Biak
Biak-Numfor
wós Vyak, wós kovedi
Native toIndonesia
RegionBiak Islands
Native speakers
70,000 (2007)
Latin
Language codes
ISO 639-3bhw
Glottologbiak1248
ELPBiak
Approximate location where Biak is spoken
Biak
location of Biak island
Approximate location where Biak is spoken
Biak
Biak (Indonesia)
Approximate location where Biak is spoken
Biak
Biak (Southeast Asia)
Coordinates: 0°57′S 135°53′E / 0.95°S 135.88°E / -0.95; 135.88

Biak (wós Vyak or "Biak language"; wós kovedi or "our language"; Indonesian: bahasa Biak), also known as Biak-Numfor, Noefoor, Mafoor, Mefoor, Nufoor, Mafoorsch, Myfoorsch and Noefoorsch, is an Austronesian language of the South Halmahera-West New Guinea subgroup of the Eastern Malayo-Polynesian languages.

According to Ethnologue, it is spoken by about 70,000 people in Biak and Numfor and numerous small islands in the Schouten Islands, located in Papua province of Western New Guinea, northeastern Indonesia.

Dialects

There are a number of different dialects of Biak spoken on various different islands, the most well-known being Biak-Numfoor, spoken on the island of Numfoor. These dialect differences are minor and mostly limited to slight regular sound changes.[1] The vast majority of Biak speakers are also fluent in the local variety of Malay, but not all of them are proficient in standard Indonesian.

Geographical distributions of Biak dialects within Raja Ampat Regency (Ronsumbre 2020):[2]

Betew dialect
Kafdaron dialect
Karon dialect
Usba dialect
Wardo dialect

Sociolinguistic situation

Despite the comparatively high number of speakers compared to some other Austronesian languages, Biak is still in danger of extinction. Within the main towns, the generation of speakers aged between 20 and 50 have only passive knowledge of the language and rarely use the language actively, instead preferring to use Malay. Younger generations do not even generally have passive knowledge of the language. Biak is only actively used as a spoken language by members of the community over 50 years of age or so and even they regularly code switch into Malay.[3] However, within the villages further from town there are still children who are fluent in Biak. Songs in Biak are also very popular throughout the Islands.

There is a strong initiative to promote the use of the Biak language, with translations of various books and teaching manuals as well as a radio station and a number of church services throughout the year being conducted solely in Biak. Since 2002, there has also been an initiative to introduce Biak being taught formerly in schools on the islands.[4]

Phonology

Biak has a phoneme inventory consisting of 13 consonants and 5 vowels, in which vowel length is phonemic. In the orthography long vowels are written with an acute accent. The phoneme /t/ is very infrequent in its use and some older speakers still realise it as [s] in loanwords.[5]

Consonants[6]
Bilabial Labiodental Alveolar Palatal Velar
Stop b  p d  t k
Nasal m n
Fricative β f s
Lateral l
Trill r
Approximant w j
Vowels[7]
Front Central Back
Close i  iː u  uː
Mid e  eː ɤ  ɤː
Open a  aː

The vowel /u/ is the only rounded vowel in Biak; the other four are unrounded.[8]

Morphology

Pronouns and person markers

In Biak pronouns and articles are morphologically related, with both situating a given participant by indicating their relative discourse or spatial (e.g. directional or motional) status. This is not uncommon for Austronesian Languages.[9] Pronouns in Biak are marked for number and clusivity.

Free Pronouns[10]
Person Number
Singular Dual Paucal Plural
1INC ku ko
1EXCL aya nu inko
2 aw mu mko
3 i su sko si (alienable)
na (inalienable)

Free personal pronouns in Biak share their main distributional properties with nouns; however, they are somewhat more restricted. They can be used as a complement of a predicate or preposition but they cannot be used as subjects.[10] In the example below we can see the use of the 1st person personal pronoun aya to complement a verb while the second example shows how a free personal pronoun, in this clause 3rd person i cannot be used as a subject:

(1) Badir i ve aya
2SG.announce 3SG to 1SG
"Make it known to me."


(2) * i d-ores
3SG 3SG-stand
"He stood."

