hmong
Hmoob Moob
平 or A 1 b ˦˧ b ˥ z
2 x ˧˩ j ˥˧ x
上 or B 3 d ˥ v ˧˦ r
4 l ˨˩̤ s g s
去 or C 5 t ˦ (unmarked) ˧
6 s ˩˧̤ g ˧˩̤ l
入 or D 7 k ˧ s ˩ s
8 f ˨˦ m ˩̰ ~ d ˨˩˧ v ~ k

Tones 4 and 7 merged in Hmoob Dawb, whereas tones 4 and 6 merged in Mong Leeg.[22]

Example: lus Hmoob /̤ lṳ˧˩ m̥̥õ˦ / 𞄉𞄧𞄴𞄀𞄄𞄰𞄩‎ / (White Hmong) / lug Moob / 𞄉𞄧𞄵𞄀𞄩𞄰‎ / (Mong Leng) / lol Hmongb (Dananshan) / lus Hmôngz (Vietnamese) "Hmong language".

Grammar

Hmong is an analytic SVO language in which adjectives and demonstratives follow the noun.

Nouns

Noun phrases can contain the following elements (parentheses indicate optional elements):[23]

(possessive) + (quantifier) + (classifier) + noun + (adjective) + (demonstrative)

The Hmong pronominal system distinguishes between three grammatical persons and three numbers – singular, dual, and plural. They are not marked for case, that is, the same word is used to translate both "I" and "me", "she" and "her", and so forth. These are the personal pronouns of Hmong Daw and Mong Leeg:

  1. 1st Row: IPA, Hmong RPA
  2. 2nd Row: Vietnamese Hmong
  3. 3rd Row: Pahawh Hmong
  4. 4th Row: Nyiakeng Puachue
White Hmong Pronouns
Number: Singular Dual Plural
First kuv

cur
𖬆𖬲

𞄎𞄧𞄳

wb

ưz
𖬘𖬰𖬮𖬰

𞄬𞄰

peb

pêz
𖬈𖬰𖬪𖬵

𞄚𞄪𞄰

Second koj

cox
𖬒𖬲

𞄎𞄨𞄲

neb

nêz
𖬈𖬰𖬬

𞄅𞄪𞄰

nej

nêx
𖬈𖬲𖬬

𞄅𞄪𞄲

Third nws

nưs
𖬙𖬲𖬬

𞄅𞄬𞄴

nkawd

gơưk
𖬎𖬱𖬢

𞄇𞄤𞄶𞄬

lawv

lơưr
𖬎𖬶𖬞

𞄉𞄤𞄳𞄬

Green Hmong Pronouns
Number: Singular Dual Plural
First kuv

cur
𖬆𖬲

𞄎𞄧𞄳

ib

iz
𖬂𖬲𖬮𖬰

𞄦𞄰

peb

pêz
𖬈𖬰𖬪𖬵

𞄚𞄪𞄰

Second koj

cox
𖬒𖬲

𞄎𞄨𞄲

meb

mêz
𖬈𖬰𖬦

𞄀𞄪𞄰

mej

mêx
𖬈𖬲𖬦

𞄀𞄪𞄲

Third nwg

nưs
𖬙𖬶𖬬

𞄅𞄬𞄵

ob tug

oz tus
𖬒𖬰𖬮𖬰 𖬇𖬲𖬧𖬵

𞄨𞄰𞄃𞄧𞄵

puab

puôz
𖬐𖬶𖬪𖬵

𞄚𞄧𞄰𞄤

Classifiers

Classifiers are one of the features recurrently found in languages of Southeast Asia.[24] In Hmong, the noun does not directly follow a numeral, and a classifier or an adjective is required to count objects. Here are examples from Mong Leeg (Green Hmong):[25]

ob

𖬒𖬰𖬮𖬰

𞄨𞄰

two

tug

𖬇𖬲𖬧𖬵

𞄃𞄧𞄶

CLF

dlev

𖬉𖬭𖬰

𞄝𞄪𞄳

dog

ob tug dlev

𖬒𖬰𖬮𖬰 𖬇𖬲𖬧𖬵 𖬉𖬭𖬰

𞄨𞄰𞄃𞄧𞄶𞄝𞄪𞄳

two CLF dog

'two dogs'

ob

𖬒𖬰𖬮𖬰

𞄨𞄰

two

(tug)

(𖬇𖬲𖬧𖬵)

(𞄃𞄧𞄶)

CLF

nyuas

𖬑𖬲𖬮𖬵

𞄐𞄧𞄤‎𞄴

little

dlev

𖬉𖬭𖬰

𞄝𞄪𞄳

dog

ob (tug) nyuas dlev

𖬒𖬰𖬮𖬰 (𖬇𖬲𖬧𖬵) 𖬑𖬲𖬮𖬵 𖬉𖬭𖬰

𞄨𞄰(𞄃𞄧𞄶)𞄐𞄧𞄤‎𞄴𞄝𞄪𞄳

two CLF little dog

'two little dogs'

Also, classifiers may occur with a noun without any numerals for definite and/or specific reference in Hmong.[26] The following examples are again from Green Hmong:[27]

kuv

𖬆𖬲

𞄎𞄧𞄳

1SG

pum

𖬆𖬪𖬵

𞄚𞄧𞄱

see

dlev

𖬉𖬭𖬰

𞄝𞄪𞄳

dog

kuv pum dlev

𖬆𖬲 𖬆𖬪𖬵 𖬉𖬭𖬰

𞄎𞄧𞄳𞄚𞄧𞄱𞄝𞄪𞄳

1SG see dog

'I saw dogs/a dog.' (indefinite and non-specific)

kuv

𖬆𖬲

𞄎𞄧𞄳

1SG

pum

𖬆𖬪𖬵

𞄚𞄧𞄱

see

tug

𖬇𖬲𖬧𖬵

𞄃𞄧𞄶

CLF

dlev

𖬉𖬭𖬰

𞄝𞄪𞄳

dog

kuv pum tug dlev

𖬆𖬲 𖬆𖬪𖬵 𖬇𖬲𖬧𖬵 𖬉𖬭𖬰

𞄎𞄧𞄳𞄚𞄧𞄱𞄃𞄧𞄶𞄝𞄪𞄳

1SG see CLF dog

'I saw the dog.' (definite and specific)

kuv

𖬆𖬲

𞄎𞄧𞄳

1SG

pum

𖬆𖬪𖬵

𞄚𞄧𞄱

see

ib

𖬂𖬲𖬮𖬰

𞄦𞄰

one

tug

𖬇𖬲𖬧𖬵

𞄃𞄧𞄶

CLF

dlev

𖬉𖬭𖬰

𞄝𞄪𞄳

dog

kuv pum ib tug dlev

𖬆𖬲 𖬆𖬪𖬵 𖬂𖬲𖬮𖬰 𖬇𖬲𖬧𖬵 𖬉𖬭𖬰

𞄎𞄧𞄳𞄚𞄧𞄱𞄦𞄰𞄃𞄧𞄶𞄝𞄪𞄳

1SG see one CLF dog

'I saw a (specific) dog.' (indefinite and specific)

kuv

𖬆𖬲

𞄎𞄧𞄳

1SG

pum

𖬆𖬪𖬵

𞄚𞄧𞄱

see

ob

𖬒𖬰𖬮𖬰

𞄨𞄰

two

tug

𖬇𖬲𖬧𖬵

𞄃𞄧𞄶

CLF

dlev

𖬉𖬭𖬰

𞄝𞄪𞄳

dog

hov

𖬒𖬶𖬟

𞄄𞄨𞄳

DEM:3

kuv pum ob tug dlev hov

𖬆𖬲 𖬆𖬪𖬵 𖬒𖬰𖬮𖬰 𖬇𖬲𖬧𖬵 𖬉𖬭𖬰 𖬒𖬶𖬟

𞄎𞄧𞄳𞄚𞄧𞄱𞄨𞄰𞄃𞄧𞄶𞄝𞄪𞄳𞄄𞄨𞄳

1SG see two CLF dog DEM:3

'I saw those two dogs.' (definite and specific)

Moreover, nominal possessive phrases are expressed with a classifier;[28] however, it may be omitted when the referent of the possessed noun is inalienable from the possessor as shown in the following Hmong Daw (White Hmong) phrases:[29]

nws

𖬙𖬲𖬬

𞄅𞄬𞄴

3SG

rab

𖬖𖬲𖬡

𞄖𞄤𞄰

CLF

ntaj

𖬖𖬰𖬩𖬵

𞄂𞄤𞄲

sword

nws rab ntaj

𖬙𖬲𖬬 𖬖𖬲𖬡 𖬖𖬰𖬩𖬵

𞄅𞄬𞄴𞄖𞄤𞄰𞄂𞄤𞄲

3SG CLF sword

'his sword'

kuv

𖬆𖬲

𞄎𞄧𞄳

1SG

txiv

𖬂𖬶𖬯𖬵

𞄔𞄦𞄳

father

kuv txiv

𖬆𖬲 𖬂𖬶𖬯𖬵

𞄎𞄧𞄳𞄔𞄦𞄳

1SG father

'my father'

Relativization is also expressed with classifiers.[29][30]

Although absent in Mandarin Chinese, definite reference by bare classifier constructions are found in Cantonese (Sinitic) and Zhuang (Kra-dai), which is the case for possessive classifier constructions as well.[31]

Verbs

Hmong is an isolating language in which most morphemes are monosyllables. As a result, verbs are not overtly inflected. Tense, aspect, mood, person, number, gender, and case are indicated lexically.[32]

Serial verb construction

Hmong verbs can be serialized, with two or more verbs combined in one clause. It is common for as many as five verbs to be strung together, sharing the same subject.

Here is an example from White Hmong:

Yam

Zav

𖬖𖬤

𞄘𞄤𞄱‎

Thing

zoo

jông

𖬍𖬥𖬰

𞄋𞄩

best

tshaj

tshax

𖬖𖬰𖬪𖬰

𞄁𞄄𞄤𞄲

very

plaws,

plơưs,

𖬏𖬰𖬟𖬵,

𞄡𞄤𞄬𞄴‎,

full,

nej

nêx

𖬈𖬲𖬬

𞄅𞄪𞄲

you

yuav

zuôr

𖬐𖬲𖬤

𞄘𞄧𞄤𞄳

(plural)

tsum

tsuv

𖬆𖬝𖬰

𞄁𞄧𞄱

must

mus,

mus,

𖬇𖬰𖬦,

𞄀𞄧𞄴‎,

go,

nrhiav,

nriêz,

𖬔𖬲𖬨𖬰,

𞄑𞄄𞄦𞄤𞄳‎,

seek,

nug,

nuv,

𖬇𖬲𖬬,

𞄅𞄧𞄶‎,

ask,

xyuas,

shuôs,

𖬑𖬲𖬧𖬰,

𞄛𞄧𞄤𞄴‎,

examine,

saib

saiz

𖬊𖬰𖬤𖬵

𞄊𞄤𞄦𞄰

look

luag

luôv

𖬑𖬶𖬞

𞄉𞄧𞄤𞄶

others

muaj

muôj

𖬐𖬰𖬦

𞄀𞄧𞄤𞄲

have

kev

cêr

𖬉

𞄎𞄪𞄳

services

pab

paz

𖬖𖬲𖬪𖬵

𞄚𞄤𞄰

variations

hom

hov

𖬒𖬟

𞄄𞄨𞄱

type

dab

đaz

𖬖𖬲𖬞𖬰

𞄏𞄤𞄰

what

tsi

tsi

𖬃𖬝𖬰

𞄁𞄦

around

nyob

nhoz

𖬒𖬰𖬮𖬵

𞄐𞄨𞄰

the

ncig

ndil

𖬃𖬲𖬤𖬰

𞄌𞄦𞄶

area

ib

ib

𖬂𖬲𖬮𖬰

𞄦𞄰

at

cheeb

qênhz

𖬀𖬶𖬧

𞄈𞄄𞄫𞄰

you

tsam

tsav

𖬖𖬝𖬰

𞄁𞄤𞄱

(plural)

ntawm

ntơưv

𖬎𖬰𖬩𖬵

𞄂𞄤𞄬𞄱

 

nej.

nêx.

𖬈𖬲𖬬.

𞄅𞄪𞄲‎.

 

Yam zoo tshaj plaws, nej yuav tsum mus, nrhiav, nug, xyuas, saib luag muaj kev pab hom dab tsi nyob ncig ib cheeb tsam ntawm nej.

Zav jông tshax plơưs, nêx zuôr tsuv mus, nriêz, nuv, shuôs, saiz luôv muôj cêr paz hov đaz tsi nhoz ndil ib qênhz tsav ntơưv nêx.

𖬖𖬤 𖬍𖬥𖬰 𖬖𖬰𖬪𖬰 𖬏𖬰𖬟𖬵, 𖬈𖬲𖬬 𖬐𖬲𖬤 𖬆𖬝𖬰 𖬇𖬰𖬦, 𖬔𖬲𖬨𖬰, 𖬇𖬲𖬬, 𖬑𖬲𖬧𖬰, 𖬊𖬰𖬤𖬵 𖬑𖬶𖬞 𖬐𖬰𖬦 𖬉 𖬖𖬲𖬪𖬵 𖬒𖬟 𖬖𖬲𖬞𖬰 𖬃𖬝𖬰 𖬒𖬰𖬮𖬵 𖬃𖬲𖬤𖬰 𖬂𖬲𖬮𖬰 𖬀𖬶𖬧 𖬖𖬝𖬰 𖬎𖬰𖬩𖬵 𖬈𖬲𖬬.

𞄘𞄤𞄱‎𞄋𞄩𞄁𞄄𞄤𞄲𞄡𞄤𞄬𞄴‎, 𞄅𞄪𞄲𞄘𞄧𞄤𞄳𞄁𞄧𞄱𞄀𞄧𞄴‎, 𞄑𞄄𞄦𞄤𞄳‎, 𞄅𞄧𞄶‎, 𞄛𞄧𞄤𞄴‎, 𞄊𞄤𞄦𞄰 𞄉𞄧𞄤𞄶𞄀𞄧𞄤𞄲𞄎𞄪𞄳𞄚𞄤𞄰𞄄𞄨𞄱𞄏𞄤𞄰𞄁𞄦𞄐𞄨𞄰𞄌𞄦𞄶𞄦𞄰𞄈𞄄𞄫𞄰𞄁𞄤𞄱𞄂𞄤𞄬𞄱𞄅𞄪𞄲‎.

Thing best very full, you (plural) must go, seek, ask, examine, look others have services variations type what around the area at you (plural)

'The best thing you can do is to explore your neighborhood and find out what services are available.' Mismatch in the number of words between lines: 26 word(s) in line 1, 26 word(s) in line 2, 26 word(s) in line 3, 26 word(s) in line 4, 24 word(s) in line 5 (help);

Tense

Because the verb form in Hmong does not change to indicate tense, the simplest way to indicate the time of an event is to use temporal adverb phrases like "last year," "today," or "next week."

Here is an example from White Hmong:

Nag hmo

Nav hmo

𖬗𖬶𖬬 𖬓𖬰𖬣𖬵

𞄅𞄤𞄵 𞄀𞄄𞄨

yesterday

kuv

cur

𖬆𖬲

𞄎𞄧𞄳

I

mus

mus

𖬇𖬰𖬦

𞄀𞄧𞄴

go

tom

tov

𖬒𖬧𖬵

𞄃𞄨𞄱

LOC

khw.

khư.