Pronominal affixes

In Biak, pronominal affixes can combine with verbs in three possible inflection patterns (given in the table below), which are partly phonologically conditioned.[11]

Set 1 Set 2 Set 3
1SG ya- y- ya-
2SG wa- w- ⟨w⟩
3SG i- d- ⟨y⟩
1DU.I ku- ku- ku-
1DU.E nu- nu- nu-
2DU mu- mu- mu-
3DU su- su- su-
3PC sko- sk- sko-
1PL.I ko- k- ko-
1PL.E (i)nko- (i)nk- (i)nko-
2PL mko- mk- mko-
3PL.AN si- s- s-
3PL.INAN na- n- n-


Due to the person marking nature of these affixes, the need for the presence of a core noun phrase in the same clause is negated. Thus the following sentence is still grammatical without NP Rusa nanine, as the verb has a pronominal affix that gives the same information.

(3) (Rusa nan-i-ne) d-ores
deer GIV-3SG.SPC-this 3SG-stand
"This deer stood."

These pronominal markers are person markers and are found in the final position of the noun phrase they determine.[12] They attach to verbs along with a specifier that attaches after the pronominal affix; due to their distribution properties these markers should be considered clitics.[12] There are two specificity markers, -ya and –i, where –ya can be used in all positions and -i is restricted to positions before pauses.[12] In the example below the article attaches to the verb vebaya, rather than the verb ifrúr because it is the final verb in the noun phrase headed by for.[12]

(4) i-frúr for ve-ba=ya
3SG-make fire REL.big=3SG.SPC
"He made a big fire."

Nonspecificity, which refers to entities that do not yet exist in this world, or is used to question or deny the existence of an entity, is marked with the articles –o for singular and –no for plural noun phrases.[13] This is shown in the examples below:

Non-specific

(5) I-fúr yuk=o fa y-ún i ve Waranda.
3SG-make ukulele=nonSP.SG CONS 1SG-take 3SG to The.Netherlands
"He is making/will make a ukulele so that I can take it to the Netherlands"


Specific

(6) I-fúr yuk=ya fa y-ún i ve Waranda.
3SG-make ukulele=3SG.SPC CONS 1SG-take 3SG to The.Netherlands
"He has made a ukulele so that I can take it to the Netherlands"

Demonstratives

Biak has identical forms in adnominal and pronominal demonstratives, which is common in Austronesian languages. In Biak, demonstratives can be used as part of complex articles containing demonstrative roots and also motion markers and directionals. Complex articles, however, do not have both a directional and a motion marker.
3SG complex articles[14]
giv person-

SPC

dir motion

marker

dm meaning
bare demonstrative

article

close S:ne i (ma/fa/ra) ne 'this'
close A:ya~yi i (ma/fa/ra) ya

~yi

'that'
not S/A:wa~wu i (ma/fa/ra) wa

~wu

'that over there'
demonstrative article,

given

close S:ne an i (ma/fa/ra) ne 'this'
close A:ya~yi an i (ma/fa/ra) ya 'that'
not S/A:wa~wu an i (ma/fa/ra) wa 'that over there'
(given) demonstrative-

directional article

close S:ne (an) i pur ? ne 'this at the back'
close A:ya~yi (an) i pur ? ya 'that at the back'
not S/A:wa~wu (an) i pur ? wa 'that at the back over there'
The table above restricts person-SPC to 3SG marker for an explanation, but i- 3SG marker can be replaced sui-(DU), skoi- (TR), and si- (PL.AN) or na- (PL.INAN). Also, it is important to note that the corpus contains no example of complex articles containing both a directional and a motion marker.[14] Furthermore, yi and wu are used as allomorphs of ya and wa, respectively, but attested in article-final position only.[14]
In Biak, the relationship between the third person pronouns and demonstratives are unrelated to demonstratives, which is uncommon in Austronesian languages. However, Biak follows the worldwide trend in terms of the relationship.

Moreover, depending on the speaker's relative distance, Biak has three-way distance contrasts of adnominal demonstratives, which is common in Austronesian languages. The comparison is restricted to only adnominal use because some languages do not express the same distance contrasts in adnominal and pronominal demonstratives.

If a complex article contains a demonstrative, the demonstrative is preceded by person-SPC, as illustrated by i-ne '3SG.SPC-this' and i-wa '3SG.SPC-over.there,' respectively. Also, in the below examples, situational use of demonstratives is shown.
(7) Rwa ma wákors ra var ine.
r<w>a ma w-ák-ors ra var i-ne
<2SG>go to.here 2SG-also-stand along side 3SG.SPC-this
'Come here and stand at this side too.'[14]
(8) Mov iwa snori Mnubei(...)
mov i-wa sno-ri Mnubei (...)
place 3SG.SPC-over.there name-POS.G Mnubei
'The place over there its name is Mnubei (...)'[15]
The paradigm for complex articles sets the basis for deictic nouns, predicative pronouns, and locative-existentials.