𖬙𖬰𖬩𖬰.

𞄎𞄄𞄬‎.

market

{Nag hmo} kuv mus tom khw.

{Nav hmo} cur mus tov khư.

𖬗𖬶𖬬 𖬓𖬰𖬣𖬵 𖬆𖬲 𖬇𖬰𖬦 𖬒𖬧𖬵 𖬙𖬰𖬩𖬰.

𞄅𞄤𞄵 𞄀𞄄𞄨𞄎𞄧𞄳𞄀𞄧𞄴𞄃𞄨𞄱𞄎𞄄𞄬‎.

yesterday I go LOC market

'I went to the market yesterday.'

Aspect

Aspectual differences are indicated by a number of verbal modifiers. Here are the most common ones:

Progressive: (Mong Leeg) taab tom + verb, (White Hmong) tab tom + verb = situation in progress

Puab

Puôz

𖬐𖬶𖬪𖬵

𞄚𞄧𞄰𞄤

they

taab tom

tangz tov

𖬚𖬲𖬧𖬵 𖬒𖬧𖬵

𞄃𞄥𞄰𞄃𞄨𞄱

PROG

haus

hâus

𖬅𖬰𖬟

𞄄𞄤𞄴𞄨

drink

dlej.

đrêx

𖬈𖬲𖬭.

𞄏𞄪𞄲‎.

water

(Mong Leeg)

 

 

 

 

Puab {taab tom} haus dlej.

Puôz {tangz tov} hâus đrêx

𖬐𖬶𖬪𖬵 {𖬚𖬲𖬧𖬵 𖬒𖬧𖬵} 𖬅𖬰𖬟 𖬈𖬲𖬭.

𞄚𞄧𞄰𞄤‎ {𞄃𞄥𞄰𞄃𞄨𞄱‎} 𞄄𞄤𞄴𞄨𞄏𞄪𞄲‎.

they PROG drink water

'They are drinking water.'

Taab/tab tom + verb can also be used to indicate a situation that is about to start. That is clearest when taab/tab tom occurs in conjunction with the irrealis marker yuav. Note that the taab tom construction is not used if it is clear from the context that a situation is ongoing or about to begin.

Perfective: sentence/clause + lawm = completed situation

Kuv

Cur

𖬆𖬲

𞄎𞄧𞄳

I

noj

nox

𖬒𖬲𖬬

𞄅𞄨𞄲

eat

mov

mor

𖬒𖬶𖬦

𞄀𞄨𞄳

rice

lawm.

lơưv

𖬎𖬰𖬞.

𞄉𞄤𞄱𞄬‎.

PERF

(Leeg and White Hmong)

 

 

 

 

Kuv noj mov lawm.

Cur nox mor lơưv

𖬆𖬲 𖬒𖬲𖬬 𖬒𖬶𖬦 𖬎𖬰𖬞.

𞄎𞄧𞄳𞄅𞄨𞄲𞄀𞄨𞄳𞄉𞄤𞄱𞄬‎.

I eat rice PERF

'I am finished/I am done eating rice.' / 'I have already eaten "rice".'

Lawm at the end of a sentence can also indicate that an action is underway:

Tus

𖬇𖬰𖬧𖬵

𞄃𞄧𞄴

CLF

tub

𖬆𖬰𖬧𖬵

𞄃𞄧𞄰

boy

tau

𖬧𖬵

𞄃𞄤𞄨

get

rab

𖬖𖬲𖬡

𞄖𞄤𞄰

CLF

hneev,

𖬀𖬲𖬩,

𞄅𞄄𞄳𞄫‎,

crossbow

nws

𖬙𖬲𖬬

𞄅𞄬𞄴

he

thiaj

𖬔𖬶𖬟𖬰

𞄃𞄄𞄦𞄲𞄤

then

mus

𖬇𖬰𖬦

𞄀𞄧𞄴

go

ua si

𖬑𖬮𖬰 𖬃𖬤𖬵

𞄧𞄤𞄊𞄦

play

lawm.

𖬎𖬰𖬞.

𞄉𞄤𞄱𞄬‎.

PFV

(White Hmong)

 

 

 

Tus tub tau rab hneev, nws thiaj mus {ua si} lawm.

𖬇𖬰𖬧𖬵 𖬆𖬰𖬧𖬵 𖬧𖬵 𖬖𖬲𖬡 𖬀𖬲𖬩, 𖬙𖬲𖬬 𖬔𖬶𖬟𖬰 𖬇𖬰𖬦 𖬑𖬮𖬰 𖬃𖬤𖬵 𖬎𖬰𖬞.

𞄃𞄧𞄴𞄃𞄧𞄰𞄃𞄤𞄨𞄖𞄤𞄰𞄅𞄄𞄳𞄫‎, 𞄅𞄬𞄴𞄃𞄄𞄦𞄲𞄤𞄀𞄧𞄴‎ {𞄧𞄤𞄊𞄦‎} 𞄉𞄤𞄱𞄬‎.

CLF boy get CLF crossbow he then go play PFV

'The boy got the crossbow and went off to play.' / 'The boy went off to play because he got the bow.'

Another common way to indicate the accomplishment of an action or attainment is by using tau, which, as a main verb, means 'to get/obtain.' It takes on different connotations when it is combined with other verbs. When it occurs before the main verb (i.e. tau + verb), it conveys the attainment or fulfillment of a situation. Whether the situation took place in the past, the present, or the future is indicated at the discourse level rather than the sentence level. If the event took place in the past, tau + verb translates to the past tense in English.

Lawv

𖬎𖬶𖬞

𞄉𞄤𞄳𞄬

they

tau

𖬧𖬵

𞄃𞄤𞄨

attain

noj

𖬒𖬲𖬬

𞄅𞄨𞄲

eat

nqaij

𖬊𖬶𖬬𖬰

𞄙𞄤𞄲𞄦

meat

nyug.

𖬇𖬲𖬮𖬵.

𞄐𞄧𞄵‎.

beef

(White Hmong)

 

 

 

Lawv tau noj nqaij nyug.

𖬎𖬶𖬞 𖬧𖬵 𖬒𖬲𖬬 𖬊𖬶𖬬𖬰 𖬇𖬲𖬮𖬵.

𞄉𞄤𞄳𞄬𞄃𞄤𞄨𞄅𞄨𞄲𞄙𞄤𞄲𞄦𞄐𞄧𞄵‎.

they attain eat meat beef

'They ate beef.'

Tau is optional if an explicit past time marker is present (e.g. nag hmo, last night). Tau can also mark the fulfillment of a situation in the future:

Thaum

𖬄𖬟𖬰

𞄃𞄄𞄤𞄱𞄨

when

txog

𖬓𖬯𖬵

𞄔𞄨𞄵

arrive

peb

𖬈𖬰𖬪𖬵

𞄚𞄪𞄰

New

caug

𖬅𖬲𖬯

𞄈𞄤𞄵𞄨

Year

lawm

𖬎𖬰𖬞

𞄉𞄤𞄱𞄬

PFV

sawv daws

𖬎𖬶𖬤𖬵 𖬏𖬰𖬞𖬰

𞄊𞄤𞄳𞄬𞄏𞄤𞄴𞄬

everybody

thiaj

𖬔𖬶𖬟𖬰

𞄃𞄄𞄦𞄲𞄤

then

tau

𖬧𖬵

𞄃𞄤𞄨

attain

hnav

𖬗𖬩

𞄅𞄄𞄳𞄤

wear

khaub ncaws

𖬄𖬰𖬩𖬰 𖬏𖬰𖬤𖬰

𞄎𞄄𞄤𞄰𞄨𞄌𞄤𞄴𞄬

clothes

tshiab.