• Deictic nouns

Deictic nouns are formed by applying the formative di 'place' at the position preceding demonstratives, as illustrated by di-pur-wu 'place-back-over.there' and di-ne 'place-here.'

(9) Skovark ro dipurwu.
sko-vark ro di-pur-wu
3PC-lie LOC place-back-over.there
'They live over there.'[14]
(10) Mankroder ine dúnuk ro dine.
mankroder i-ne d-ún-uk ro di-ne
frog 3SG.SPC-this 3SG-take-in.two LOC place-here
'This frog has passed through here.'[15]
The situational use of demonstratives is seen in (9). On the other hand, (10) shows -ne 'this' as the situational use of demonstratives and -ne 'here' as the anaphoric use of demonstratives.

• Predicative pronouns

Predicative pronouns are formed by using the inflected predicative is 'PRED' at the position otherwise occupied by the marker of givenness an.[14] This is illustrated by is-i-ne '3SG.PRED-SPC-this' in both (11) and (12).
(11) Isine indya mámel.
is-i-ne indya mám
3SG.PRED-SPC-this so 2SG.see
'Here it (the sago porridge) is, so look!'[14]
(12) Betaweya isine.
betawe=ya is-i-ne
cassava=3SG.SPC 3SG.PRED-SPC-here
'This here is a cassava.'[15]
In (11), it depends on the context whether situational or anaphoric use of the demonstrative is. Situational use of the demonstrative is given in (12).

• Locative-existentials

Locative-existentials is different from predicative pronouns because they do not possess a specificity marker, which is illustrated by i-is-wa '3SG.PRED-over.there'.
(13) Karuiya i-is-wa kaker.
karui=ya is-wa kaker
stone=3SG.SPC 3FG.PRED-over.there still
'The stone is still there.'[16]
In (13), the use of the demonstrative depends on the context.

Semantics

Demonstratives

Use of demonstratives, where Viewpoint (V)= speaker(S), R= Relatum, A=addressee[16]
form gloss used to refer to entities conceived as: Levinson's terminology
ne this close to S, but not closer to A than to S close to V (usually S) =R
ya~yi that relatively close to S (and A), but not

closer to S than to A

Relatively close to V (usually S) =R1, not

closer to V than to R2 (usually A).

wa~wu that over there away from shared area of both S and A Away from R1 (usually S) and R2 (usually A)
For the semantic characterization of demonstratives, a part of Levinson's terminology should be known to grasp the difference between the Figure and the Ground or the Relatum. The Figure refers to an entity positioned somewhere in Space, while the Ground or the Relatum designate the entity in terms of where the entity is.  

As additional information, there are three essential points about Levinson's terminology. First, the 'frame of reference' can be classified as an intrinsic frame of reference, a relative frame of reference, and an absolute frame of reference. Second, it is crucial to grasp the origo of the coordinate system. The deictic centre called origo is approximately equal to the speaker's position. Third, it is vital to comprehend deixis. For spatial deixis, the interpretation of spatial linguistics elements is defined by the location of extra-linguistic entities.
Regarding the demonstratives usage, it may be followed by pointing, such as lip-pointing, head pointing, or finger pointing.

Syntax

Demonstratives

From a perspective of syntax, Deictic nouns typically set the complement of a preposition. This is clear from the form di-ne 'place-here,' di-wa 'place-over.there' in (14) and (15), respectively. However, the demonstrative locational nouns are used on their own, without a preceding preposition.[17] This is illustrated by di-ne 'place-here' in (16).
(14) Ivyovr ve dine myáse.
i-vyovr ve di-ne m-yás
3SG-sweep to place-here to.here-up
'It (the big wave) swept towards this place here upwards.'[17]
(15) Ikun si ro diwa.
i-kun si ro di-wa
3SG-burn 3PL.ANIM LOC place-over.there
'He burnt them (his skin) over there.'[17]
(16) Dine, randakya karui veba.
di-ne randak=ya karui ve-ba
place-here beginning=3SG.SPC stone REL-big
'Here, in the beginning there were big stones.'[17]
In (14), (15), and (16), these contain the situational use of demonstratives.

Possession

Similar to other Austronesian languages, Biak makes a grammatical distinction between alienable and inalienable for possession.

Alienable possession

In alienable possession, a possessive pronominal is formed with the possessive marker ‘ve’ to signify the person, number and gender of the possessor, and is followed by a pronominal article marking the gender and number of the possessed. The pronominal article contains the specificity markers ‘-i’ and ‘-ya’, with ‘-i’ being used only in pre-pausal positions.[18] The following table illustrates the possessive pronominal construction.

Possessed->

Possessor:

SG

DU

TR

PL.AN

PL.INAN

1SG

(a)ye=d-i/=d-ya

(a)ye=su-ya/-i

(a)ye=sko-ya/-i

(a)ye=s-ya/-i

(a)ye=na

2SG

be=d-i/=d-ya

be-=su-ya/-i

be=sko-ya/-i

be=s-ya/-i

be=na

3SG

v<y>e=d-i/=d-ya

v<y>e=su-ya/-i

v<y>e =sko-ya/-i

v<y>e =s-ya/-i

v<y>e =na

1DU.INC

Ku-ve=d-i/=d-ya

ku-ve=su-ya/-i

ku-ve=sko-ya/-i

ku-ve=s-ya/-i

ku-ve=na

1DU.EXC

nu-ve=d-i/=d-ya

nu-ve=su-ya/-i

nu-ve=sko-ya/-i

nu-ve=s-ya/-i

nu-ve=na

2DU

mu-ve=d-i/=d-ya

mu-ve=su-ya/-i

mu-ve=sko-ya/-i

mu-ve=s-ya/-i

mu-ve=na

3DU

su-ve=d-i/=d-ya

su-ve=su-ya/-i

su-ve=sko-ya/-i

su-ve=s-ya/-i

su-ve=na

3PC

sko-ve=d-i/=d-ya

sko-ve=su-ya/-i

sko-ve=sko-ya/-i

sko-ve=s-ya/-i

sko-ve=na

1PL.INC

ko-ve=d-i/=d-ya

ko-ve=su-ya/-i

ko-ve=sko-ya/-i

ko-ve=s-ya/-i

i ko-ve=na

1PL.EXC

(i)nko-ve=d-i/=d-ya

(i)nko-ve=su-ya/-i

(i)nko-ve=sko-ya/-i

(i)nko-ve=s-ya/-i

(i)nko-ve=na

2PL

mko-ve=d-i/=d-ya

mko-ve=su-ya/-i

mko-ve=sko-ya/-i

mko-ve=s-ya/-i

mko-ve=na

3PL.AN

se=d-i/=d-ya

se=su-ya/-i

se=sko-ya/-i

se=s-ya/-i

se=na

3PL.INAN

nbe=d-i/d-ya

nbe=su-ya/-i

nbe=sko-ya/-i

nbe=s-ya/-i

nbe=na[19]

Typically, Biak follows a possessor-possessum structure for alienable possessive construction, with the possessive pronominal in the adnominal position:

(17)

ikak

an-i-ne

snonsnon

v<y>e=d-ya

Kormsamba

snake

GIV-3SG.SPC-this

name

<3SG>POSS=3SG-SPC

Kormsamba

The Snake’s name was Kormsamba[20]  

However, alienable possession can also be formed in the order of possessum-possessor, though this is much less frequent:

(18)

romawa

inai

manseren

v<y>e=s-ya

son

daughter

Lord

<3SG>POSS=3PL.AN-SPC

The Lord's sons and daughters’[21]

Inalienable possession

Inalienable possessive construction differs from alienable in that there is no system of pronominal possessives, only a set of affixes located on the possessum. In contrast to alienable possession, inalienable possession can only take the order of possessor-possessum. Biak contains three subsets of inalienability: body parts, Kinship, and locational.[21]

Body parts

Not all body parts are considered inalienable. Those that are form the stem words from which to derive other body parts through the method of compounding. For example, the alienable ‘knee’ is formed through the inalienable stem ‘we’ (leg) and the compounding ‘pur’ (back) to form ‘wepur’. Possessive construction for alienable body parts follows the same pattern as other alienable terms.[22] The inflectional system for inalienable body parts is as follows:

Vru ‘head’