𖬔𖬪𖬰.

𞄁𞄄𞄦𞄰𞄤‎.

new

(White Hmong)

 

 

 

Thaum txog peb caug lawm {sawv daws} thiaj tau hnav {khaub ncaws} tshiab.

𖬄𖬟𖬰 𖬓𖬯𖬵 𖬈𖬰𖬪𖬵 𖬅𖬲𖬯 𖬎𖬰𖬞 {𖬎𖬶𖬤𖬵 𖬏𖬰𖬞𖬰} 𖬔𖬶𖬟𖬰 𖬧𖬵 𖬗𖬩 {𖬄𖬰𖬩𖬰 𖬏𖬰𖬤𖬰} 𖬔𖬪𖬰.

𞄃𞄄𞄤𞄱𞄨𞄔𞄨𞄵𞄚𞄪𞄰𞄈𞄤𞄵𞄨𞄉𞄤𞄱𞄬‎ {𞄊𞄤𞄳𞄬𞄏𞄤𞄴𞄬‎} 𞄃𞄄𞄦𞄲𞄤𞄃𞄤𞄨𞄅𞄄𞄳𞄤‎ {𞄎𞄄𞄤𞄰𞄨𞄌𞄤𞄴𞄬‎} 𞄁𞄄𞄦𞄰𞄤‎.

when arrive New Year PFV everybody then attain wear clothes new

'So when the New Year arrives, everybody gets to wear new clothes.'

When tau follows the main verb (i.e. verb + tau), it indicates the accomplishment of the purpose of an action.

Kuv

𖬆𖬲

𞄎𞄧𞄳

I

xaav

𖬛𖬮

𞄆𞄥𞄳

think

xaav

𖬛𖬮

𞄆𞄥𞄳

think

ib plag,

𖬂𖬲𖬮𖬰 𖬗𖬶𖬟𖬵,

𞄦𞄰𞄡𞄤𞄵‎,

awhile,

kuv

𖬆𖬲

𞄎𞄧𞄳

I

xaav

𖬛𖬮

𞄆𞄥𞄳

think

tau

𖬧𖬵

𞄃𞄤𞄨

get

tswv yim.

𖬙𖬝𖬰 𖬂𖬤.

𞄁𞄬𞄳𞄘𞄦𞄱‎.

idea

(Mong Leeg)

 

 

 

Kuv xaav xaav {ib plag}, kuv xaav tau {tswv yim}.

𖬆𖬲 𖬛𖬮 𖬛𖬮 {𖬂𖬲𖬮𖬰 𖬗𖬶𖬟𖬵}, 𖬆𖬲 𖬛𖬮 𖬧𖬵 𖬙𖬝𖬰 𖬂𖬤.

𞄎𞄧𞄳𞄆𞄥𞄳𞄆𞄥𞄳‎ {𞄦𞄰𞄡𞄤𞄵‎}, 𞄎𞄧𞄳𞄆𞄥𞄳𞄃𞄤𞄨‎ {𞄁𞄬𞄳𞄘𞄦𞄱‎}.

I think think awhile, I think get idea

'I thought it over and got an idea.'

Tau is also common in serial verb constructions that are made up of a verb, followed by an accomplishment: (White Hmong) nrhiav tau, to look for; caum tau, to chase; yug tau, to give birth.

Mood

Future: yuav + verb:

Kuv yuav moog.

Kuv

𖬆𖬲

𞄎𞄧𞄳

yuav

𖬐𖬲𖬤

𞄘𞄧𞄳𞄤

moog.

𖬍𖬶𖬦.

𞄀𞄩𞄵‎.

(Mong Leeg)

 

 

Kuv yuav moog.

𖬆𖬲 𖬐𖬲𖬤 𖬍𖬶𖬦.

𞄎𞄧𞄳𞄘𞄧𞄳𞄤𞄀𞄩𞄵‎.

'I will be going.'

Yuav + verb may also be seen as indicative of the irrealis mood, for situations that are unfulfilled or unrealized. That includes hypothetical or non-occurring situations with past, present, or future time references:

Tus

𖬇𖬰𖬧𖬵

𞄃𞄧𞄴

CLF

Tsov

𖬒𖬶𖬝𖬰

𞄁𞄨𞄳

Tiger

hais tias,

𖬋𖬰𖬟 𖬕𖬰𖬧𖬵,

𞄄𞄤𞄴𞄦𞄃𞄦𞄴𞄤‎,

say,

"Kuv

"𖬆𖬲

"𞄎𞄧𞄳

I

tshaib

𖬊𖬰𖬪𖬰

𞄁𞄄𞄤𞄰𞄦

hungry

tshaib

𖬊𖬰𖬪𖬰

𞄁𞄄𞄤𞄰𞄦

hungry

plab

𖬖𖬲𖬟𖬵

𞄡𞄤𞄰

stomach

li

𖬃𖬞

𞄉𞄦

INT

kuv

𖬆𖬲

𞄎𞄧𞄳

I

yuav

𖬐𖬲𖬤

𞄘𞄧𞄳𞄤

IRR

noj

𖬒𖬲𖬬

𞄅𞄨𞄲

eat

koj".

𖬒𖬲."

𞄎𞄨𞄲‎".

you

(from a White Hmong folk tale)

 

 

 

Tus Tsov {hais tias}, "Kuv tshaib tshaib plab li kuv yuav noj koj".

𖬇𖬰𖬧𖬵 𖬒𖬶𖬝𖬰 {𖬋𖬰𖬟 𖬕𖬰𖬧𖬵}, "𖬆𖬲 𖬊𖬰𖬪𖬰 𖬊𖬰𖬪𖬰 𖬖𖬲𖬟𖬵 𖬃𖬞 𖬆𖬲 𖬐𖬲𖬤 𖬒𖬲𖬬 𖬒𖬲."

𞄃𞄧𞄴𞄁𞄨𞄳‎ {𞄄𞄤𞄴𞄦𞄃𞄦𞄴𞄤‎}, "𞄎𞄧𞄳𞄁𞄄𞄤𞄰𞄦𞄁𞄄𞄤𞄰𞄦𞄡𞄤𞄰𞄉𞄦𞄎𞄧𞄳𞄘𞄧𞄳𞄤𞄅𞄨𞄲𞄎𞄨𞄲‎".

CLF Tiger say, I hungry hungry stomach INT I IRR eat you

'The Tiger said, "I'm very hungry and I'm going to eat you.'

Tus

𖬇𖬰𖬧𖬵

𞄃𞄧𞄴

CLF

Qav

𖬗𖬦𖬵

𞄗𞄤𞄳

Frog

tsis

𖬃𖬰𖬝𖬰

𞄁𞄦𞄴

NEG

paub

𖬄𖬰𖬪𖬵

𞄚𞄤𞄰𞄨

know

yuav

𖬐𖬲𖬤

𞄘𞄧𞄳𞄤

IRR

ua

𖬑𖬮𖬰

𞄧𞄤

do

li

𖬃𖬞

𞄉𞄦

 

cas

𖬗𖬲𖬯

𞄈𞄤𞄴

what

li.

𖬃𖬞.

𞄉𞄦‎.

INT

Tus Qav tsis paub yuav ua li cas li.

𖬇𖬰𖬧𖬵 𖬗𖬦𖬵 𖬃𖬰𖬝𖬰 𖬄𖬰𖬪𖬵 𖬐𖬲𖬤 𖬑𖬮𖬰 𖬃𖬞 𖬗𖬲𖬯 𖬃𖬞.

𞄃𞄧𞄴𞄗𞄤𞄳𞄁𞄦𞄴𞄚𞄤𞄰𞄨𞄘𞄧𞄳𞄤𞄧𞄤𞄉𞄦𞄈𞄤𞄴𞄉𞄦‎.