SG

DU

TR

PL

1SG

Vru-ri

-

-

-

2SG

Vru-m-ri

-

-

-

3SG

Vru-ri

-

-

-

1DU.INC

-

ku-vru-s-na

1DU.EXC

-

nu-vru-s-na

2DU

-

mu-vru-m-s-na

3DU

-

su-vru-s-na

3TR

-

sko-vru-s-na

1PL.INC

-

ko-vru-s-na

1PL.EXC

-

nko-vru-s-na

2PL

-

mko-vru-m-s-na

3PL.AN

-

si-vru-s-na[23] </ref>

Unusual for Austronesian languages of the area, Biak contains a partial prefix system for inflecting inalienable body parts. For the plural forms, suffix ‘-s’ reflects plurality and animateness of possessor and suffix ‘na’ expresses plurality and inaninameteness of the possessum.[24] As stated above, inalienable possession is formed via a possessor-possessum structure:

(19)

sne-ri

i-ba

belly-POSS.SG

3SG-big

She was pregnant (her belly was big)[25]

Kinship terms

Similarly to body parts, not all kinship terms are inalienable. The alienable kinship terms are formed through the same compounding method as alienable body parts, and follow the same possessive construction rules as other alienable terms.[26] This table illustrates the inflectional system for inalienable kinship words:

Me ‘cross-uncle’

SG

DU

TR

PL

1SG

imem(=i)

imem(=su)

imem(=sko)

-

2SG

me-m(=i)

me-m(=su)

me-m(=sko)

-

3SG

me-r(=i)

me-r(=su)

me-r(=sko)

-

1DU

-

-

-

-

2DU

-

-

-

-

3DU

-

-

-

-

3TR

-

-

-

-

1PL

-

-

-

-

2PL

-

-

-

-

3PL

-

-

-

-

All nouns that follow the table's procedure have an idiosyncratic form for the first person, using a shorter term for the second and third person. (REF pg. 244) Here is an example of the usage of inalienable kinship inflection:

(20)

s<y>éwar

kma-r=i

<3SG>seek

father-POSS.3SG=3SG

He looked for his father[27]

Locational nouns

Locational nouns are the last distinction of inalienability found in Biak. Locational nouns refer to locations that are ‘inherently connected to an entity’.[28] For example, a tree in biak is referred to as having an ‘upper part’ and a ‘lower part’, and a canoe a ‘front’, a ‘middle’ and a ‘back’.[28] The following table exhibits the inflectional system for inalienable locational nouns:

bo ‘upper part/ area above’

SG

DU

TR

PL.ANIM

Pl.INAN

1

-

-

-

-

-

2

bo-m-ri

-

-

-

-

3

bo-ri

bo-n-su

bo-n-sko

bo-n-si

bo-n-na[29]

The suffix ‘-n’ expresses the plurality and inanimateness of the possessum (REF pg. 250). The locational noun possessive structure is illustrated in this example:

(21)

bal

i-ne

v<y>ark

ro

karui=su-ya

bonsu

ball

3SG.SPC-this

<3SG>lie

LOC

stone=3DU-SPC

upside-nonSG.INAM-3DU

This ball lies on top of two stones[28]

Negation

Biak distinguishes between factual and imperative negation (prohibitive). The marker for factual negation is va. For prohibitive it is awer.

Factual negation: va

The negator va occurs clause-finally in intransitive and transitive clauses.[30]

Intransitive

(22) Isyor va.
i-syor va
3SG-low.tide NEG
'It's not low tide'[31]


Transitive

(23) Dan (i)mbyefya va.
d-an (i)mbyef=ya va
3SG-eat banana=3SG.SPC NEG
‘S/he does not eat the banana.’[32]


(24) Yafár kám i va.
ya-fár kam i va
1SG-tell all 3SG NEG
'I have not told all of it.'[33]


(25) Roma vyanine dóve bapak isne va, yakramu seno va.
romawa v<y>=an-i-ne d-óve bapak is-ne va ya-kram=u sen=o va
son <3SG>POS=GIV-3SG.SPC-this 3SG-say father 3SG.PRED-this NEG 1SG-store=U cent=nonSP.SG NEG
'His son said "father isn't here, I do not have a penny." '[34]


In clauses with non-core arguments, va follows directly the argument it negates.

(26) Denf ro dine va.
d-enf ro di-ne va
3SG-sleep LOC place-this NEG
‘He does not sleep here’ (but somewhere else).