CLF Frog NEG know IRR do {} what INT

'The frog didn't know what to do.'

Phrases

Colors

Many Hmong, and non-Hmong people who are learning the Hmong language, tend to use the word "Xim" (Thai/Lao word) to indicate a specific color. While the true Hmong word for color is "Kob". For example, "Kuv nyiam kob ntsuab;" meaning "I like the color green / I like the green color".

List of colors:

𖬔𖬞 Liab [red]

𖬐𖬶𖬝 Ntsuab [green]

𖬖𖬝𖬰 𖬈𖬮 Tsam xem [purple]

𖬆𖬰𖬞𖬰 Dub [black]

𖬔𖬲𖬮 Xiav [blue]

𖬎𖬞𖬰 Dawb [white]

𖬗𖬮𖬰 / 𖬗𖬲 𖬉𖬲𖬜𖬵 Av / Kas fes [brown]

𖬖𖬰𖬞𖬰 Daj [yellow]

𖬓𖬰𖬦𖬰 Txho [grey]

𖬖𖬲 𖬙𖬢𖬰 Kab ntxwv [orange]

𖬖𖬰𖬪𖬵 𖬀𖬶𖬤 Paj yeeb [pink]


Numbers

Numeral Hmong Numeral Pahawh Hmong Hmong RPA Hmong Loanwords Pahawh Symbols
0 𖭐 𖬊𖬲𖬢𖬰 Ntxaiv Xoom (Thai/Lao word) 𖭐 (Ones)
1 𖭑 𖬂𖬲𖬮𖬰 Ib
2 𖭒 𖬒𖬰𖬮𖬰 Ob
3 𖭓 𖬈𖬰𖬪𖬵 Peb
4 𖭔 𖬄𖬰𖬟𖬵 Plaub
5 𖭕 𖬂𖬲𖬝𖬰 Tsib
6 𖭖 𖬡 Rau
7 𖭗 𖬗𖬰𖬧𖬰 Xya
8 𖭘 𖬂𖬤 Yim
9 𖭙 𖬐𖬰𖬯 Cuaj
10 𖭑𖭐 𖬄 Kaum 𖭛 (Tens)
11 𖭑𖭑 𖬄 𖬂𖬲𖬮𖬰 Kaum ib
20 𖭒𖭐 𖬁𖬰𖬬 𖬄𖬢 Nees nkaum
21 𖭒𖭑 𖬁𖬰𖬬 𖬄𖬢 𖬂𖬲𖬮𖬰 Nees nkaum ib
30 𖭓𖭐 𖬈𖬰𖬪𖬵 𖬅𖬲𖬯 Peb caug
31 𖭓𖭑 𖬈𖬰𖬪𖬵 𖬅𖬲𖬯 𖬂𖬲𖬮𖬰 Peb caug ib
40 𖭔𖭐 𖬄𖬰𖬟𖬵 𖬅𖬲𖬯 Plaub caug
41 𖭔𖭑 𖬄𖬰𖬟𖬵 𖬅𖬲𖬯 𖬂𖬲𖬮𖬰 Plaub caug ib
50 𖭕𖭐 𖬂𖬲𖬝𖬰 𖬅𖬲𖬯 Tsib caug
51 𖭕𖭑 𖬂𖬲𖬝𖬰 𖬅𖬲𖬯 𖬂𖬲𖬮𖬰 Tsib caug ib
60 𖭖𖭐 𖬡 𖬄𖬯 Rau caum
61 𖭖𖭑 𖬡 𖬄𖬯 𖬂𖬲𖬮𖬰 Rau caum ib
70 𖭗𖭐 𖬗𖬰𖬧𖬰 𖬄𖬯 Xya caum
71 𖭗𖭑 𖬗𖬰𖬧𖬰 𖬄𖬯 𖬂𖬲𖬮𖬰 Xya caum ib
80 𖭘𖭐 𖬂𖬤 𖬄𖬯 Yim caum
81 𖭘𖭑 𖬂𖬤 𖬄𖬯 𖬂𖬲𖬮𖬰 Yim caum ib
90 𖭙𖭐 𖬐𖬰𖬯 𖬄𖬯 Cuaj caum
91 𖭙𖭑 𖬐𖬰𖬯 𖬄𖬯 𖬂𖬲𖬮𖬰 Cuaj caum ib
100 𖭑𖭐 𖬂𖬲𖬮𖬰 𖬑𖬲𖬪𖬵 Ib puas 𖭜 (Hundreds)
1,000 𖭑,𖭐𖭐𖭐 𖬂𖬲𖬮𖬰 𖬔𖬦𖬰 Ib txhiab Ib phav (Thai/Lao word) 𖭜𖭐 (Thousands)
10,000 𖭑𖭐,𖭐𖭐𖭐 𖬄 𖬔𖬦𖬰 Kaum txhiab Kaum phav (Thai/Lao word) 𖭝 (Ten thousand)
100,000 𖭑𖭐𖭐,𖭐𖭐𖭐 𖬂𖬲𖬮𖬰 𖬑𖬲𖬪𖬵 𖬔𖬦𖬰 Ib puas txhiab Ib puas phav (Thai/Lao word) 𖭝𖭐 (Hundred Thousands)
1,000,000 𖭑,𖭐𖭐𖭐,𖭐𖭐𖭐 𖬂𖬲𖬮𖬰 𖬌𖬡 Ib roob Ib lab (Thai/Lao word) 𖭞 (Millions)
10,000,000 𖭑𖭐,𖭐𖭐𖭐,𖭐𖭐𖭐 𖬄 𖬌𖬡 Kaum roob Kaum lab (Thai/Lao word) 𖭞𖭐 (Ten Millions)
100,000,000 𖭑𖭐𖭐,𖭐𖭐𖭐,𖭐𖭐𖭐 𖬂𖬲𖬮𖬰 𖬑𖬲𖬪𖬵 𖬌𖬡 Ib puas roob Ib puas lab (Thai/Lao word) 𖭟 (Hundred Millions)
1,000,000,000 𖭑,𖭐𖭐𖭐,𖭐𖭐𖭐,𖭐𖭐𖭐 𖬂𖬲𖬮𖬰 𖬈 Ib kem Ib phav lab (Thai/Lao word) 𖭟𖭐 (Billions)
10,000,000,000 𖭑𖭐,𖭐𖭐𖭐,𖭐𖭐𖭐,𖭐𖭐𖭐 𖬄 𖬈 Kaum kem Kaum phav lab (Thai/Lao word) 𖭠 (Ten Billions)
100,000,000,000 𖭑𖭐𖭐,𖭐𖭐𖭐,𖭐𖭐𖭐,𖭐𖭐𖭐 𖬂𖬲𖬮𖬰 𖬑𖬲𖬪𖬵 𖬈 Ib puas kem Ib puas phav lab (Thai/Lao word) 𖭠𖭐 (Hundred Billions)
1,000,000,000,000 𖭑,𖭐𖭐𖭐,𖭐𖭐𖭐,𖭐𖭐𖭐,𖭐𖭐𖭐 𖬂𖬲𖬮𖬰 𖬗𖬧𖬵 Ib tas Ib lab lab (Thai/Lao word) 𖭡 (Trillions)

The number 1975 would be written as 𖭑𖭙𖭗𖭕.