(27) Denf va ro dine.
d-enf va ro di-ne
3SG-sleep NEG LOC place-this
‘He does not sleep here’ (but does something else here).[32]

Va is also used to negate nominal clauses.

(28) Guruno va.
guru=no va
teacher=nonSP.nonSG NEG
'There are no teachers.'[35]

Factual negation in complex clauses

In complex clauses with fa, a conjunction expressing result, it seems that the negator va always occurs last in the sentence. In the corpus of spontaneous speech collected by van den Heuvel, there are no examples with va appearing at the end of the first clause.[36]

(29) Mansren Yesus ipok fa vyefarander ko va.
Manseren Yesus i-pok fa v<y>e-farander ko va
Lord Jesus 3SG-able CONS <3SG>VBLZ-forget 1PL.INC NEG
'The Lord Jesus cannot forget us.'[37]

In other complex clauses the negator may follow the first or final clause.

(30) Dár ve randip va voi, dár ve snonkaku.
d-ár ve randip va voi d-ár ve snonkaku
3SG-cry as pig NEG but 3SG-cry as human.being
'It did not cry as a pig but as a human being.'[38]


(31) Sansun vyena naisya voi, dáknayu sarako va.
sansun v<y>e=na na-is-ya voi d-ák-na-yu sarak=o va
clothes <3SG>POS=3PL.INAN.SPC 3PL.INAN-PRED-that but 3SG-also-have-YU bracelet=nonSP.SG NEG
'His clothes were there, but he did not (also) have a bracelet.'[39]
(32) Vyeurus pyum bakn vyedine va rao isofro dármaker.
v<y>e-urus pyum bakn v<y>e=d-i-ne va rao isofro d-ármakr
<3SG>VBLZ-arrange good body <3SG>VBLZ=3SG-SPC-this NEG until until 3SG-scabies
'He did not take care of his body very well, until he got scabies.'[40]

with bukan

Bukan is a loan from Malay/Indonesian. In Indonesian, the use of bukan, outside its function of negating noun phrases, expresses emphasis.[41] The use of bukan, in Biak also appears to express emphasis – in the examples given by van den Heuvel, it use occurs when a contrast is given. Bukan is used in combination with va. Bukan precedes the first verb and va is in its usual place at the end of the clause.[42]

(33) Indya bukan kokain kofafyár biasa va.
indya bukan ko-kain ko-fafyár biasa va
so NEG 1PL.INC-sit 1PL.INC-tell usual NEG
'So we are not (just) sitting and telling here (but have a serious meeting)'[42]
(34) Pendeta dóve "a, bukan yakofn ve ko
pendeta d-óve a bukan ya-kofn ve ko
minister 3SG-say a NEG 1SG-speak to 1PL.INC


(35) vape yakofn ve warga jemaatsi.
vape ya- kofn ve warga jemaat =s-i
but 1SG- speak to member church=3PL.ANIM-SPC
The minister said "Ah, I did not say that to us, but to the members of the church!"[43]

Imperative negation: awer

The prohibitive marker awer is used to negate arguments in 1st, 2nd and 3rd person.[44]

1stperson

(36) Voi komyof setengah awer i
voi ko-myof setengah awer i
but 1PL.INC-defend half PROHIB 3SG[45]
voi komyof kaku i kám fa…
voi ko-myof kaku i kám fa
but 1PL.INC- defend true 3SG all CONS
'And let us not defend half of it, but let 's really defend all of it, so that …'[45]

2nd person

(37) Wenf awer!
w-enf awer
2SG-sleep NEG
‘Do not sleep!’[32]

3rd person

(38) Ipok vyunk awer mnor vyena.
i-pok v<y>unk awer mnor v<y>e=na
3SG-can <3SG>wipe.off not mucus <3SG>POS=3PL.INAN.SPC
'He is not allowed to wipe off his mucus.'[46]

Other Negators

To express ‘not yet’, Biak uses the marker vanim/vaim. For ‘not any more’ wer va is used.[42]

(39) Ono sibur ve movo movo vaím kám vo (…)
ono si-bur ve mov=o mov=o vaím kám vo
INDEF.PL 3PL.ANIM-leave to place=nonSP.SG place=nonSP.SG not.yet all SIM
'There were not yet any people at all who had left to other places and (….)'[47]


(40) Sikafkif fa sséwar sarak ini. Ma sisrow i vanim.
si-kaf~kif fa s-séwar sarak i-ne ma si-srow i vanim
3PL.AN-RED~pick CONS 3PL.AN-seek bracelet 3SG.SPC-this and 3PL.AN-find 3SG not.yet
'They (the chickens) pick to find this bracelet. And they have not found it yet.'[42]


(41) Bukuno vaíme.
buku=no vaím-e
book=nonSP.nonSG not.yet
'There are no books yet'.[35]


(42) Isyor wer va.
I-syor wer va
3SG-low.tide again not
'It is not low tide any more.'[31]

Typological perspectives

In Austronesian Languages, the negator commonly precedes the predicate. So Biak, with clause final negation, is atypical in this feature. Clause final negation however, is a common feature in the region of the Eastern Bird's Head Peninsula, in both Austronesian and Papuan languages. It appears to be of Papuan origin.[48]

Glossary

ANIM animate
GIV given
INAN inanimate
INC inclusive
INDEF indefinite
LOC locative
NEG negator
non.SG non-singular
non.SP nonspecific
PL plural
POS possessive marker
PRED predicate
REL relativiser
SG singular
SIM simultaneous
SPC specific
U ‘filler’
VBLZ verbaliser

Footnotes

  1. ^ van den Heuvel 2006, p. 7.
  2. ^ Ronsumbre, Adolof (2020). Ensiklopedia Suku Bangsa di Provinsi Papua Barat. Yogyakarta: Penerbit Kepel Press. ISBN 978-602-356-318-0.
  3. ^ van den Heuvel 2006, p. 5.
  4. ^ van den Heuvel 2006, p. 6.
  5. ^ van den Heuvel 2006, p. 11.
  6. ^ van den Heuvel 2006, p. 21.
  7. ^ van den Heuvel 2006, p. 26.
  8. ^ van den Heuvel 2006, p. 27.
  9. ^ van den Heuvel 2006, pp. 64-66.
  10. ^ a b van den Heuvel 2006, p. 67.
  11. ^ van den Heuvel 2006, p. 66.
  12. ^ a b c d van den Heuvel 2006, p. 68.
  13. ^ van den Heuvel 2006, p. 71.
  14. ^ a b c d e f g van den Heuvel 2006, p. 332.
  15. ^ a b c van den Heuvel 2006, p. 327.
  16. ^ a b van den Heuvel 2006, p. 333.
  17. ^ a b c d van den Heuvel 2006, p. 336.
  18. ^ van den Heuvel 2006, p. 84.
  19. ^ van den Heuvel 2006, p. 230.
  20. ^ van den Heuvel 2006, p. 231.
  21. ^ a b van den Heuvel 2006, p. 232.
  22. ^ van den Heuvel 2006, pp. 232-234.
  23. ^ van den Heuvel 2006, p. 238.
  24. ^ van den Heuvel 2006, p. 239.
  25. ^ van den Heuvel 2006, p. 235.
  26. ^ van den Heuvel 2006, pp. 243-245.
  27. ^ van den Heuvel 2006, p. 243.
  28. ^ a b c van den Heuvel 2006, p. 251.
  29. ^ van den Heuvel 2006, p. 250.
  30. ^ van den Heuvel 2006, p. 129.
  31. ^ a b van den Heuvel 2006, p. 28.
  32. ^ a b c Steinhauer 2005.
  33. ^ van den Heuvel 2006, p. 146.
  34. ^ van den Heuvel 2006, p. 440.
  35. ^ a b van den Heuvel 2006, p. 211.
  36. ^ van den Heuvel 2006, p. 130.
  37. ^ van den Heuvel 2006, p. 289.
  38. ^ van den Heuvel 2006, p. 221.
  39. ^ van den Heuvel 2006, p. 400.
  40. ^ van den Heuvel 2006, p. 409.
  41. ^ Sneddon 2010, p. 202.
  42. ^ a b c d van den Heuvel 2006, p. 131.
  43. ^ van den Heuvel 2006, p. 442.
  44. ^ van den Heuvel 2006, p. 132.
  45. ^ a b van den Heuvel 2006, p. 147.
  46. ^ van den Heuvel 2006, p. 98.
  47. ^ van den Heuvel 2006, p. 255.
  48. ^ Reesink 2002, pp. 29-30.

References