Days of the Week

Days Pahawh Hmong Hmong RPA Hmong Loanwords
Sunday 𖬘𖬲𖬥𖬰 𖬆𖬰𖬩 Zwj hnub Vas thiv (Thai/Lao word)
Monday 𖬘𖬲𖬥𖬰 𖬃𖬥 Zwj hli Vas cas (Thai/Lao word)
Tuesday 𖬘𖬲𖬥𖬰 𖬑𖬶𖬦𖬵 Zwj quag Vas as qhas (Thai/Lao word)
Wednesday 𖬘𖬲𖬥𖬰 𖬀𖬶𖬜𖬵 Zwj feeb Vas phuv (Thai/Lao word)
Thursday 𖬘𖬲𖬥𖬰 𖬀𖬶𖬧𖬵 Zwj teeb Vas phab hav (Thai/Lao word)
Friday 𖬘𖬲𖬥𖬰 𖬐𖬶 Zwj kuab Vas xuv (Thai/Lao word)
Saturday 𖬘𖬲𖬥𖬰 𖬗𖬶𖬯 Zwj cag Vas xom (Thai/Lao word)

A sentence like, "Today is Monday" would be translated as "Hnub no yog zwj hli", and not "Hnub no yog hnub ib/Monday" in Hmong.

Months of the Year

Months Pahawh Hmong (Formal) Hmong RPA Informal
January 𖬀𖬰𖬤 𖬀𖬶𖬯 Yeej ceeb [Lub] Ib hlis
February 𖬆𖬰 𖬀𖬶𖬮 Kub xeeb [Lub] Ob hlis
March 𖬖𖬰𖬤 𖬔𖬲 Yaj kiav [Lub] Peb hlis
April 𖬀 𖬒𖬯 Keem com [Lub] Plaub hlis
May 𖬆𖬰 𖬆𖬶𖬬 Kub nuj [Lub] Tsib hlis
June 𖬒𖬶𖬧𖬵 𖬔𖬶𖬞 Tov liaj [Lub] Rau hlis
July 𖬐𖬰𖬟 𖬀𖬶𖬮 Huaj xeeb [Lub] Xya hlis
August 𖬀𖬶𖬯 𖬑𖬯 Ceeb cua [Lub] Yim hlis
September 𖬔𖬝𖬰 𖬆𖬰 𖬀𖬰𖬞 Tsiab kub leej [Lub] Cuaj hlis
October 𖬀𖬪𖬵 𖬋𖬰𖬪𖬰 Peem tshais [Lub] Kaum hlis
November 𖬌𖬲𖬞 𖬀𖬲 𖬀𖬦𖬰 Looj keev txheem [Lub] Kaum ib hlis
December 𖬑𖬶𖬨𖬵 𖬎𖬯 Npuag cawb [Lub] Kaum ob hlis

Worldwide usage

Presence in Community and Education

The Hmong language has found a significant presence in the United States, particularly in Minnesota. The Hmong people first arrived in Minnesota in late 1975 following the communist seizure of power in Indochina. Many educated Hmong elites with leadership experience and English-language skills were among the first to be welcomed by Minnesotans. These elites worked to solidify the social services targeted to refugees, attracting others to migrate to the region. The first Hmong family arrived in Minnesota on November 5, 1975.[33]

The Hmong language program in the Department of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies at the University of Minnesota is one of the first programs in the United States to teach language-accredited Hmong classes.[34]

Translation

In February 2012, Microsoft released "Hmong Daw" as an option in Bing Translator.[35] In May 2013, Google Translate introduced support for Hmong Daw (referred to only as Hmong).[36]

Research in nursing shows that when translating from English to Hmong, the translator must take into account that Hmong comes from an oral tradition and equivalent concepts may not exist. For example, the word and concept for "prostate" does not exist.[37]

Sample texts

The following is a sample text in Hmong of Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights with Pahawh Hmong, Nyiakeng Puachue, Hmong RPA, Vietnamese Hmong, Hmong IPA, and English translation.

Pahawh Hmong 𖬑𖬦𖬰 𖬇𖬰𖬧𖬵 𖬁𖬲𖬬 𖬇𖬲𖬤 𖬓𖬲𖬞 𖬐𖬰𖬦 𖬉 𖬘𖬲𖬤 𖬀𖬰𖬝𖬵 𖬔𖬟𖬰 𖬂𖬲𖬤𖬵 𖬅𖬲𖬨𖬵 𖬓𖬲𖬥𖬰 𖬄𖬲𖬟 𖬒𖬲𖬯𖬵 𖬋𖬯. 𖬎𖬶𖬞 𖬖𖬰𖬮 𖬓𖬜𖬰 𖬆𖬰𖬞 𖬖𖬞𖬰 𖬎𖬲𖬟𖬰 𖬔𖬟𖬰 𖬆𖬰𖬞 𖬔𖬤𖬵 𖬔𖬟𖬰 𖬂𖬮𖬰 𖬁𖬲𖬞 𖬐𖬲𖬤 𖬆𖬝𖬰 𖬒𖬲𖬯 𖬅𖬮𖬰 𖬉𖬰 𖬎𖬰𖬩𖬵 𖬂𖬲𖬮𖬰 𖬁𖬲𖬞 𖬎𖬰𖬩𖬵 𖬒𖬲𖬯𖬵 𖬉 𖬅𖬮𖬰 𖬙 𖬂𖬰𖬧𖬵.
Nyiakeng Puachue 𞄔𞄄𞄧𞄤𞄃𞄧𞄴𞄅𞄫𞄵𞄘𞄧𞄵𞄉𞄨𞄴 𞄀𞄧𞄲𞄤𞄎𞄪𞄳𞄘𞄬𞄲𞄚𞄄𞄲𞄫𞄃𞄄𞄦𞄰𞄤 𞄊𞄦𞄰𞄜𞄤𞄵𞄨𞄋𞄨𞄴 𞄄𞄤𞄳𞄨𞄔𞄨𞄲𞄈𞄤𞄦. 𞄉𞄤𞄳𞄬𞄆𞄤𞄲 𞄑𞄨𞄵𞄉𞄧𞄰𞄉𞄤𞄲𞄃𞄄𞄤𞄲𞄬 𞄃𞄄𞄦𞄰𞄤𞄉𞄧𞄰𞄊𞄦𞄰𞄤𞄃𞄄𞄦𞄰𞄤 𞄦𞄰𞄉𞄫𞄵𞄘𞄧𞄳𞄤𞄁𞄧𞄱𞄈𞄨𞄲 𞄧𞄤 𞄎𞄪𞄂𞄤𞄱𞄬𞄦𞄰𞄉𞄫𞄵𞄂𞄤𞄱𞄬𞄔𞄨𞄲𞄎𞄪𞄧𞄳 𞄧𞄤𞄎𞄬𞄳𞄃𞄦𞄲.
Hmong RPA Txhua tus neeg yug los muaj kev ywj pheej thiab sib npaug zos hauv txoj cai. Lawv xaj nrog lub laj thawj thiab lub siab thiab ib leeg yuav tsum coj ua ke ntawm ib leeg ntawm txoj kev ua kwv tij.
Vietnamese Hmong Cxuô tus nênhl zul los muôx cêr zưx fênhx thiêz siz npâul jôs hâur txox chai. Lơưr xax ndol luz lax thơưx thiêz luz siêz thiêz iz lênhl zuôr tsuv chox uô cê ntơưv iz lênhl ntơưv txôx cêr uô cưr tiz.
Hmong IPA tsʰuə˧ tu˩ neŋ˧˩̤ ʝu˧˩̤ lɒ˩ muə˥˧ ke˧˧˦ ʝɨ˥˧ pʰeŋ˥˧ tʰiə˦ ʂi˦ ᵐbau˧˩̤ ʐɒ˩ hau˧˦ tsɒ˥˧ cai˧. Laɨ˧˦ sa˥˧ ᶯɖɒ˧˩̤ lu˦ la˥˧ tʰaɨ˥˧ tʰiə˦ lu˦ ʂiə˦ tʰiə˦ i˦ leŋ˧˩̤ ʝuə˧˦ tʂu˩̰ cɒ˥˧ uə˧ ke˧ ⁿdaɨ˩̰ i˦ leŋ˧˩̤ ⁿdaɨ˩̰ tsɒ˥˧ ke˧˧˦ uə˧ kɨ˧˦ ti˥˧.
English Translation "All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood."

Sample text in both Hmong RPA and Pahawh Hmong:[38][39][40]

Hmong RPA Pahawh Hmong Hmong IPA
Hmoob yog ib nywj keeb neeg uas yeej nrog ntiaj teb neeg tib txhij tshwm sim los. Niaj hnoob tam sim no tseem muaj nyob thoob plaws hauv ntiaj teb, xws: es xias, yus lauv, auv tas lias, thiab as mes lis kas. Hom neeg Hmoob no yog thooj li cov neeg nyob sab es xias. Tab sis nws muaj nws puav pheej teej tug, moj kuab, txuj ci, mooj kav moj coj, thiab txheeb meem mooj meej kheej ib yam nkaus li lwm haiv neeg. Hmoob yog ib hom neeg uas nyiam txoj kev ncaj ncees, nyiam kev ywj pheej, nyiam phooj ywg, muaj kev cam hwm, muaj txoj kev sib hlub, sib pab thiab sib tshua heev. 𖬌𖬣𖬵 𖬓𖬤 𖬂𖬲𖬮𖬰 𖬘𖬲𖬮𖬵 𖬀𖬶 𖬁𖬲𖬬 𖬑𖬲𖬮𖬰 𖬀𖬰𖬤 𖬓𖬜𖬰 𖬔𖬶𖬩𖬵 𖬈𖬰𖬧𖬵 𖬁𖬲𖬬 𖬂𖬲𖬧𖬵 𖬂𖬰𖬦𖬰 𖬘𖬪𖬰 𖬂𖬤𖬵 𖬓𖬲𖬞. 𖬔𖬶𖬬 𖬌𖬩 𖬖𖬧𖬵 𖬂𖬤𖬵 𖬓𖬰𖬬 𖬓𖬲𖬞 𖬀𖬝𖬰 𖬐𖬰𖬦 𖬒𖬰𖬮𖬵 𖬌𖬟𖬰 𖬏𖬰𖬟𖬵 𖬄𖬲𖬟 𖬔𖬶𖬩𖬵 𖬈𖬰𖬧𖬵, 𖬙𖬲𖬮 𖬃𖬞: 𖬉𖬲𖬮𖬰 𖬕𖬰𖬮, 𖬇𖬰𖬤 𖬄𖬲𖬞, 𖬄𖬲𖬮𖬰 𖬗𖬲𖬧𖬵 𖬕𖬰𖬞, 𖬔𖬟𖬰 𖬗𖬲𖬮𖬰 𖬉𖬲𖬦 𖬃𖬰𖬞 𖬗𖬲. 𖬒𖬟 𖬁𖬲𖬬 𖬌𖬣𖬵 𖬓𖬰𖬬 𖬓𖬤 𖬌𖬲𖬟𖬰 𖬃𖬞 𖬒𖬶𖬯 𖬁𖬲𖬬 𖬒𖬰𖬮𖬵 𖬖𖬲𖬤𖬵 𖬉𖬲𖬮𖬰 𖬕𖬰𖬮. 𖬖𖬲𖬧𖬵 𖬃𖬰𖬤𖬵 𖬙𖬲𖬬 𖬐𖬰𖬦 𖬙𖬲𖬬 𖬐𖬲𖬪𖬵 𖬀𖬰𖬝𖬵 𖬀𖬰𖬧𖬵 𖬇𖬲𖬧𖬵, 𖬒𖬲𖬦 𖬐𖬶, 𖬆𖬶𖬯𖬵 𖬃𖬯, 𖬌𖬲𖬦 𖬗 𖬒𖬲𖬦 𖬒𖬲𖬯, 𖬔𖬟𖬰 𖬀𖬶𖬦𖬰 𖬀𖬦 𖬌𖬲𖬦 𖬀𖬰𖬦 𖬀𖬰𖬩𖬰 𖬂𖬲𖬮𖬰 𖬖𖬤 𖬅𖬰𖬢 𖬃𖬞 𖬘𖬞 𖬊𖬲𖬟 𖬁𖬲𖬬. 𖬌𖬣𖬵 𖬓𖬤 𖬂𖬲𖬮𖬰 𖬒𖬟 𖬁𖬲𖬬 𖬑𖬲𖬮𖬰 𖬔𖬰𖬮𖬵 𖬒𖬲𖬯𖬵 𖬉 𖬖𖬰𖬤𖬰 𖬁𖬰𖬤𖬰, 𖬔𖬰𖬮𖬵 𖬉 𖬘𖬲𖬤 𖬀𖬰𖬝𖬵, 𖬔𖬰𖬮𖬵 𖬌𖬲𖬝𖬵 𖬙𖬶𖬤, 𖬐𖬰𖬦 𖬉 𖬖𖬯 𖬘𖬟, 𖬐𖬰𖬦 𖬒𖬲𖬯𖬵 𖬉 𖬂𖬲𖬤𖬵 𖬆𖬰𖬥, 𖬂𖬲𖬤𖬵 𖬖𖬲𖬪𖬵 𖬔𖬟𖬰 𖬂𖬲𖬤𖬵 𖬑𖬪𖬰 𖬀𖬲𖬟. mɒŋ˦ ʝɒ˧˩̤ i˦ ɲɨ˥˧ keŋ˦ neŋ˧˩̤ uə˩ ʝeŋ˥˧ ᶯɖɒ˧˩̤ ⁿdiə˥˧ te˦ neŋ˧˩̤ ti˦ tsʰi˥˧ tʂʰɨ˩̰ ʂi˩̰ lɒ˩. Niə˥˧ n̥ɒŋ˦ ta˩̰ ʂi˩̰ nɒ˧ tʂeŋ˩̰ muə˥˧ ɲɒ˦ tʰɒŋ˦ pˡaɨ˩ hau˧˦ ⁿdiə˥˧ te˦, sɨ˩: e˩ siə˩, ʝu˩ lau˧˦, au˧˦ ta˩ li˧ə˩, tʰiə˦ a˩ me˩ li˧˩ ka˩. Hɒ˩̰ neŋ˧˩̤ M̥ɒŋ˦ nɒ˧ ʝɒ˧˩̤ tʰɒŋ˥˧ li˧ cɒ˧˦ neŋ˧˩̤ ɲɒ˦ ʂa˦ e˩ siə˩. Ta˦ ʂi˩ nɨ˩ muə˥˧ nɨ˩ puə˧˦ pʰeŋ˥˧ teŋ˥˧ tu˧˩̤, mɒ˥˧ kuə˦, tsu˥˧ ci˧, mɒŋ˥˧ ka˧˦ mɒ˥˧ cɒ˥˧, tʰiə˦ tsʰeŋ˦ meŋ˩̰ mɒŋ˥˧ meŋ˥˧ kʰeŋ˥˧ i˦ ʝa˩̰ ᵑɡau˩ li˧ lɨ˩̰ hai˧˦ neŋ˧˩̤. M̥ɒŋ˦ ʝɒ˧˩̤ i˦ Hɒ˩̰ neŋ˧˩̤ uə˩ ɲiə˩̰ tsɒ˥˧ ke˧˦ ᶮɟa˥˧ ᶮɟeŋ˩, ɲiə˩̰ ke˧˦ ʝɨ˥˧ pʰeŋ˥˧, ɲiə˩̰ pʰɒŋ˥˧ ʝɨ˧˩̤, muə˥˧ ke˧˦ ca˩̰ hɨ˩̰, muə˥˧ tsɒ˥˧ ke˧˦ ʂi˦ l̥u˦, ʂi˦ pa˦ tʰiə˦ ʂi˦ tʂʰuə˧ heŋ˧˦.

In popular culture

The 2008 film Gran Torino by Clint Eastwood features a large American Hmong speaking cast.[41][42] The screenplay was written in English and the actors improvised the Hmong parts of the script. The decision to cast Hmong actors received a positive reception in Hmong communities.[43] The film also gained recognition and collected awards such as the Ten Best Films of 2008 from the American Film Institute and a César Award in France for Best Foreign Film.[44][45]

Films

The following films feature the Hmong language:

See also

References

  1. ^ Hmong at Ethnologue (27th ed., 2024) Closed access icon
    Chuanqiandian Cluster Miao (cover term for Hmong in China) at Ethnologue (27th ed., 2024) Closed access icon
    Northern Qiandong Miao at Ethnologue (27th ed., 2024) Closed access icon
    Southern Mashan Hmong at Ethnologue (27th ed., 2024) Closed access icon
    Central Huishui Hmong at Ethnologue (27th ed., 2024) Closed access icon
    Large Flowery Miao at Ethnologue (27th ed., 2024) Closed access icon
    Eastern Huishui Hmong at Ethnologue (27th ed., 2024) Closed access icon
    (Additional references under 'Language codes' in the information box)
  2. ^ Ratliff, Martha (1992). Meaningful Tone: A Study of Tonal Morphology in Compounds, Form Classes, and Expressive Phrases in White Hmong. Dekalb, Illinois: Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Northern Illinois University.
  3. ^ Elizabeth M. Hoeffel; Sonya Rastogi; Myoung Ouk Kim; Hasan Shahid (March 2012). "The Asian Population: 2010" (PDF). 2010 Census Briefs. United States Census Bureau. Retrieved 20 March 2013.
  4. ^ Not of Chinese Miao as a whole for which the standard language is based on Hmu
  5. ^ "2007-188 - ISO 639-3". www.sil.org.
  6. ^ a b c d "Chapter 2. Overview of Lao Hmong Culture." (Archive) Promoting Cultural Sensitivity: Hmong Guide. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. p. 14. Retrieved on May 5, 2013.
  7. ^ Note however that "Black Miao" is more commonly used for Hmu.
  8. ^ "ISO 639-3 New Code Request" (PDF). Retrieved 2018-09-30.
  9. ^ Golston, Chris; Phong Yang (2001). "Hmong loanword phonology". In C. Féry; A. D. Green; R. van de Vijver (eds.). Proceedings of HILP 5 (Linguistics in Potsdam 12 ed.). Potsdam: University of Potsdam. pp. 40–57. ISBN 3-935024-27-4. [1]
  10. ^ Smalley, William et al. Mother of Writing. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990. p. 48-51. See also: Mortensen, David. “Preliminaries to Mong Leng (Mong Njua) Phonology” Unpublished, UC Berkeley. 2004. Archived 29 October 2012 at the Wayback Machine
  11. ^ 王辅世主编,《苗语简志》,民族出版社,1985年。
  12. ^ "Hmong Dictionary - Dictionary Hmong".
  13. ^ Even the landmark book The Sounds of the World's Languages specifically describes lateral release as involving a homorganic consonant.
  14. ^ Examples taken from: Heimbach, Ernest H. White Hmong–English Dictionary [White Meo-English Dictionary]. 2003 ed. Ithaca, NY: Cornell Southeast Asia Program Publications, 1969. Note that many of these words have multiple meanings.
  15. ^ Robson, David. "The beautiful languages of the people who talk like birds". BBC Future. Retrieved 25 March 2020.
  16. ^ a b c Fadiman, Anne. "Note on Hmong Orthography, Pronunciation, and Quotations." The Spirit Catches You and You Fall Down. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. 1997. 291.
  17. ^ Smith, Natalie Jill. "Ethnicity, Reciprocity, Reputation and Punishment: An Ethnoexperimental Study of Cooperation among the Chaldeans and Hmong of Detroit (Michigan)" (PhD dissertation). University of California, Los Angeles, 2001. p. 225. UMI Number: 3024065. Cites: Hamilton-Merritt, 1993 and Faderman [sic], 1998
  18. ^ Ian James & Mattias Persson. "New Hmong Script". Retrieved April 7, 2018. This excellent script has been used by members of the United Christians Liberty Evangelical church in America for more than 25 years, in printed material and videos.
  19. ^ Everson, Michael (2017-02-15). "L2/17-002R3: Proposal to encode the Nyiakeng Puachue Hmong script in the UCS" (PDF).
  20. ^ http://www.hmonglanguage.net Hmong Language online encyclopedia.
  21. ^ Fadiman, Anne. "Note on Hmong Orthography, Pronunciation, and Quotations." The Spirit Catches You and You Fall Down. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. 1997. 292.
  22. ^ Mortensen (2004)
  23. ^ Ratliff, Martha (1997). "Hmong–Mien demonstratives and pattern persistence" (PDF). Mon–Khmer Studies Journal. 27: 317–328. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2012-02-18. Retrieved 2007-06-06. ()
  24. ^ Enfield 2018, p. 17.
  25. ^ Mortensen 2019, pp. 624–625.
  26. ^ Bisang 1993, pp. 22–26.
  27. ^ Mortensen 2019, pp. 625–626.
  28. ^ Mortensen 2019, pp. 622–624.
  29. ^ a b Bisang 1993, p. 27.
  30. ^ Mortensen 2019, p. 623.
  31. ^ Matthews 2007, pp. 230–231.
  32. ^ Strecker, David and Lopao Vang. White Hmong Grammar. 1986.
  33. ^ "Hmong and Hmong Americans in Minnesota". MNopedia. 2023-07-02. Retrieved 2023-07-02.
  34. ^ "Hmong". College of Liberal Arts. Retrieved 2023-07-02.
  35. ^ "Microsoft Translator celebrates International Mother Language Day with the release of Hmong". Microsoft Translator Blog. 2012-02-21. Retrieved 2023-12-12.
  36. ^ Donald Melanson (8 May 2013). "Google Translate adds five more languages to its repertoire". Engadget. Retrieved 22 February 2018.
  37. ^ Lor, Maichou (2020-04-30). Sha, Mandy (ed.). Hmong and Chinese Qualitative Research Interview Questions: Assumptions and Implications of Applying the Survey Back Translation Method (Chapter 9) in The Essential Role of Language in Survey Research. RTI Press. pp. 181–202. doi:10.3768/rtipress.bk.0023.2004. ISBN 978-1-934831-24-3.
  38. ^ "Pahawh Hmong alphabet and pronunciation". omniglot.com. Retrieved 2020-12-28.
  39. ^ Oppitz, Michael. "Die geschichte der verlorenen schrift" (PDF). Retrieved 27 December 2020.
  40. ^ "세계의 문자들". podor.egloos.com (in Korean). Retrieved 2020-12-28.
  41. ^ Ebert, Roger. "Gran Torino movie review and film summary (2008) | Roger Ebert". Retrieved 2022-09-15.
  42. ^ "Hmong get a mixed debut in new Eastwood film". MPR News. 19 December 2008. Retrieved 2022-09-15.
  43. ^ O'Brien, Kathleen. "Rutgers scholar sheds light on 'Gran Torino' ethnic stars Archived November 17, 2020, at the Wayback Machine." The Star-Ledger. Thursday January 15, 2009. Retrieved on March 16, 2012.
  44. ^ "Prison drama A Prophet sweeps French Oscars". BBC News. March 1, 2010. Archived from the original on November 17, 2020. Retrieved 28 April 2010.
  45. ^ "AFI Awards 2008". afi.com. American Film Institute. Archived from the original on May 11, 2011. Retrieved December 16, 2008.

Bibliography

Further reading